ASIA
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JOURNAL
OP THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
1 VOL. LIII.
PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)
(Ros. I and II, 1884 : with six Plates and a Map ; and with a
Special Number as substitute for Nos. HI- and IV).
EDITED BY
JhE j^HILOLOGICAL jSsCRETARY,
“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science
in different parts of Asia, will commit their obseiwations to writing, and send them to
the Asiatic Society at Calcutta, It will languish, if such communications shall be long
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CALCUTTA :
PRINTED BY J. W. THOMAS, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,
AND PUBLISHED BY THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY 57, PARK STREET.
1884.
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X
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.V ,
CONTENTS
OF
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, VOL. LIII, Part I,
FOR 1884.
No. 1.
Page
An Examination of the Trade Dialect of the Naqqash or painters
on papier-mache in the Panjab and Kashmir.— By Cart. R. C.
Temple, B. S. C., F. R. G. S., M. R. A. S., &c., . I
Tiomberombi. A Nicobar tale. — By F. A. de Roepstorff, late
Offg. 2nd Assist. Snpdt., Port Blair, Nicobars, Associate
A. S. B., . 24
Notes op the History of Religion in the Himalaya of the N. W.
Provinces, Part I. — By E. T. Atkinson, B. A., F. R. G. S.,
B. 0. S., . 39
On the Psychological Tenets of the Yaishnavas. — By Dr. Rajen-
DRALALA MiTRA, . 103
No. II.
A Classified and Detailed Catalogue of the Gold Coins of the
Imperial Gnpta Dynasty of Northern India, with an Intro¬
ductory Essay. — By V. A. Smith, B. A. Dubh, B. C S. (With
4 Plates and a table of weights), . II9
A Paper on the Medals known as Ramtinkis.' — By J. Gibbs, F. R.
G. S., M. R. A. S., V. P. B. A. S. (With a plate), . 207
On the Geography of India in the Reign of Akbar. — By John
Beames, B. 0. S. (With a Map), . 215
Baiswari Folk Songs collected by Babu Jogenbra Nath Rae,
Ghazipur. (Contributed by W. Irvine, Esq., C. S.), . 232
Notes from Varaha Mihira’s Panchasiddhantika. — By G. Thibaut,
Phil. Dr., . 256
Nos. Ill & IV.
(Special Number.)
Translation to Manbodh’s Haribans. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S., ... I
Index to Manbodh’s Haribans. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S., . 37
Twenty-one Vaishnava Hymns. — Edited and translated by G. A.
Grierson, C. S., . 76
The Song of Bijai Mai. — Edited and translated by G. A. Grierson,
C. S., . 94
LIST OF PLATES
IN
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, VOL. LIII, Part I
FOR 1884.
PI. I (p. 39). Hindu Liturgical Diagrams.
Pis. II — V (p. II9). Select Gold Coins of the Gupta Period.
PI. VI (p. 207). Ramtinkis.
PL VII. Map of the Subah Avadh, according to the Ain-i-Akbari, A. D»
1582.
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2019 with funding from
BHL-SIL-FEDLINK
https://archive.org/details/journalofasiatic5311asia
INDEX
TO
JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,
FOR
1884.
^ KBAE, Geograpliy of India during
the reign of, p. 215
Argha-sthapana, ritual of, p. 70
Atkinson, E. T., Notes on the history of
Eeligion in the Himalaya of the N. W.
Prov,, p. 39
Avadh, Geography of, during reign of
Akbar, p. 2l7
j^AHEAICH, District, geography of,
during reign of Akbar, p. 222
Baiswari Folksongs, p. 232
Beames, J., on the Geography of India
in the reign of Akbar, p. 215
Bhanjan, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp. No.,
p. 90
Bhanunath, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 86
Bijai Mai, song of, Sp. No., p. 94
- , translation of above, Sp. No., p.
131
Birth-ceremonies, in the Himalayas, p.
79
Birthday ceremonies ; in the Himalayas,
p. 82
C/ALENDAE, in Kumaon, p. 44
Capital of Gupta Dynasty, p. 156
Casual religious ceremonies, p. 100
Catalogue of gold Gupta Coins, pp.
119, 169
Ceremonies, of birth, p. 79
- of birthday, p. 82
• - of marriage, p. 94
- casual, p. 100
- see Eitual.
Chakrapani, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 91
Chandra Gupta I, gold coins of, p. I7l
Chandra Gupta II, gold coins of, pp.
179, 199
Charvakas, psychological tenets of, p,
104
Chaturbhuj, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 86
Chura Karana, ritual of, p. 91
Coins, gold Gupta, p. 19
- Eamtinkis, p. 207
DhUMONISM in the Himalayas, p. 43
Daily prayers, in the Himalayas, p. 65
Dialect of the Naqqash in the Pan jab,
p. 1
Domestic Eitual, in the HimHayas, p.
64
Durbashtami, a religious ceremony, p.
48
J^ESTIVALS, religious, in the Hima¬
layas, p. 44
- regulated by the solar
calendar, p. 60
Findspots of Gold Gupta coins, p. 148
Folksongs, Baiswari, p. 232
(j^^^FSA-PIfJA, ritual of, p. 70
Geography of India during the reign of
Akbar, p. 215
Ghatotkacha, gold coins of, p. 169
Gibbs, Hon’ble J., a paper on the medals
known as Eamtinkis, p. 207
Gorakhpur District, geography of, du¬
ring reign of Akbar, p. 220
Gosains, a sect in the Himalayas, p. 53
Grierson, G. A., Translation of Man-
bodh’s Haribans, Sp. No.,
P-1 ^
' ■ — — Index to do., Sp. No., p. 37
296
Index.
Grierson, G. A. twenty-one Vaislinava
Hymns, Sp. No., p. 76
- — the song of Bijai Mai, Sp.
No., p. 94
- - translation of above, Sp.
No., p. 131
Gnpta, Catalogue of gold coins of the
Gupta dynasty, p. 119
■ . . capital of, p. 156
- findspots of, p. 148
■ monograms on, p. 137
- weights of, p. 141
IBIaEIBANS of Manbodh, translated,
Sp. No., p. 1
- index to, Sp. No., p. 37
Harkhnath, Yaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 92
HimHayas, history of Eeligion in, p. 39
. . - — domestic ritual in, p. 64
- birth ceremonies in, p. 79
- - — marriage ceremonies in, p. 94
- Daemonism in, p. 43
. — — Gosains and Jangamas in,
p. 55
- — - Kanphatas in, p. 57
- - sacrifices in, p. 58
• - Holi festival in, p. 59
History of Eeligion in the Himalayas,
Notes on, p. 39 *
Holi, a festival in the HimHayas, p. 59
Hymns, Vaishnava, Sp. No., p. 76
JeVINE, W., Baiswari Folksongs, p.
232
Jangamas, a sect in the Himalayas,
p. 55
Janmotsava, or birthday ceremonies, p.
82
Jata-karma, or birth ceremonies in the
Himalayas, p. 79
Jayadeb, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp. No.,
p. 88
Jayanand, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp. No.,
p. 85
KaLASA-STHAPANA, ritual of, p. 77
Kanphatas, a sect in the Himalayas, p.
57
Karnavedha, ritual of, p. 83
Kashmir, dialect of the Naqqash in, p. 1
Kesab, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp. No.,
p. 89
Khairabad, District, geography of, du¬
ring reign of Akbar, p. 224
Kumaon calendar, p. 44
Kumara Gupta, gold coins of, pp. 189,
200
JjACKNAU, District, geography of,
during reign of Akbar, p. 227
jy^AHIPATI, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 84
Manbodh, translation of Haribans, Sp.
No., p. 1
- index to do., Sp. No., p. 37
Matri-puja, ritual of, p. 75
Medals, known as Eamtinkis, p. 207
Mitra, Eajendralala, on the Psychologi¬
cal Tenets of the Vaishnavas, p. 103
Mod Narayan, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 82
Monogrammatic Emblems on gold Gupta
coins, p. 137
N AGA-PANCHAMT, a religious fes¬
tival, p. 47
Nama Karana or ceremony of child nam¬
ing, p. 82
Nandipati, Vaishnava hymns of Sp. No.,
p. 79
Nandi-sraddha, ritual of, p. 77
Nara Gupta, gold coins of,* *p. 201
Naqqash or painters on papier-mache,
p. 1
Nicobar, a Tale from, p. 24
Numerals, of the Naqqash dialect, in the
Pan jab, p. 1
PaNCHASIDDHANTIKA, of Varaha
Mihira, Notes on, p. 259
Panjab, dialect of the Naqqash in, p. 1
Piercing the ear, a religious ceremony,
p. 83
Planets, worship of, in the Himalayas,
p. 85
- - mean motion of, p. 259
Prakasaditya, gold coins of, p. 202
Psychological tenets of the Vaishnavas,
p. 103
PaE, J. N., Baiswari folksongs, p. 232
Eakshabandi, a religious ceremony, p.
78 ^ ^
Eakshavidhana, ritual of, p. 78
Eamapati, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp. No.
p. 83
Eamtinkis, coins or medals, p. 207
Eeligion in the Himalayas, Notes on
history of, p. 39
Eitual, domestic, in the Himalayas, p. 64
Index.
297
Eomaka Siddhanta, mean motion of
planets, according to, p. 259
Roepstorif, F. A. de, Tiomberombi, a
Nicobar Tale, p. 24
Sacrifices, in the Himalayas, p. 58
Samavartana, ritual of, p. 94
Sandhya, ritual of, p. 65
Samudra Gupta, gold coins of, p. 172
Saras Ram, Vaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 87
Shashti-Mahotsava, ritual of, p. 80
Shaving the head, a religious ceremony,
p. 91
Skanda Gupta, gold coins of, pp. 199, 200
Smith, V. A., a classified and detailed
catalogue of the gold coins of the
Imperial Gupta Dynasty of Northern
India, with an Introductory Essay,
p. 119
Siirya Siddhanta, mean motion of pla¬
nets, according to, p. 259
Svasti-vachana, ritual of, p. 70
TPeMPLE, Capt. R. C., An Examination
of the Trade Dialect of the Naqqash
or painters on papier-mache in the
Panjab and Kashmir, p. 1
Thibaut, G., Phil. Dr., Notes from Va-
raha Mihira’s Panchasiddhantika.
Part I, p. 2
Tiomberombi, a Nicobar Tale, p. 24
U^MAPATI, Yaishnava hymns of, Sp.
No., p. 76
^V^AISHNA YAS, on the psychological
tenets of, p. 103
■ - - twenty-one hymns, Sp.
No., 76
Yaraha Mihira, Notes on Panchasid¬
dhantika of, p. 259
Yedarambha, ritual of, p. 89
Yivaha-karma or marriage ceremonies,
p. 94
EIGHTS of gold Gupta Coins, p.
141
Worship of the planets, in the Hima¬
layas, p. 83
p
V
I
i
Li
i
■1
1 I
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
Part I.-HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.
No. L— 1884.
A71 Exanimation of the Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh or painters on
papier-mache in the Panjab and Kashinir. — By Capt. R. 0. Temple
B. S. C., F. R. G. S., M. R. A. S., &c.
In the Selections from the Records of the Panjab Government, Sec¬
tion I, 1882, are some Linguistic Fragments by Dr. Leitner. Among
these “ fragments ” at p. xviii, are some words and phrases, used by the
Naqqash or papier-mache painters of the Panjab and Kashmir as a trade
dialect or argot, and also at pp. 2 & 3 of the Appendix is a long list of
numerals used by the shawl- weavers of Kashmir and the Panjab.
The list of Kaqqash words is not very long and as they will all
undergo examination in the course of this paper, I give them here in full,
taking no further liberties with them than to re-arrange them to suit
my remarks.
Dialect of the Naqqash at p. xvii. of Leitner’s “ Linguistic Frag-
mentsP*
1 ekam.
2 handish.
3 yendir.
4 tzownter.
5 atilaq.
6 shank.
7 shank ekam.
8 hasht berik ; athwotur.
Numerals.
9 athwatir ekam.
10 za- atilaq.
15 tre-atalaq.
20 tzor-atalaq.
25 pau-dukh.
50 odh-diikh.
100 diikh.
A
* The transliteration is Dr. Leitner’s.
2
li. C. Temple — An Examination of the
[No. 1,
General Nouns.
master, lanka.
disease, mashilad.
wood, hima.
physician, nabzuwol.
house, shop, panzir.
man, dohun.
word, nai.
woman, woin.
painting, tell.
mother, bajur.
salt, tokkun.
father, old, doddur.
sugar, tokuwiin.
daughter, putz-kat.
tea, zal.
son, putze.
tobacco, panyul.
thief, poshumut.
huqqa, panyul- dotsh.
colour, ring.
paper, rikkin.
night, krishor.
mouth, mur.
day, zadd, zarr.
eye, zu-tiiun.
stomach, giinna.
qalamddn, zakkir.
water, zal.
rice, giinne.
jewelry, dijphul.
bread, beretz.
hair, kiopush.
Verbs.
be silent, munn.
to say, ask, parun.
to see, natzun.
to be, zaddun.
see, natzo.
to go, sandiin.
to bear, wendun.
to take away, sorwiin.
hear, wendo, wendus.
>
to sing, bomburiin.
to die, be ill, mashiran.
Coins.
rupee, gash. |
qpaisd, bot.
Adjectives.
sweet, tokuwiin .
good, sodd.
little, cheap, kis.
bad, nazz.
much, dear, grutz.
ill, mashilad.
I liad in 1882 an opportnnity of testing at first hand, though on a
small scale, both the above list of words and the shawl- weavers nume¬
rals given by Dr. Leitner, and I found them to be in the main correctly
recorded, i. e., according to my own ear, if I rightly read his somewhat
puzzling transliterations. I should, however, like to make a few remarks
and additions.
The Naqqash I examined were Kashmiris, but Dr, Leitner’s were
apparently Panjabis.
The Naqqash words especially tested by me are given in the follow¬
ing list
* In this list Dr. Leitner’s words are according to his own transliteration, mine
are given in that adopted by the Society.
1881]
Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh.
3
Naqqdsh tvords.
Leitner.
house, panzir.
be silent, munn (and baguwin
milk, sic.)
salt, tokkun.
sugar, tokuwun.
paper, rikldn.
rupee, gash,
good, sodd.
bad, nazz.
to go, sandiin.
go
man, dohun.
woman, wo’in,
mother, bajur.
daughter, putz-kat.
son, putze.
thief, poshumut.
Temple.
panzir, lir.
mun.
tokkun, tbkawan.
tokkun, tbkawan, tbkuvvun, (ba-
guwiin, sweet),
rikkin.
gash, gas.
sodd.
naz.
sandiin.
sand.
diih.
kollai.
mozh.
putsakut.
piitsa.
poshumut, wusagun.
It will be observed from the above list that the words agree practi¬
cally throughout.
Lir, ghar and panzir were given me as alternatives for house, the n
in the last word being a distinct and strong cerebral nasal, and the r of
lir being also strongly cerebral. I heard the cerebral n again in miin,
“ be silent,” and perhaps Dr. Leitner means his munn to represent a
hard or cerebral sound.
Dr. Leitner gives the imperative as ending in o, e. natzo, see thou ;
wendo, hear thou, (but also wendus, regarding which see below) . However,
as far as I could make out, the imperative is the plain stem. Thus,
sandiin, to go, sand, go ; walun, to come, wal, come. The instances at
hand altogether are so few, and my attempts to get sentences, as I will
show hereafter, so unsuccessful, that nothing can really be said as to
what the imperative is.
Dr. Leitner uses all three accents a a a over hi§ vowels and it is
hard to say therefore what the force of each is in the absence of an ex¬
planatory note. The difference, therefore, observable between his vowels
and mine may be merely graphic and not real.
In three words I could not get the Haqqash to give Dr. Leitner’s
forms, viz., for “ man, woman and mother.” Also the words for salt,
sugar and sweet present a very remarkable peculiarity. It will be ob-
4
R. C. Temple — An Examination of the
[No. 1,
served from tlie lists above given tliat they are practically the same !
After considerable enquiry all I could elicit from the men was that the
words were the same, and that the sense depended on the context ! Lastly,
under “ be silent, ” and apparently by mistake, Dr. Leitner has given
“ baguwun (milk).” This word, as far as I could make out, is a synonym
for “ sweet. ”
I would also observe that the marked cerebralization of the vowel
sounds makes it very hard to record the dialect as it falls on the ear.
The same is observable in dialectic Panjabi, e. g., the first d in anna, gahna
and the a in banhna. Dr. Leitner ’s putz-kat and m;y putsakut, daughter,
is a particularly difficult word to express, owing to the closeness of the
vowels, which is such as one hears in the Pashto about Quetta and the
Pishin. The final vowel in putze or piitsa, son, is the final German
vanishing e, which is, and is not, heard. As regards this, I think there
is no doubt, that in order to record a dialect such as this properly, one
ought to come to it prepared with a carefully selected set of vowel equi¬
valents, or one will fail to give the living force of it.
To pass on to sentences. I made a short list of such sentences as
are usual when testing a dialect or new language, in order to find out the
forms of the tenses, &c., and began to run down it, but the result was
not satisfactory, and after seven of them had been gone through, the
Naqqash were either tired or sulky, for they said it was “ a sin to talk
anything but sidha bat (sfc)” and would give me no more words or
sentences. I accidentally elicited that they do not tal!^ their peculiar
dialect, but “ sidha bat ” to their women. Here are some of my
sentences.
Go quickly, loghar loghar ( ) sand.
Go slowly, sechir sechir sand, lot lot gas.
These are natural enough, but the next upsets all testing of tlie verb
“ to go.”
Go there, dahinishnish.
Now for the verb “ to come” ; we have —
Come quickly, jal jal wal.
Come slowly, lot lot wal.
And then again one is fairly taken aback by such a sentoTice as tlie
following :
Come here, ai sapan.
There is only one more sentence and that is a doubtful one.
Make this, kom kar (? for the Hindi kam kar).
There is a difficulty always present in such attempts, viz., that the
examinee will always try and palm off Kashmiri or Panjabi words on you
as those of his own dialect : will insist, in fact, on talking “ sidha bat.”
1884.]
5
Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh.
Now tlie question is, are these Naqqash words Y>2iYi oi a bond fide
dialect, some relic of a past language in Northern India, or are they
merely an argot, a more or less conscious formation of words for the
purposes of secrecy ? I think the answer will eventually be, when there
are more data than at present available to go upon, that the bulk of the
words are really dialectic and traceable to surrounding idioms, or to the
former stages of the modern Aryan languages, but that in some cases
words have been inverted and nonsense syllables prefixed or affixed in
order to hide their true form. E. g., nath=than, place ; gaukha=gazkha=
kaghaz, paper; (pu)-chha-(ri)=chha, six, and so on. Such methods are
no more uncommon in India than among thieves, bad characters, and
children in Europe.*
There is only one way of ascertaining the answer to the question
above propounded, and that is, by comparison of the Naqqash trade
dialect with such others as are available and with the surround¬
ing idioms and ancient tongues of Northern India. The dialects at
present available to me are the Naqqash, the Zargari of Kashmir, the
Zargari of the Panjab, the Zargari of the North West Provinces, the
dialect of the carpenters, blacksmiths and masons of Kashmir, of the
shawl- weavers of the Panjab and Kashmir, of the so-called Khurasani
Magadds, and of the Changars. The languages I propose to compare
the above with are Kashmiri, Panjabi, Hindi, Prakrit and Sanskrit, and
secondarily with Persian and Arabic.
The authorities consulted for the words in the comparative tables
given in this paper are —
Dr. Leitner, Linguistic Fragments, 1882, pp. v-vh, xvi-xviii, and
xxii, appendix pp. 2 and 3. Sketch of the Changars, 1880, p. 12.
Elliot, Faces of the North West Provinces, Beames’s Ed., 1869, vol. i,
pp. 1 60- 1 and footnote by Beames.
Lodidnd Panjdbi Grammar, 1854, p. 82.
Kellogg, Hindi Grammar, pp. 94 — 108.
Platt, Hindustdni Grammar, pp. 49 — 50, and foot notes, 85 — 6
and 1 12.
Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, §§ 475 — 89.
All the above names of tribes and trades speak for themselves ex¬
cepting the Khurasani Magadds and the Changars. The former were a
band of foreigners, who infested the Panjab in 1868-72, and who said
they were Khokandis or Persians, but Dr. Leitner (p. xii.) seems to
think they were Persian Grypsies with a long residence in India. The
latter are a humble tribe, harmless enough in their way, to be found
* See Appendix to Dr. Leitner’s Analysis of ’Ahclud-Ohafur’s Dictionary, 1880,
p. xviii, and liis Linguistic Fragments, pp. xiv, xv.
6 R. C. Temple — An Exanimation of the [No. 1,
performing lowly occupations, in several parts of the Panjab. They have
a real dialect or language of their own.
For the purposes of comparison, and for noting, the results that such
may show, I select the numerals first, as being the easiest to trace, the
most likely to be found complete in all dialects, the least liable to inflec¬
tion and, excepting perhaps the pronouns, the most persistent words in
all lana-uao^es.
The following is a comparative table of the numerals in all the
dialects and languages mentioned above.
(See Table I, next page.)
In order to sift the words in these tables, those which are com¬
pounds of each other and also those which, though used for numerals,
are really foreign to any numerical system must be first eliminated. All
such words are shown in italics in the tables. They commence at the
number 5. Thus —
5. atilaq, hatlaq, attilang, lamman, all mean the hand, the “ bunch
of fives.” kanziin = half -ten.
6. kanzun-te-bin is half -ten + one = 6.
7. shank-ekam is 6 -f 1 ; kanziin- te-handish is half ten -f two = 7 ;
lamman-aur-sanni is 5 -f 2 = 7.
8. kanziin-te-yindir is half ten + three = 8 ; b5d-tsor is twice
four = 8 ; and lamman- aur trewai is 5 A 3 — 8.
9. athwatir-ekam is 8 + 1 = 9; bin-kam-ziin is one less ten = 9.
10. bod-attihing is twice five = 10 ; do- lamman is iwice five = 10.
15. tre-atalaq is three times five = 15 ; dod-ziin is 1^ times
ten =15.
20. tsor-atalaq is four times five = 20 ; ha-zlin is twice ten = 20.
25. pau-dukh is one quarter hundred = 25 ; dai-ziin is 2|- times
ten = 25 ; ha-ziin-te-atalaq is twice ten + five = 25 ; ha-
ziin-te-kan-zun is twice ten -{- half ten = 25.
60. odh-diikh is half a hundred = 50 ; rum-do is five times ten
( ? ten times five) = 50 ; kan-wat is half a hundred = 50 ;
tal-ser is half a hundred = 50 ; pando-lisa is five twenties
= 100.
100 ser is 100 as being the old ser of 100 tolas.*
The elimination of these leaves us only bond fide numerals, whether se¬
parate words or compounds, to deal with. Of these a large number in all
the trade dialects are directly connected and descended from Prakrit and
Sanskrit, and it is to be noted how persistently the Sanskrit termi¬
nation a7i occurs. But it must be admitted that a considerable residue
still remains which defies classification.
* The ser in now 84 tolas.
Table I. — Cardinals.
1884.] Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh. 7
•oiquay
ah ad,
wahid,
ihda,
wahida.
isnan,
sinan.
salasa,
salas.
arba’.
khams.
sitt.
isaba’.
1
i
i
•unis JO j
yak
1
dn
i
sih
i
chuhar
panj
shash
haft
•{^IJ5[SUT3g
eka
1
dwi
tri
chatur
1
pawchan
,
shash
saptan
ekka
do
tinni
chattari
pawcha
chha
satta
sft’saooT
-nip ipuiH
o ■5 -S -43 .§ -a ■§ g.
^•jqnCunj
ikk
do, ta¬
ka
tinn,
trai
char
panj
chhe
satt
•jjiiuqsn^;
ak
zii, zih
tre
tsdr
pants
che
1
sat
•TjnSunqQ
. . .
ek
tor, tora,
tdrat
teg, tega,
tegat
chaug,
chauga
pando
cheblu
satelu
•TppnSnj\[
Tunsyjnqg;
ekattf
doatt
seatt
chratt
panj att
sheshatt
hafatt
•jun^jsnpuijj
ij'bSj'B2
manu
saunan
ekwai
ahirin
pHo
puchhari
jpaint
1
1
•jq^Cunj
tj'bSj'B2
akara
sanni
trewaf
airan
Idmman
cheli
Idmman-
aur-san-
ni
•jjiuiqsng;
znsiuqg
nal, nalas
don
trin
sau
phantian]
shin
sathan
•jjiraqsng;
•0^ ‘unqqjnx
vS rt 1 p, *
^ 'g ;4' '^2 A ;
rv O • *4> *
'k S ^ ^
•-as l> 1? d CO
•TJTUiqs'B^;
TJT3Sj'B2
bin, habb
1
handish,
handish
yandir,
yindir.
karr
rum,
hanzun
kha, lian-
zun-te-hin.
phal, Tcan-
ziln-te-han-
dish
•jqsnbbnjq
ekam
handish
yendir
tsauntar
atildq,
hatlaq
shank
shdnlc-
ekam
\
•sinjoran^
rH cq CO 115 <X! 1>
* In the Panjabi and Hindi Dialects columns, words are included other than cardinal numbers, because what may be now an ordinal or
multiplicative form in them, may have a common derivation with the cardinals of the trade dialects. Transliterations have been made uniform
for purposes of comparison.
t att = ? hatt = ? hath, hand.
Table I. — Cardinals. — (Contd.)
8
R. C. Temple — An U xaynination of the
1^0. 1,
•orqnjy
'2 . •'Bipuj ut Gsn jfanuipjo ui (^oj^
^ec ^ * ?!i *
R OJ CQ
C3 TH CO
COI
•UUISJOJ
§ ‘
CO P CCCgrr-!>(-t COrg
•IH^isung
^ ctJ . .rH cS '-+3 'eS
I- i § § is § ^ ce
m ro ra C3 rrj ‘S ro E “ 'o3
eg fl > A m
attha
nava
!
dasa
pannara-
ha
visa
pannasa
saa
,^-S!^O0{
-nip ipuiH
atthe
nawa, na-
ma, nam-
ma
dah, daham
pandra
bis
pachis
pachas
sai, sal,
sat, saikra
^•iqnCunj
^ 'Cg p- Njg
cT SS S '-P' rSn '=3 h' .
.n S '1^ - ^ ^ o pg
•3. gvSa ^ 3 e3 g .rH-’S 1
2d d Prt c3 Nr-I CO Q, QQ m
eg Ph^ pHra“°“
•mraqsn^;
- • eg
: rj . m ^
P rd ; ^ : rt -M
43 eg eg • • ti k • vo3 Mg
'eg d up P fd rd
■jjnSunqQ
ateln
1
narelu
daselu
parelu
li, lisa
ner,
pdndo-
Us a
•ippnSn]^
lunsnanq^;
• • •
'2 * M * * pd
d o o © .2 S
rd d d 'd rQ CQ
•lun^^stipuipr
'g &D • - - 'OS
pd 'eg H : : : nd
P.43. .'pH
eg 0 &D 'd -d
pW pi4 'g CQ pD
•iq^Cunj
Idmmmi-
aur-tre-
wdi
Idmman-
aur-air-
an
do-ldm-
man
sutri
tdl sdr
sdr
'TJixuqsn;^;
'znsinqg
athan
nawan
dahan
panda-
han
wohan
jianso-
han
pantsa-
hin
hat
•JJTUiqS'B^J
-rt
• HO • • • 0 ^
CO .HO..P ..
^ ' : -
^ : : : : :
=2 '2 'S
rO lO
•jjiuiqsn^;
111 * * * <0
5S ^ S § IS S .5
'S. ‘po § d d 'g so
;p g S £ § 1 rT'^S
N 1 S? •S ^ 1 ISl ^ 1 • ^ -s^
•jqsnbbnjij
2 'd • d di rS
® © .d J J ? A ^ ^
^ ^ e g cS § '§ “S* 'rS
rP eO^ JSlHOHo
•s^^iomnj^ j
00 CS 0 lO 0 10 00
rH rH (N (M O O
rH
* In the Panjabi and Hindi Dialects columns, words are included other than cardinal numbers, because what may be now an ordinal or
multiplicative form in them, may have a common derivation with the cardinals of the trade dialects. Transliterations have been made uniform
for purposes of comparison.
Table II. — MuUiplicatwes.
1884]
Trade Dialect of the Naiiqdsh.
m
S=l
m
u
'oS
f-i
P4
cS
'BS
cS
'Ti
o3
cS
cS
• pH
ns
-s-
cS
rJ:^
ns
'oS
;h
-1-3
cCT'
DO
•I— (
f3(
-+3
DO
1=!
-*3>
cS
ri:1
o
a>
r!=>
cS
>
•pH
nS
02
-t-3
S O
• in CD
• pH
ns
'1:3
-(3>
l=i
c3
O
o
'1:3
O,
'cS
rd
nS
'C8
•N
'-d
\c3
vcd
rd
VpH
'S 'ijs
•-d-r-C}
^,2
O ns-
'c3
d
'd
'oS
rd
1^.
o3
Vp^
rd
Jh-
c3
':8
d
'rH
-1-3
'c8
M
d
c3
rd
o
'o3
rd
d
nS
'f?
rQ
'd
•r— »
d
c3
Ph
\o3
rd
•+3
d
rd
o
'd
d
Pm
'd
rd
nS
nS
d
rd
nS
nS
d
rd
»-l-
ns-
'r-4
d
'd
ns
'd
rd
ns-
'c^
•rH
'd
dS-
'd
'd
;-i
-+3
'd
M
d
d
rd
o
'd
rd
'd
rd '3
d rd
nS rd
'<35
vd''rd
rd ^
'd ^
HrH 'rH
b
d 'd
;h d
d d
Cs3
'd
-p
O
ns
N fH
'd '3
rS d
'l3 rd
o
-p ,
d"
'd
rd
rd
P
d
rd
m
d
M
DO
d
d
d
Ph
d"
d
Ph
d
d
d
d
ns-
d
•pH
rd
o
o
d
d
ns
ns
nS
4^
m
nS
Tj
:0
rP
P 'd
d d
be g
P rd
d M
d
d
nS
d
d
■tS
d''
d
rd
nS
O
nS
d
rd
d
'Xj
rd
DO
'c3
cd
cd
d
'd
d
Ph
rd
ns-
o
d
N
p
p
o
DO
-p
O
nS
•s^-BJOTnn^
hIhJH h|BI rtlN
rH
(M
h|cH
(M
09
9
£
* The same note applies as to the former table.
t [The Sanskrit equivalent is ardha-tritiya, Prakrit adclhdid, see Dr. Hoernle’s Gau^ian Grammar, p. 270. Ed.]
10
R. C. Temple — An Examination of the [No. 1,
Words which are connected or are Prakrit and Sanskrit derivatives
are as follows : —
Cardinals.
1. ek-am, ak, ak-ara, ikk, ek, ek-ka, ek-att.
2. do-n, zii, zi-h, (JDard ju), do, dn-j, dwi, do-att, to-r.
(ii) ha-ndish, sa-nni, saii-nan, (?) zii.
(hi.) dwi, (?) wi-ng.
3. ti-n, tre-wai, tre, ti-nn, trai, ti, te-g, ti-n, ti-nni, tri.
4. tsau-nter, karr, tsor, chr-att, chau-g, ser, char, char-i, chau,
chattari, chatur.
(ii) sa-n, (?) chau.
(hi) ser, (?) air- an, ahir-in.
5. phant-ian, pan-do, (?) pa-lo, pants, panj, panj-e, panj-att,
pa7?-ch-a, pat^ch-an.
6. sha-nk, kha, (?) shu-pp, shi-n, che-li, che-blu, (?) pu-chha-ri,
che, chhe, chhah, chha, shash, shesh-att.
7. sath-an, sat, satt, satt-e, sat-elu, sat, satta, sapt-an.
8. (?) hasht- (berik) , ath-wotur, ath-watir, hash-att, ath-an, at^
atth, atth-e, at-elu, attha, asht-an.
9. naw-an, nau, nau-'^^, naw-a, no-att, no-ik, nava, nav-an, na-relu.
10. zii-n, dah-an, dah, das, de-ik, das-elu, das-a, das-an.
15. pan-dahan, pan-dra, pan-naraha, pancha-dasan, par-elu.
20. woh-an, wii, bih, vih, bis, bis-ik, vis-a, vi?^s-ati, (?) li, li-sa.
(ii) sut-ri, siit, (vi) sai, (vm) sati.
25. pans-oh-an, panj-i, pach-i, pach-vis, pa?icha-vmsati.
50. pants-ahin, pan-sa, panj-ah, pach-as, pan-nasa, pa7^cha-sat.
100. (?) wat, hat, hatt, sai, sau, sal, sat, sad-ik, saa, sata.
(ii) (?) dii-kh, (fDard dosh-um), sad-ik, sai-kra, (?) yik-am,
MuUiplicatives.
f pan, pa-n, pa-n-as, pan, pao, pa-da.
^ odh, addh, adh, arddha.
1| dod, dod, do, derh, deorha, divaddhe, dwiarddha.
2 (?) za, do-n, du-ni, du-na, dvis.
(ii) za, (?) ha.
24 dai, da-yan, da-ia, a-rha-i, (?) tra-yarddha.
3 tre, ti-ni, tra-mz., ti, ti-na, tris.
4 tsor, chau-ka, chains.
(ii) sa-n, chau-ka.
10 do, dah-an, dah-a, dah-am.
Words apparently untraceable and worthy of further examination
are
1884.]
Trade Dialect of the Naq^qdsh.
11
Cardinals.
1 bi-n ; liabb ; nal, nal-as ; ma-nu. But with bin compare the
Dard bin.
3 ye-ndir, ya-ndir, yi-ndir; wur-un ; ek-wai ; se-att.
5 rum.
7 pbal ; paint, baf-att. (pamt is used by tbe Debli dalals or touts).
8 manz ; karba.
9 (?) wan; kor-ag (?) for kam-agur, one less ten).
10 kirr, agur.
100 ner.
Mnlti^licatives .
tal ; kan, (but kam = ka?^, for once, in Hindi) .
2 bod.
1 bave given Persian and Arabic numerals as usually used (Avben
employed at all) in India, as of course slang and trade dialeets would be
quite impartial in tbeir adaptations and would take in any word tbat
would suit. Tbe Persian numerals are so close to tbe Sanskrit and
Indian tbat tbeir influence may be set aside, except perhaps in two in¬
stances in tbe Cbangar Dialect, viz. : —
3 se-att.
7 baf-att.
Arabic influence may be visible in —
2 ba-ndisb, (Naqqasbi and Zargari Kasbmirf) ; sa-nni and sau-nan
(Zargari Panjabi and Hindustani)."^
9 kor-ag (Zargari Hindustani).
10 agur (Zargari Hindustani).
Some words, as sut-ri and siit for 20 in Zargari Panjabi and Hindu¬
stani, seem to be relics of tbe last portion of tbe old Sanskrit and Prakrit
compounds vm-sati and vi-sa, just as wo-b-an, wii, bi-b, vi-b, bi-s, would
be relics cbiefly of tbe first portion only. Perhaps wan, 9, Zargari Kash¬
miri is tbe same unless it be simply nau reversed. f
Guided by tbe iJc terminations for tens in tbe so-called Kburasani
Magaddi we may perhaps see something of the sort in yik-am, 100, Zar¬
gari Kashmiri ; thus, sata, sad-ik, sai-kra, du-kb, yik-am.
Although the above identifications seem satisfactory on tbe whole,
and the words unaccounted for are few, still tbe terminations of tbe
words remain in an unsatisfactory state.
* Swan is used by tbe Debli dalals or touts for 2, a corruption there apparently
of tbe proper name Soban.
f Wan is tbe word used by tbe Debli dalals. Fallon in bis New Hindustani
Dictionary gives a quantity of these numerals as those of brokers, dealers, etc. They
are scattered about tbe pages and very difficult to collect, but it woald be probably
worth while doing so and examining them.
12
R. C. Temple — An Examination of the [No. 1,
It is not difficult to see tlie relics of the old Sanskrit an in th©
following
1 ek-am, (?) bi-n.
2 wi-ng, dd-n, (?) sa-nni, (?) sau-nan.
3 wur-iin, tri-n, (?) te-g.
4 sa-n, air-an, ahir-in, (?) chau-g, (?) chau-ga,
5 phanti-an.
6 sha-nk, shi-n.
7 satli-an.
8 ath-an.
9 (?) wa-n, naw-an.
10 zii-n, dah-an.
15 pandah-an.
20 woli-an.
25 pansoh-aii.
50 pantsah-in.
j pa-n.
1 (?) ka-n.
2 do-n,
2J day-an.
4 sa-n.
10 dah-an.
We may perhaps see sati in li-sa, 20, Changari, and the dtt termi¬
nation in the Khurasani may be explained to be hath, han'd.
But the majority of the terminations seem to be untraceable, espe¬
cially the remarkable ones of the Naqqashi, viz., ha-ndish, ye-ndir, tsau-
ntar, ath-wotar, ath-watir. Ya-ndir, yi-ndir occur, too, in the Zargari
Kashmiri. Taking wotar and watir into consideration and dropping the
n of the others as phonetic, we get dish, dir, ter, wotar, watir for the true
terminations. These are comparable with the idiomatic utar and otar
of Hindi. t With handish may be compared the Tibetan nish, 2.
In Naqqashi occurs hasht-berik for 8, with which may be compared
the Khurasani numerals.
Besides the above we have, and all apparently untraceable termi¬
nations,
* [This is very improbable. Don 2, trin 3 correspond to the Prakrit doni, tinni
(Skr. trini) with the nent. plnr. termination ni. — The wotar, ivatir is the Skr. uttara ;
thus athwatir-elcam 9 would be Skr. ashtottaraikam “ one added to eight,” whence by
a not uncommon mistake athivatir (‘added to eight/) is taken to mean ‘ eight ’ !
Similarly in the case of tsauntar. Ed.]
f Kellogg § 184 (a), p. 166. Platt, 51, footnote.
1884.]
Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh.
13
1 nal-as, ak-ara.
2 to-r, to-ra, to-rat.
3 tre-wai, ek-wai.
5 pa-lo, pan-do.
6 slm-pp, clie-li, pnchhar-ri, che-
blu.
7 sat-elu.
8 at-eln.
9 no-ik, na-relu.
10 de-ik, das-elu.
15 par-eln.
20 bis-ik.
100 sad-ik.
f pa-n-as.
The qm in pn-chha-ri, 6, perhaps purposely inserted for secrecy, is a
curious and notable prefix. It occurs again in the Zargari Hindustani as
])u-chha-riha, half a pice, but apparently really meaning one-sixth.
The compound numerals show how clearly these dialects bori'ow
from the surrounding idioms for their expressions. The conjunction in
the following is pure Panjabi, meaning and.
6 kanziin-^e-bin.
7 kanziin-te-handish.
8 kanziin-fe-yindir.
25 hazun-^e-atilaq, hazun-^^e-kanziin.
In the following the same conjunction is pure Hindi.
7 lamnian-a^tr-sanni.
8 lamman-(X^tr-trewai.
9 lamman-a-zz-^'-airan.
So, too, we have pure Hindi.
9 bin-/^a7?^-zun, one less ten.
Lastly, the principles on which the following compounds are con¬
structed will be at once recognized as ordinarily current in the modern
Aryan languages of India.
15 dod-ziin, I|^ times ten.
25 pau-dukh, ^ hundred ; dai-ztin, 2^ times ten.
50 odh-diikh, half hundred; kan-wat, half hundred, tal-ser, half
hundred.
There remains but one word to notice, dandan, half, Zargari Panjabi,
which may be an inversion of adh, a common trick in the slang < " ' -aders
and bad characters.
I therefore think that the numerals raise a strong presu in
favour of considering these dialects to be real dialects and relics of a by¬
gone speech, or form, of speech as opposed to mere slang.
Let us now turn to the other words given by Dr. Leitner and com¬
pare them. Unfortunately they are not numerous and complete enough
to satisfactorily upset or confirm the conclusions the study of the nume¬
rals would lead us to. But an examination of them is very encouraging,
as the majority succumb under comparison with existing idioms and
languages, and prove themselves to be either relics or adaptations of
14
R. 0. Temple — An Examination of the
[No. 1,
known words. Moreover the same form of words, whether derivable
from Prakrit, Sanskrit, Persian or surrounding idioms or not, is found to
exist in the dialect of traders widely separated geographically. Thus,
the words for “ eye,” clearly traceable to existing words, are the same
practically among the Naqqash, Panjabi Zargars, Kashmiri carpenters,
&c., and the Changars. In the Kashmiri and Hindustani Zargari no
word is available, and in the so-called Khurasani it is 7Lur, a clear borrow¬
ing from Persian. The comcidence and similarity of the words in the
Changari, Naqqashi and Zargari Panjabi dialects can hardly be acci¬
dental. It points to a common derivation from some old and forgotten
forms of the existing recognized dialectic words.
The following table contains the comparison of 55 words and ex¬
pressions in all the above dialects.
{See Table Ill, next page.)
As in the case of the numerals let us commence sifting this table
by eliminating from it categorically all borrowings from surrounding
idioms. All such are printed in italics in the table. The following
words are derivable more or less directly from words in actual use in
ancient or modern languages or dialects.
General nouns.
master ; lanka is Kashmiri : for bak, teg, tog, tagis see “ man.”
wood ; hima, is Persian, hezam : lichkri = lakri, Hindi,
house, shop ; pa^^zir is (?) Pers., pazer, in possession : lir, is Kashmiri :
hatti = Panj. hatti, a shop : pir-khana is Pers., a holy man’s house
and is here ordinary slang : nad = nad, Panj. Hills, a riverside cave ;
it may also be than, place, reversed. See Beames’ note to Elliot, i,
161.
paint, oil ; tel — Hindi, tel, oil : ki6b = Panj. ghio = Kashm. ghiau, ghi:
kajalna. Dr. Leitner says this is for ka -f- jalna, to burn, but may it
not be for kajal, lamp-black used as paint for the eyebrows ?
word ; nai is Panj. Hills for “ word.”
salt, sweet ; kaurma, salt, = Panj. kaura, bitter : mitmi, sweet, = Panj.
mittha ; for the Panj. terminations md, mi, see Sirdar Grurdial Singh’s
(C. S.) remarks in Dr. Leitner’s Sketch of the Changars, 1880, pp,
19—20.
tea; zal is “water,” jal : chik, sakhi, = (?) cha (which is of (?) Per¬
sian origin) -f khi or ka, or perhaps they come from Panj. chakhna,
to taste.
tobacco; bhasuka = Hindi and Panj., a smoke, a dust: phamphi =
Hindi and Panj. bhaph, a vapour.
huqqa; panyul-doch, doch is Panj. Hills for dechki, the ordinary bubble
bubble ; this inclines me to connect panyul with pina or pani.
Table III. — General Nouns.
1884.]
Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh.
15
e.
S? OJ
CS3 .B
M
o
o ^
'rH
s' B
rS M
o3
'C5
'8
S5
f-O
'8
'S’
r-ia
_ -l-s
o
d
'8
M
I 'I
d
u
rQ
VW
'^'' -S
si
s- o
a ^ 8
M 9h
Sh
5>
Si
'o
r^a
CD
’^r-l
*
J4
^c3
8
-
m
\c^
;h
c5
'S3
Si
pH
•+3
d
'03
rS
^8
• rH
S
vcS
m
m:i3
rM
...4
02
CD
fH
<?»
'8
r8
Sh
'8"
'Si
CO
8
rs;
^o
'8
r«i
hii
I
CO
'Si
,j8
rO
ts
5 M
o
^ m
O TO
..
(1)
so
No
•rH
t>5
r-8
S
05
: ^
-
;
fS
•• r-H
•
.
• r\ • •
• •rH
- o
*
r
ri 1 ♦ «
P^ id .
rO
'O
•sp»
'4>
8i
toa
8
'a
b“ ^
S 02
c3
4a
CO
ft
CD
O
c3
o
Q>
•«S»
SO
''cr^
•<?»
so
I
'g
d d
60 g
g rS
d 02
N S
M
5s^ a
o
4s 02
-ki ^ ^
8 ^
r.8 S
^ Si
..^'8
02 rii
S
8>
1-0 -)o
a
8a
'8
1-0
Ph
o
'd
<D
s
8a
•t:*
r8
O
&0
s
'8
f-(
rP
02
'8
CS
cS
d
'8
8a
'8
'8
Si
I...
ist
si
'8
P-Ci
:o
-i-i
'ci
8
Si
S
'S
s
44
o
-81
s'
'S
44
44
o
-8
S-l
<D
8
r*o
8
psi
o
'O
o
■g ^
83
„ -8
r~H
Si II ,
'S
'S
=Si II .b
s
8
ft
t>5
S
8
ft
pii
•8*
8
'Si
zu-tu
(zu
zakk:
T?
■>‘8
8
qT
d
S
'S
&J0
44
02
•rH
Tn
s
8
CD
-8
02
d
’Ti
o
o
a ^
S4
O
44
02
O
02
d
o
rS
s
• pH
8
fS
tS
8
o
8
8
5D
S
02
8
02
8
02
8
o
o
o
8
rQ
O
8
8
8^
on
8
©
ft
44
8
s
o
s
8
w
a
4;
ft
©
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16
R. C. Temple — An Examination of the
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1884]
Trade Dialect of the Naq^qdsh.
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iH
R. C. Temple — An Examination of the
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1884.] Trade Dialect of the Naqqdsh. 19
aya mera Katocli,
pine baitha bather-!, doch. Kdngrd Proverb.
my friend the Katoch came and sat domi to smoke with the hnbble-bnbble
in his hands, i, e., did the gentleman and was idle. Said of an idle
useless person. The Katoch Rajputs were the old ruling class in
Kangra.
paper; rikkin = Panj. Hills, likhin, paper: gaukha = ghazka = kaghaz ;
Beames, footnote to Elliot, i, 161.
mouth ; face ; mur = Hindi ( Jhansi) head : much = niuchh =: mukh,
the face ; bus, bhiis from blnis karna, Hindi, to masticate.
eye ; zii-tuun, zi-tini, teg, zu-tingi, tinge, pa-tirni, pa-chirni and tig-da,
he sees = Panj. Hills tidd, tind, the eyeball and takua, to see ; zii,
zi, zu (and (?) pa) = Kashm. zii, zih, two ; thus ziitiiun, etc., would
be the two eyeballs and so on, and pa-^rV-ni {tidd) would also be the
two eyes ;
tere tidd jalew. ! Kdngrd.
is a common abuse corresponding exactly to our own vulgar expres-
sion“ blast your eyes.”
niir = Pers. light.
qalamddn ; zakkir = (as a guess) zakir from Arabic zikar.
rice ; kondr = Panj. kodra, corn.
bread ; berets = barach = charb (or chab) reversed, which in the Panj.
Hills, means any kind of food for a journey ; chab is properly any
parched grain for food : nang, neg, nigle == Panj. nigalna to swallow.
disease ; mashilad, mashiran, to die, mashilad, ill, = machila, a mahn-
gerer ; machal Jana is a Panj. idiom for to die, explained as (but?)
ma + chain a, to go away.
physician; nabzuwol = nabz-wala, Panj. and Hindi,
man ; bak, bRve, mak and bak, master, bank, father = banka, Panj. a fine
man : tog is gut or got (but), Panj. Hills, reversed, a body ; thus,
mddn ne janaure di gut jandi dikhi,
I saw an (animal’s body) animal going along,
mam jandi dikhi gut,
jane dhi thi, jane put. Kdngrd Proverb.
I saw a person going along, who knows whether male or female,
i. e., I saw some one in the distance, but could not distinguish
who it was.
teg and tagis would come from tog.
woman ; woin, wany, wan = Panj., hinj and Kash., wdnj, a barren
woman : kinn is (?) nik-i reversed, Panj., a small woman : sian =
(?) hian, Panj. Hills, a brave woman; hia, courage; hiau, brave
man ; hiau, brave woman : beroi = (?) birvi, (fern, of bir, brother,)
Hindi, a female friend, sister.
20
R. C. Temple — An Examvnation of the
[No. 1,
mother; tlientlh, mank, jari, see “father.”
father, old ; ddddnr, doddur = dada, grandfather, as also do probably
thyatha and thenthi (mother) : thawana = Hindi ( Jhansi) daii, old :
jara, jari = jad, jada, Pers. (from Arab.) a grandfather, grand¬
mother ; tsuda, old, = suda, old man, Panj. from (?) Pers. Sudan,
to mb away : mank, bank = (?) ma-bap.
daughter ; dilkhach = Pers. dilkash, a darling.
son ; pntse, pntr = putr : chiinwa is Panj., a darling boy : jade = zada,
Pers. : pntsakut, daughter may be for “ small or inferior son” ; cf.
Kash, lakut, little.
thief ; poshumut = pnshmatta, Panj., a hider, thief : wusagnn = subsagun
lit., a good omen, but used for a thief as a euphemism.
Aj uske ghar m.en subsagun gaya, aur usko nihal kar dia.
To-day a thief (lit., good omen) came to his house and robbed
everything (lit. made him very rich).
Subsagun aya tha dar
Dhan rakhne ko kuchh tha na ghar. Hindi Proverb.
The thief (good omen) came to the door, and there was no need of
keeping wealth in the house.
Chokendaz = (?) surakh-andaz, Pers., house-breaker: kotu is Panj.
a house-scaler : kodi, theft, and koder = Panj. khodi, a house¬
breaker.
night ; krisor and nela would mean dark : channan = Kash. chungun,
to lie down ; the Tibetan word for night is also nichannan.
day ; zarin-wat, zad, zar = zarrin, golden, bright, also (poet.) the sun,
Pers. ; zarin wat = (?) zarrin waqt, and hence zad and zar : tem-
kanais Panj., tamkana and damkana, to shine,
stomach ; didh, deddo are Panj., dhid ; nadikh — doubtfully Panj. nadikh
hona, to have a painless or easy labour ; nadikh ’aurat, a fruitful
woman or a woman descended from a fruitful stock,
jewelry ; dijphul, dajphul = Panj. and Hind, daj (= dahej = dahez) -|-
phul, the dower jewels : dora, dell (cf. mera = mora, teg = tog,
doch = dechki) = Panj. Hills, the marriage hair ornament worn for
six months after marriage = Panj. pranda.
hair ; wal is Hindi bal and Panj. wal.
hand ; hathna, at = hath.
water ; ab ; jal, zal, zal and nir speak for themselves.
Verbs.
be silent ; munn, mun = Hindi muni hona, to be dumb : nithe hohu
= Urdu idiom niyat sa raho, be quiet,
to see, see ; tigda, see “ eye” : hok le = (?) dekh le, a mere corruption ;
cf. doch = dechki, mera = mora, etc.
1884.]
Trade Dialect of the NaqqdsJi.
21
to hear, hear; niir beda = (?) Pers. iiur bidar, look here, listen : sung lo
is Hindi and Panj. sun lo.
to die, be ill ; mashiran, see “ disease.”
to say, ask ; pariin, pariiis = (?) ba-purs, Pers. ask !
to be ; zaddiin is Pers. zadan, to be born.
to go, go ; sandun, sand is Panj. ha?tdna : toriis, toreo are Panj. turna :
wat, watu = Panj. Hills watna, wntna, to go, (c/. bat, a road) ; wut
wut ! go along, come along ! is vulgar Panjabi and hence probably
but and (?) hurt in Panjabi Zargari : bikim = (?) Pers. bi-kam,
grow less, diminish, vanish! : sir (cf. seir jao, take away) = (?)
Urdu, sair karna, to make a journey : jao kur is Hindi go !
to take away; sorwun, sarewiu maybe for chhorna and chhadna, Panj.
to let go : seir jao see go (sir).”
to sing ; bomburun = burna, Panj. to bubble : biarho = biar, a puff, rush
of wind, sound of wind. Hind.
to fall ; harun= Panj. harna, (to take away, lose and) to fall (of water),
to come, come ; buars = (?) bi-ras, Pers,, arrive, come ! walun, cf. Kash,,
walyur, come here !
Coins.
rupee ; manka = manik. Hind, (manakya Sansk.), a precious stone ; pari-
kalia is from (?) Hind, parkna, to test a coin : bajna is Hind, to
test a coin.
silver ; noqra is Arabic in common use.
pice ; masla is Hind, a small pice.
copper ; subh = sobhi. Hind, alloyed silver, base silver.
Adjectives.
little, cheap ; kis = kuchh, kichh, Panj. and Hindi ; kin = nik reversed
Panj., very little : daka is Arabic daqiqa, a little, in common use :
miane is Hindi half ; qalil, kilel are pure Arabic, a little,
much, dear ; bdr is Hindi bara, Kash., bod, Panj. wada.*
good; sod is Arab, sa’ad, good: sancha is sa?icha Panj. true: mito
= mitha, sweet : chin = Kash. jwan.
bad, ill; nakhus = Arab, naqis, bad, whence (?) nazz or naz : ka^zsi
= kasna. Hind., to be made bad, i. e., by putting lime on to brass
or copper vessels so as to make them poisonous : mashilad see
“ disease.”
The major portion of the words are thus disposed of and shown to
be really dialectic and not slang inventions. A further examination of
the underived words will show that many of them are evidently connected
* To be noted here with regard to gruts, grus, much, dear ; these are the Kash¬
miri drug, dear, surug, cheap, reversed.
22
B. C. Temple — An ExawinatiuH of the
[N.. 1,
with each other, and that it is only a question of a minuter knowledge of
idioms and languages than I possess to trace them to their origins.
Thus,
Ge7ieral Nouns.
house, shop : nelahan, nel, dile.
tobacco, snuff : panyul, panyil.
rice : rad, rad, rang, pa-rast.
bread : a-tich, yar-thit, tap-na, tap-i.
man ; woman : gela, gaun, girani.
mother : bajiir, bajii.
hair : kiopush, kanekeshup (if shup = push) .
hand : lamna, lamman.
Verbs.
to go ; take away : sir ; sorw-un, sarew-iu, seir-jao.
Corns.
rupee : gash, gas, gash.
rupee, silver : bin, biin ; %gn, ruggi ; berea, peli.
pice : lang, lana.
Adjectives.
much : gruts, grus.
little ; great : lichera ; jera.
good ; bad : bu-tup ; war-tup : (little) war-tiits.
These leave but a small residue of isolated untraced words, which I
give here so as to have them in one view for purposes of future com¬
parison by myself or others, should opportunity arise.
General Nouns.
wood : kesur.
oil : nanwikaha.
salt (also sweet, sugar) : tokkun, tokuwun.
sweet : baguwun.
mouth : yakak, kumbr, (?) bratiri.
qalamddn : zakkir, (but see under traced words) .
rice : gunne, (unless meant for sugarcane) .
man : dohun, (duh).
woman : kollai, nadau, sian (but see under traced words),
father : lame.
daughter: dibli, putsakut (putskat), dumtaz. If puts = puchh, a tail,
then dumtaz is a remarkable coincidence,
son : dibla.
thief : wutse, gihau.
stomach : gunna {cf. “rice” above), nadikh, but see under traced words,
hand : hatlaq, tseh-hor, khat.
1884.]
Trade Dialect of the NaqqdsJi.
colour : ring (unless a corruption of rang),
water : najna, mayao.
Verbs.
to see : nats-iin : lao (karan).
to hear : wend-im.
to say, ask : damis-aliu.
(ke) is : ches, cliu : (I) was, ob-um : (he) is, ob-e.
to go : rus-un.
to come : wal-iin : biite (a) : (kur) kunar : (came) asp-eo, zir-eo.
Goins.
pice : bot, sariya (? means one-third),
copper : ruh.
' Ad, jectives.
little, cheap: tern, hoki, bhagat, kiamiis..
cheap : zabar.
much : zoho, bearas, ubelak.
good : tsasle, chin, ai, dakh, do.
I tried the untraced words with several Kashmiris, and residents of
the Himalayan Districts and they told me they were Ladaki. I then
searched in Cunningham’s Ladah, 1854, who says, p. 397, that the lan¬
guage of Ladak is Tibetan, and at pp. 398 — 419 he gives a long com¬
parative table of the following “ Alpine Dialects” or Languages ; Dard,
(3 dialects) Pashto, Kashmiri, Sanskrit, Hindi, Panjabi, Gaddi (Kangra)
Kulluhi (Kullu) Garhwali and Tibetan (3 dialects). The help thus ob¬
tained was next to none. Thus,
master, man : teg, tog, tagis, might perhaps be Tibetan, tek, teg, good,
(see my tables).
mother : bajur, bajii, may be connected with Gaddi and Kulluhi, iji, and
Garhwali, bhai.
night : channan is very like Tibetan nichanno, but see the word above,
I am ; he is : obum ; obe are comparable with the Dard be, to be ; I am,
ja ba ; thou art, um ba ; he is, ai ba.
The inferences then to draw from this examination would seem to
be, that, though the special dialects of the Indian traders may now be
looked upon as slang, and though they undoubtedly contain slang dis¬
tortions and perversions of common words purposely made, the majority
of their words are dialectic and bond fide represent either real existing
words, or older, and in some cases obsolete, forms of them, and that they
contain these w^ords in sufficient quantities to render it worth while to
study them as dialects.
Unfortunately, the materials for the dialect, which I have been led
to examine are the most meagre of all those given by Dr. Leitner.
24
P. A. de Roepstorff — Tiomheromhi.
[No, I,
Miicli fuller materials for examination exist from liis and Elliot’s re¬
searches into the dialects of the Changars, the Zargars of the Panjab,
Kashmir and Hinddstan proper, and of the doubtful Khurasani Magadds,
including sentences to illustrate grammar. It would be of value to see
if the conclusions here arrived at would be supported or the reverse
from an examination of them. But in any case the material at hand
is much scantier than it might be and doubtless research would elicit
many new forms from the dialects already represented, and beginnings
might be made with some as yet untouched apparently by any enquirer,
e. g., those of the Delhi JDaldls (brokers), the Kaldls (generally distillers
and liquor-sellers) and the Lucknow Afiunchis (opium-takers). As re¬
gards the criminal classes and tribes, however. Dr. Leitner has shown in
his “ Detailed Analysis of ’Ahdu’l-Ghafur'’s Dictionary^ 1880, that it is
almost useless to look among them for philological facts.
In conclusion I may be permitted to remark that if Dr. Leitner’s
hope, {Linguistic Fragments, p. iii.), that the Trade Dialects will be
found to preserve an ancient language, is to become a reality, the en¬
quiry must be taken up by more than one person. The range of know¬
ledge required is too wide, and the investigations necessary too minute
and searching to admit of one head solving the problems presented, in a
satisfactory manner.
Tiomberombi. A Nicobar tale. — By F. A. de Roepstoeff; late offig. 2nd
Assist. Supdt., Port Blair, Nicobars, Associate A. S. B.
Both racial characteristics and the historical traditions of a people
are commonly found embedded in their religious rites and in their popu¬
lar tales. This is especially true in the case of uncivilized tribes. Whilst
pursuing my studies in the Nicobar language with the object of reducing
it to writing I have made a point therefore of noting down the charac¬
teristic religious usages of the Nicobarese, and also of chronicling the
tales in vogue amongst them which possibly embody historical events of
a forgotten past. With regard to their sacred rites I have ready for the
press a Statement of “ The ceremonies and customs at death, and at
mourning for the dead, of the Nicobarese people” taken fresh from the
lips of the devotees themselves. These ceremonies yield up their mean¬
ing and significance with sufficient clearness and precision ; but the case
is very different with regard to any historical references and traditions
which may be hidden away in the popular tales of the Nicobarese people.
For a most singular custom prevails amongst them which one would
suppose must effectually hinder the “ making of history ” or at any rate
1884.]
A Nicobar tale.
25
the transmission of historical narrative. By a strict rule which has all the
sanction of Nicobar superstition, no man’s name may be mentioned after
his death ! To such a length is this carried that when, as very frequent¬
ly happens, the man rejoiced in the name of “ Fowl,” “ Hat,” “ Fire,”
“ Road” &c., in its Nicobarese equivalent, the use of these words is care¬
fully eschewed for the future, not only as being the personal designation
of the deceased, but even as the names of the common things they repre¬
sent ; the words die out of the language, and either new vocables are
coined to express the thing intended, or a substitute for the disused word
is found in other Nicobarese dialects or in some foreign tongue. This
extraordinary custom not only adds an element of instability to the lan¬
guage, but destroys the continuity of political life, and renders the record
of past events precarious and vague if not impossible. We must not
therefore expect to glean much from these tales as to the past history of
the people. Still they are, as a rule, worth preserving, for they exhibit
traces of religious ideas which prevailed in former times, of bitter con¬
flicts, and of Nicobar humour. The most popular of these tales I here
subjoin ; and I hope to prepare others hereafter.
The Nicobar text, reproduced as literally as possible in the English
translation in the parallel column, consists of short abrupt sentences,
devoid of any poetic flight whatever. The language of this people is
naturally, one had almost said necessarily, abrupt, their teeth being so
thickly coated over with betel and lime as to keep the lips thrust wide
open, whilst quids of the same generally occupy their mouths. A fluent
utterance under these circumstances would be physically difficult and a
slow speech broken into short sentences is the inevitable result. To enter
into the spirit of the narrative it is necessary to picture to oneself the
raconteur, usually an old man, his jaws ever and anon at work chewing
the indispensible quid of pan, betel, and lime. His auditors, generally
the youthful members of the community, are grouped around him.
Having refreshed his memory with copious draughts of toddy he com¬
mences his story. It has often been heard before, and as the disjointed
sentences are uttered with slow deliberation a running commentary is
maintained by the audience, the young people, anxious to show that they
know what is coming, shouting out the cue of the part about to be related.
The jerky character of the diction, therefore, as it appears in the English
translation faithfully reproduces the condition of the Nicobarese text
with as little sacrifice as possible of the original colouring, the interjected
observations of the elders, and the precocious promptings of the juvenile
listeners being left to the imagination of the reader to fill in, if he would
have a good idea of the narration as it flourishes in the homesteads of
the people — the pages of a book cannot adequately convey it.
D
26
E. A. de Roepstorff — Tiomherombi.
[No. 1,
It is possible that the tale of Tiomberombi may be of foreign, per¬
haps of Malay, origin. If so it must have been introduced into these
islands generations ago, for it now abounds with the peculiarities which
characterise the Nicobarese race, breathes their spirit and has been wholly
adopted by them as their own, and never fails to afford them delight.
The plot of the tale is simple enough. The two points of interest in it
are the magical powers exercised by the hero, and the introduction of
animals talking. The supernatural is closely interwoven with the lives
of these people. The disembodied spirits of the dead surround them, and
in their endeavours to return to the world, would effect a lodgment in
the bodies of the living, hence, according to the native superstition, the
cause of sickness and sometimes of death. To fight, control, exorcise
these too familiar and obnoxious spirits the Manloenes exist. These,
who are a sort of combination of the doctor and the juggler, are on speak¬
ing terms with the spirits. They have to go through an initiation which
is only complete when they have been in spirit-land, seen, and talked
with them. They are supposed to possess the faculty of detecting the
presence of these invisible spirits, of seeing them, as well as of vanquish¬
ing them. It is to be remarked that Tiomberombi is no Manloene. Not
only does he acquire by the gift of the looking-glass no inherent power
over the spirit residing in it, for when the glass is lost he is utterly help¬
less ; but when the peit (snake) gives it to him, he finds himself unable
to manage the spirit of it, and returns with the glass in fear of his life.
On the contrary, the spirit of the mirror is in the power of the mighty
snake : he is its true master, and it is only through him that our hero
has the benefit of its services. Hence Tiomberombi is warned not to
open the glass and thereby bring himself face to face with the spirit of
the mirror. The peit in fact treats him as a poor ragged creature who
will probably use the magical powers placed at his service to provide
himself with food and clothing, and has no suspicion of the “ vaulting
ambition ” which stirs beneath that lowly exterior. If the tale be not
indigenous, it is certainly not of Indian origin ; Tiomberombi’ s wife is
no harem or zenana character. For although the tale might be regarded
as a sort of humorous satire upon woman’s weakness for gossip, which
would seem to be so universal a trait as to awaken mirth and “ point a
moral ” even here amongst this semi- civilized race, and no doubt reigns
supreme amongst the female members of an Indian household ; yet the
wife of the tale is a free, independent, masterful person. If it is her
irrepressible love of gossip which brings on the catastrophe of the story,
it is also she who saves her husband by her provident arrangements and
practical genius. Woman is highly esteemed in the Nicobar islands
which, it must be remembered, are part of the Malay archipelago and are
only politically connected with India.
1884.]
A Nicobar tale.
27
One word as to the “ t^keri.” Some Nicobarese say it is a snake
which eats snakes. The ophiophagns, however, is not found here. The
boa (python ScJineideri) which is the only very large snake of these parts
is well known to the inhabitants, does not eat snakes, and has another
name. Others assert that it is a big beast of the jungle like the Akafang
which is a spirit animal seen by the Manloenes at night. It is described
as a rather big creature with an enormous tongue, the head bearing a
mane. It might be the effort of the imagination to conceive the lion ;
I would suggest, however, that the “ tekeri ” is the tiger. The Nico-
barese have been for many years in communication with Europeans and
have heard Danish, Portuguese and English spoken. The word may
therefore have been an importation from one of these languages, con¬
tributions from which have undoubtedly been made to the Nicobarese
vocabulary (c/. infra “ lehre” Anglice “ Or it may be of Malay
origin, and derived from teger, strong.
Indie onglice de Tiomberombi.
“ Juchtere io at tin en me ?”
‘‘ Haoh,, io olkale o(n)g.” “ Juch¬
tere wat me loa, ieang tentie io
olkale o(n)g omia.”
Kang, kong, kang, kong. “ Tim
paiu ?” “ Tiue-tieae-Tiomberombi !”
“ Tim we'n me ” ? Tieae io olkale
o(n)g omia, da ie io kane ta kon
omia.” “Wat- me, lohm, keteit kaniut,
keteit kaiiha.” “ Oh behare, io
ene io en kon omia.”
Tio7nberombi an old tale.
* “ Where are you going ?”
“ Oh, I am going to split firewood.’
“ Then do not be in a hurry, I will
go along with you and split fire
wood for the chief ” (or old man).
Kang, kong (the sound of the
footsteps). (Some one asks) “ who
goes there” ? (what men ?). “I
Tiomberombi and another.” (I —
we two — Tiomb.) “What are you
going to do ?” “We want to split
firewood for the chief, for I want to
marry his daughter (as I want (for)
wife the child of the chief) .” “ Cer¬
tainly not, you are poor man (ser¬
vant) your coat and trowsers are
ragged.” “ Never mind, if the
chiefs’s child is willing.”
* Tiomberombi is a tale of love andiits troubles. To make that clear
it begins with a little introduction, not necessary to the story which
follows. Some one is going to cut firewood, when Tiomberombi
joins him, saying that he wants to cut wood for “ the ” old man. On
their journey somebody accosts them and a little banter ensues. Kang,
kong is onomatopoetic for the sounds of the footsteps. Tiue 5= I, ti^ae
28
F. A. de Roepstorff — Tiomheromhi.
[No. 1,
Juclitdrende, harelende, liare-A
elende liie sliinkam. Slieanlerende
na peit ona tekeri de pomon.
‘‘ Kaetere kanoeli (^) oroe ieitie,
tilt slio (^) kapali ka entie, kapak
tike da tekeri.”
“ Juclitere tiin lienidatie maka,
tien tioaka, tiit skp de para, tiit
sko de komnan.” “ Tim io me ?”
“ Haa.” “ Jo en me tenmoela ?”
“ Haa, tilt sko.” “ Jo de tenmoela
baiukodal ?” “ Jo de tenmoela baiu-
kooal, dochne we gni, decline we
tiong, dockne we kifue.” “ Kae
ta (3) ka.”
Harelkata en tekeri en Tiombe-
rombi kompakkange en tekeri.
* Afterwards ke went skooting
for tkree days. He saw tke peit
and tke [tekeri figkting. “ Friend !
come ! kelp me to kill (tke tekeri)
(says tke peit) ; I do not want to
be killed (entirely), I am being
killed by tke tekeri.”
f “ Afterwards wkatkire am I to
to kave, wkat tkings ? I do not
want dollars, nor silver plated
ware.” “ Wkat do you want ?’
“I don’t know (no).” “Will you
kave a looking glass ?” “No, I
will not. ” “Will you kave a magic
looking glass ?” “ Yes : I want a
magic looking glass, tkat can pro¬
duce kouses, skips and boats.”
“ (Well tken) come (to me) bye
and bye.”
J Tiomberombi skoots tke tekeri,
and tke tekeri expires.
= we two, Tiomberombi is quite Nicobarese. Tiomberombi says tkat ke
is going to cut firewood, for ke wants to marry tke daugkter of tke old
man. Tke otker party intimates, tkat ke kas no ckance, ke is a poor
man and ragged. At tkis T. laugks, for wkat does tkat matter if tke
girl likes kim.
^ After tkis ke is out skooting and comes upon tke peit and tke tekeri
figkting. Peit is used to designate all poisonous snakes. Tke tekeri tke
Nicobarese cannot identify. Some say it is not found in tkeir islands,
some say it migkt be a snake. If so, I would suggest the opkiopkagus.
Tke peit calls in tke assistance of Tiomberombi to save kim from tke
tekeri, ^ orse ieitie = kelp me to kill, tie is tke form of the 1st per. pron.
pers. gen, dative and acc. as affix. ^ Kapah ka = die indeed, (ka added
to make the kapak stronger).
t In true Nicobar fashion Tiomberombi bargains for remuneration,
before ke gives tke kelp required, and the peit in his extremity
promises kim a magic mirror, and tells kim to come and claim it
bye and bye ^ ka for maka == later in the day, when tke tekeri is killed.
X This ke succeeds in doing, and tken ke goes (as any Nicoba¬
rese would be sure to do) for kis present and walks ok with kis magic
mirror : but without knowing tke secret of it. Tkis is characteristic of
1884.]
A Nicuhar tale.
20
“ Jeangtere ten tine,” gngeli peit ol
nang Tiomberombi, io roewe
henioaliade.” Orse tenmeela baiu-
hooal. Tiiiende. Shoatere. “ Hat
docb, hat leap oliole, io orTgna-
fatie.” Etieitiera en peit. “ Jo
me io we, io hileang, io oigne,
tewahaghe tenmsela, wat me
ishahaghe.”
Jncht^rende tong de ghi en
Tiomberombi ladTeie, io oree kande
kon omia en Tiomberombi. Jncli-
t^re hat sho en omia ten Tiombe¬
rombi da ene lohm.
Jteak en omia de hatam, leat
kam en kahas halea ioang tiafa.
Jnchtere ol haki-T-T ende iokoleit
anash omia, wTlgnede 61 henlowe ha-
roe gni Tiomberombi, matai Tiom-
“ Come with me,” said the peit to
Tiomberombi, “ and receive your
hire.” He takes the magic looking
glass and goes away. He retnrns.
“ I cannot manage it, I do not know
the word (to speak) (i. e. the
charm) j it (the spirit) will kill me
miserably.” He applies to the
snake, (who says) : “If yon want
to do anything, if you are thirsty, if
you are hungry, put the key into
the lock of the looking glass, do not
open it.”
* ThenTiomberombi returns home
in the evening and wants to take
to wife the daughter of the old man.
But then the old man does not
want Tiomberombi for he is poor.
t At night the chief is asleep,
when the moon being at its highest
(Tiomberombi) fetches a magic
fruit.
Then very early in the mor¬
ning (expressed by the prolong¬
ed final syllable) the chief goes
T., who has great confidence in himself. He has therefore to return and
ask the snake to acquaint him with the secret, who tells him that he
must use the key but not open the mirror. The meaning of this prohibi¬
tion is that T. has no theurgic power and would be unable to control the
spirit of the magic mirror if it were opened. Hote also the low estimation
the snake holds our ragged hero in. “ If you want to do anything, if you
are hungry and thirsty” says the snake, not dreaming of T.’s ambition.
* T. sets off home and wishes to take to himself at once the girl he
loves. The old father however, evidently discredits the story of the magic
looking glass, and will have nothing to say to him, as he is poor.
t During the night T. sets to, plants a magic fruit in the deep sea
and by means of the spirit of the mirror produces an island from the deep
sea and erects a house upon it. The text only tells us that he fetches the
magic fruit, but it graphically describes how the old man in the morning
on casting his eyes over the sea discovers Tiomberombi’s new home.
30
F. A. de Roepstorff — Ttoinhero'tnhi.
[No. 1,
berombi, iuclitere tenfatgiiede en
omia.
Tiimende omia, obngnede rgewe
en Tiomberombi, io Idat ko(i)n
kontiA Jncbtere, aeteet de lebre
Tiomberombi, komliata de lebre da
omia. Hat sko en Tiomberombi
na omia, dalgnato.
Jncbtere rgewe kande en Tiom¬
berombi, kae ta kande kon omia ;
sliomhagne da gni Tiomberombi da
bllienlowe.
Jnckter^ batse-ee-liende beang
danoe tiong benkok, io orignafa
Tiomberombi. Katow en Tiomber¬
ombi de gnide. Hakok, bakSk de
gni Tiomberombi, bat taio.
Jncbtere tentioablare en Tiom¬
berombi da 61 tiong, faebange de
to batbe, and wben be looks out to
sea be sees Tiomberombi’s bonse
Tiomberombi’s island, then be falls
down (in astonishment).
* He weeps and sets off to fetch
Tiomberombi, that be might be¬
come bis son-inlaw. Also Tiom¬
berombi wrote a letter and sent
it to the chief. The chief does not
want (to meet personally) Tiom¬
berombi for be is shy.
Then Tiomberombi marries : as
bis wife comes the daughter of the
chief ; she is brought to Tiombe¬
rombi’s bonse in the deep sea.
f Then came sailing (from a dis¬
tant land) a ship armed with can¬
non to kill Tiomberombi. He re¬
mained in bis bonse. The ship
went on firing and firing at Tiom¬
berombi’s house but did not bit it.
J Then Tiomberombi boarded the
ship and cut the noses and cut off
* Great is bis astonishment, and it affects him so mticb, that be falls
down and weeps. The text is not very clear on this point. It says that
the old man goes off to fetch T. for a son-in-law, then T. writes him a
letter and it ends by saying that the chief does not want to meet him, as
be is shy. It is quite clear that the tables are turned. Before the old
man despised the poor, ragged T. How be feels shy to approach him in
bis great prosperity. Whether the letter from T. is friendly, and
therefore puts the old man to shame, or the letter is haughty and makes
him feel shy, the text leaves to fancy to decide. On the whole the Hico-
barese are shy, and affect to be more so, than they really are. Difficulties,
however, are overcome, and Tiomberombi attains his wishes and marries
the girl whom he loves, who moreover, it is evident from the first, loves
him as is seen from his remarks about her in the introduction.
f Ho earthly pleasure is unalloyed. When he is happily married and
settled enemies appear on the scene to kill him. He is however pro¬
tected by magic and sits unconcernedly in his house, whilst the guns of
the man-of-war, which had come to destroy him, make ineffectual at¬
tempts to hit it.
J At length Tiomberombi arises and proceeds to board the ship single
handed and mutilates the crew. The man-of-war thereupon returns to
1884.]
A Nicohar tale.
31
gmoa, iathange de nang. Tiuen-
gede en tiong lienkok, tiu matai ;
di do (tilt dock) da en kset gmoa,
kaet nang da ene faekaske da
Tiomberombi. SkTelende getset de
lebre omia da bl matai skom tim-
monggne tiong io koinng en Tiom¬
berombi.
Jncktere te gni kande, gni komia-
de en Tiomberombi. Hatge-oe-as-
hende en shorn tiinmonggne tiong
kenkok, kakok kakokende, kat
kewe matai, kat taio.
Tentioaklare de ol tiono^ en Tiom-
berombi ores ioang tiafa, kawtdle de
bl kameloe, pompangske en tiong,
kemeang te danbe ta ot de^ ak.
Skielende faekange gmoa,iatkan-
ge nang. Tiuengede en tiong. Di
do (tilt dock) da.
the ears (of the crew). The skip
then left for its own country ; they
conld not succeed, for they had no
noses or ears, Tiomberombi had cnt
them off. Then the chief of the
country wrote on paper (i. e., is¬
sued an order for) ten skips to
make war on Tiomberombi.
* Now in the house was kis wife,
Tiomberombi (himself) was in the
house of kis fatker-in-law. The
ten ships of war came sailing (from
the distant land) and fired their
guns ; (but) they did not see the
island, they did not kit.
Tiomberombi boarded a skip and
took magic fruit with him, which he
threw into the sea ; the skips sank.
One skip (however, still) remained
(lit. alive).
t (Again) he set to cut noses and
cut off ears. The skip left. It
could do nothing (not succeed).
its own country, the king whereof organizes an expedition of ten skip
to chastise him.
* From the prolonged sound in kataeke we are led to infer that the ex¬
pedition had far to sail. When this formidable expedition arrived,
Tiomberombi was with kis fatker-in-law ; only kis wife was in the
house. He must have left the magic mirror behind him, that would
explain how it was that the guns were fired many times, but did no harm,
the island had become invisible. Tiomberombi proceeds on board one of
the vessels, the crew of which he mutilates in liis former manner, and
sinks the other nine by throwing magic fruit into the sea. ^ dli = lives ;
it is usual to use this word, and kapak = die, of vessels. The Nicobarese
assert that these words mean in this connexion no more than “keep afioat ”
and “sink,” but I think they do. The Nieobarese may use these terms
only in a figurative sense noAV, and I believe they do, but yet they sacri¬
fice to their canoes (vide “ ceremonies at death &c.”) after a race. I have
seen them sacrifice on removing a canoe yet in the rough log, out of the
jungle ; moreover, they use a bow ornament for their boats like the open
mouth of some monster. Are these traces of some old worship now
obsolete ?
t The ship that was spared returns whence it had set out and
reports the hopelessness of the undertaking.
32
F. A. de Roepstorff — TiomheromM.
[No. 1,
Gnahliagne da naiig omia 61 niiitai.
tilt honganghashe ta doch.
Juclitere iuliggnede en porno- 6-6-
eslie enkane leang Kan6ad83
Petiang de 61 gni Tiomberombi.
Tim liansBdasbien tiong ban6ne.
Iteaknede 61 katasde kan Tiom¬
berombi ; (^)balea sbaei k6i kan Ti¬
omberombi, iteaknede kan Tiom¬
berombi. Kamheng tiuengede
Kan6adee Petiang, leat k6m de
tenmeela Tiomberombi. Tendok-
tere de mataide, gnabbagne de nang
omia. Leat, leat de k6m tenmaela
Tiomberombi, beeteibnnen tiong
ban6ne.
Hagngebbang te tiong iange
sb6atere mat matai Tiomberombi ;
bemeang dan6e tiong a la, io raswe
Tiomberombi.
Tendoktere en omia tiong da ma¬
tai Tiomberombi. Hak6k, bak6k-
ende tai6 61 benwaeh, pomtaksbede
en benwseen.
They reported to tbe chief of tbeir
country, tbat there was no chance
of success.
* Then came visiting a (very) old
woman, her name was Kandadee
Petiang to Tiomberombi’s bouse.
(She wanted to ascertain) what
manner of powers be possessed.
Tiomberombi’s wife was sleeping
in her chair : she (Kandadae Pe¬
tiang) cleaned tbe hair of Tiombe¬
rombi’s wife, who slept on. At noon
Kandadse Petiang left, having taken
Tiomberombi’s looking-glass. She
arrives at her country and reports
to tbe chief, (that tbe trouble) is
over, tbat she has taken tbe looking-
glass away from Tiomberombi, tbe
cause of tbe power be possesses.
f He orders one ship to return to
Tiomberombi’s place ; it was (only)
a two-masted ship to fetch Tiom¬
berombi away.
Tbe captain arrives at Tiombe¬
rombi’s island. He fires bis cannon
and bits the flag and tbe flag falls.
* What tbe valour of men could not achieve was now to be attempted
by a woman. An old bag Kanbadae Petiang comes to pry into tbe secret
of Tiomberombi’s immunity from danger and of bis success against such
odds. She accomplishes her object in the following manner. She was pro¬
bably an old acquaintance of T.’s wife, to judge from the intimate
terms on which they are. T.’s wife goes to sleep in her chair as the
other soothingly cleans her hair, (^ balea sbaci has not been literally trans¬
lated) . Having thus lulled her into a deep sleep, Kanbadse Petiang pos¬
sesses herself of tbe magic mirror, which we may surmise the sleeper had
tattled to her about and had for security placed under her (head) pillow,
and hastens with it to her own country informing the chief thereof that
Tiomberombi is now defenceless.
f The chief thereupon orders but a two-masted vessel to proceed
and bring Tiomberombi away. He is not going to break a fly upon tbe
wheel. The little ship arrives and is sufficient to accomplish its mission.
4
1884.]
A Nicobar tale.
33
Hat doch en kan Tiomberombi,
hemeang ioang de gni ; Tiombe-
rombi leat itoe de matai tiie kande.
Jucbtere dge(a)ngiie en Tiombe¬
rombi, haeniede io beniongiede
kande ; de hemeang tat koi.
“ Tin en tenmsela ? Tin en ten-
masla ?” gnseh Tiomberombi. “ Til
de dok de ghiha ?” “ Kae po-
mdeshe da bako koi Kanoadae
Petiang.” “ Oh ie kare- (^)hoet ah !
da ene hat bt en tenmaela. Kahae
en sheian.”
Shnmianhata kan Tiomberombi.
Dongle te ghi Tiomberombi en
kalseng, io orae kan Tiomberombi,
orae tioaha, orae sheian.
liiakheghe de sheian, iuakheghe
enkane.
Tiomberombi’s wife cannot (soil :
defend the place), she is alone in
the house ; Tiomberombi had gone
on a visit to her father. How Ti¬
omberombi ran (i. e., to the canoe)
and hurried (across the water) to
his wife who was quite alone.
* “ Where is the glass ? where is
the glass ?” cries Tiomberombi.
“ Who has been in the house ?”
“ The old grey haired (woman) Ka¬
no adae Petiang.” “ Ah me ! if that
be so, then we shall not live ! for
now the looking glass is not here.
Bring a bag.”
His wife puts Tiomberombi in a
bag. The foreigners came into the
house of Tiomberombi ; they took
away his wife, (all) his property
and the bag.
t The bag and the woman were
brought on board.
The flag which waved over Tiomberombi’s island kingdom is shot away.
He is from home at the time on a visit to his wife’s father, his wife is
alone in the house. But he sees the fall of the symbol of his power, and
hastens home to enquire into and repair, if he can, the catastrophe.
* In great anxiety as soon as he comes in, he cries, “ Where is the
mao-ic mirror ?” It is nowhere to be found. “ Who has been here ?” he
enquires and on learning that the old woman had been there, he resigns all
hope and says that it will cost them their lives. ^ lioet ah. Hat and hcet
mean “ not hat is used for the singular, hcst for the plural. Hcst ah
= not live. The meaning supplies “ I or we shall not live,” hcet makes
it “we.” He resolves u|Don concealing himself, however ; and with the
assistance of his wife he is enclosed in a bag and placed amongst the
household property. His brave, faithful wife has to face the enemy.
t As he no doubt anticipated, they land and convey everything
away, his wife, his property, his all, literally bag and baggage. He
thus manages to have himself and his household gods conveyed away
together. Our hero in the bag is placed in the bow of the vessel.
The vessel sinks to the water’s edge at the bow. He is shifted aft,
E
34
F. A. de Roepstorff — Tiomheromhi.
[No. 1,
Jncht^r^nde poniiamslie lakoila,
hatiohange en slieian larille, pomi-
amstie larille. Hat docli dok de
matai, ('^)kawalliange en skeiau 61
kamelse. Hatao-ee-Eeliende, tendok-
tere, leat gniing gnide, gnnng tioa,
0183 en tiong.
Lung, lung, lung en sheiauende
gnaklalende. Keithala en slieiau
en Tiomberombi, leat gnot en inoat
en kande iobl tenwa.
Leat or80 kande 61 matai kom6iung.
(^) Omshongbande Tiomberombi.
“ Tim pain” P “ tiue Tiom¬
berombi (^) kenmold. “ Hat me de
Then it happened that the bow
sank down : the bag was (there¬
fore) shifted aft. Then the stern
of the vessel sank down. They
could not reach land (so) they
threw the bag into the sea. They
sailed and sailed and arrived at
their destination, there was no
house, no property, that the ship
had brought away.
* The bag drifted and drifted on
to hard ground. Tiomberombi cut
open the bag, his wife had put the
knife round his neck with the key.
t The woman was landed in the
enemy’s country. Tiomberombi
travelled about. “ Who are you ?”
(asks someone). “I am Tiombe-
the vessel sinks at the stern. The reason for these extraordinary
phenomena is not explained, but it will be seen later that he carried
about his person the key of the magic mirror in a string together with a
knife. The ship’s company fear for the safety of their craft and tracing
their danger to something uncanny about the bag dropped it overboard.
7 Kawalhange implies that the stern was level with the water. To
throw a thing from a higher to a lower level is kawalhashe. The text
indicates thus that the ship was in danger and that the crew were in
consequence alarmed.
^ The bag containing the hapless Tiomberombi drifted at length to
land. His wife had hung the key of the magic mirror and a knife about
his neck.
t With the latter he releases himself from the confinement of the
bag and wanders about from place to place, till apparently he arrives
at his enemy’s country where his wife has already been conveyed and is
living as a member of the household of the chief. ^ Omshonghande with
the enunciation of the second syllable prolonged to indicate that he wan¬
dered about a great deal. During his travels some one, suspecting’ his
appearance probably, accosts him. When the wayfarer says he is Tiom¬
berombi the younger, the suspicions of the interrogator were only deepen¬
ed. ^ kenmolo = called by another man’s name. Tiomberombi, how¬
ever, assures him, that he is not the national foe, but another Tiombe¬
rombi, a man of lowly degree whose occupation is cooking and not
1884.]
A Nicobar tale.
35
komnggne ?” “ Haa, tiiie Tiom-
berombi kenmolo.” “Tim leap
me ?” “ Oh okpak dak.” Tim leap
me dewe ? “ Haa, hemeaiig okpak
dak leap.”
J uchter^ oknok en omia. luaklia-
hende ganlongtei en Tiomberombi
61 dak top en kande. Hat hew
omia. Shinkoehange aneeh kan an,
hewe ganlongtei en enkane, hat
hew en omia.
Gnahhagne en kaniom da shien
hewen ganlongtei de olfang enkane.
“ Hat gechtereshe !” gneeh
kaniom. “ Tiomberombi ka,
Tiomberombi omia.”
Rsewe, katiape, hat katiape
karan, henpon. Jnchtereende
shomhata de 61 ghi mang(n)8eh.
Hat iteak enkane, teina pohoa
omia.
Juchter6 hatamende urohetshe
rombi, the younger ?” “Is it not
yon who made war ?” “Ho, I am
Tiomberombi, the younger.”
“What work can you do?” “I
can boil water.” “ What else can
you do ?” Ho (thing), I know only
that one thing, to boil water.”
How it happened after this that
the chief was eating. Tiomberom¬
bi slipped his finger- ring into the
water his wife was to drink. The
chief did not see (him do it). His
wife drank ofi at a draught and saw
the ring, but the chief did not see it.
* A boy called out, who saw tfio
ring in the woman’s mouth.
“ It is not true,” said the boy,
“it is Tiomberombi himself, Tiom¬
berombi the chief.”
They seize him and bind him
they do not bind him with chains,
but with strings. Then he was
brought into a stone house. The
woman (i. e., his wife) did not
sleep for fear of the chief.
t How it happened in the night,
fighting. At length he manages to procure his introduction to the
presence of his enemy the chief, where he finds his wife, who, however,
does not recognize him, as he is probably disguised. In order to make
her aware, who he is, he deposits his finger ring in the cup of water,
which she is about to drink. On lifting the cup to her mouth she sees
and recognizes it, and, no doubt, its owner.
* Tiomberombi successfully eludes the observation of the elders, but
he reckoned without an enfant terrible, whose presence perhaps he had not
condescended to notice. This sharp-eyed youngster detects Tiomberom-
bi’s manoeuvre and denounces him, and he is then seized, tied up and
thrown into a stone built prison. His wife meanwhile, who is still with
the chief, spends the night without sleep through fear and dread. Tiom-
berombi’s fortunes are now at their lowest ebb. But succour comes from
an unexpected quarter.
t Humbers of rats were heard scampering about the room, in which
36
F. A. de Roepstorff — Tiomheromhi.
[No. 1,
komset. “ Da de ra do, da de ra do.”
“ Kaetere en me,” gnseli Tioni-
berombi nang komaet.
“ Jiiclitere, tiin io me (^®)katne ?”
“ Dock en me orae tenmcela ?”
“Tin tenmaela ?”
“ Grot de kat(6)a kaneala omia,
got te tenmaela tine.
“ Katei en tiebiende maka.”
Kat, kat, kat, kat kaneala omia
ende. Jana iuenlere en omia,
beignade en komset. Hati5-o-en-
de, tapak to gni mang(n)oeh da
Tiomberombi leat katiape.
“ Da de ra do, da de ra do.”
“ Kom de tenmsela ?”
“ Ob ninne, tieoi leat orse.”
Hatio-6-o-bata en tenmsela ta tei
that there were many rats. “ Pat¬
ter, patter, patter” (wenttheirfeet).
“ Come here,” said Tiomberombi
to a rat.
“ What do yon want, friend ?”
“ Can yon get my looking glass.”
“ Where is the looking glass ?”
“It is nnder the pillow of the
chief, (there) is my looking glass.”
* “We will carry it off by and
bye.”
They worked and worked away
at the chief’s (head) pillow. If the
chief moved in his sleep, the rats
stopped. They dragged (it) on
and on, and arrived at the stone-
bnilt honse where Tiomberombi
was imprisoned.
“ Patter, patter ” (went the rats).
“ Have yon got possession of the
looking glass ?”
“ This is it, we have brought
(taken away) it.”
They dragged the looking glass
he is imprisoned, and he calls one of them to him. He begs the rat to
enable him to regain possession of the mysterious mirror, and tells him
he will find it nnder the head pillow of the chief.
Kdtiie I have rendered by “ friend.” Tiie means “ parent.” Kd
is a prefix added to all words of relationship tiom == grandparent, tiie
( sister
( sister
= parent, tiau = elder < n , tan = younger < , kon = child,
^ ’ ( brother’ ^ brother ’
and it is the polite way always to address persons with these words
with ka as a prefix. In doing so due consideration must be given to the
relative ages of the speakers. This is the only way that politeness can
be shown and as all are socially equal amongst the Nicobarese this way
of address is very nice.
* The rats promise to fetch the looking glass later in the night. Kat,
kat is onomatopoetic for the working of the rats. The chief sleeps
soundly, but occasionally he moves his arms and they (keigna=wait, stop)
hide. Having secured the mirror, they drag it into the house, where
Tiomberombi lies bound, and up to where, about his neek, by the fore-
1884.]
A Nicobar late.
37
Tiomberombi. Kaetere da tiuk
tenwa da olkolabla. TewMiata.
“ Tiin io me,” gneeb iwi de ol ten-
maela.
“ Hodt ah tieae komnggne, bat
matai ita, bat ot kantie.”
“ Tien io me ?”
“We tiong, we benwgeb, we bifne !
We, we, we, we, leat. Sbam-
bagne de tiong 61 benlowe.
“ Kasbi i^kae tile ifae maka.”
“ Katei de tieoi.”
Orje enkane, kaeterende.
Juakbegfie enkane de 61 tiong.
Wela loe, batae-ae-gebende, io
tiu Tiomberombi. Urobetsbe
henwgeb da mat tiong Tiomberombi,
mnnbang en omia matai. Eoba
tap5ade en omia matai, endue
benkok Tiomberombi.
on and on till it came to Tiombe-
rombi’s bands. It came to where
tbe key was about his neck. (Then)
be put tbe key in the lock.
“ What do you want ; ” said tbe
spirit of tbe mirror.
“We two (T. and bis wife) can-
“ not live on account of this war,
“ this is not our country, I have
“ not got my wife.”
“What do you want?”
“ Produce a ship, flags, boats !”
On and on the structure grew
and now it is finished. Tbe ship
is brought into deep water.
* “ What about tbe absent mo¬
ther of you all, then ?”
“We will bring her.”
t They took away tbe woman,
she comes.
Tbe woman goes on board tbe ship.
Tbe sails are set, and Tiombe¬
rombi goes sailing off. There are
many flags on Tiomberombi’s ship,
and tbe chief of tbe country is
(very) angry. He beats bis cheeks
for Tiomberombi’s guns are bigger
(than bis).
sight of bis wife, tbe key of tbe looking glass and a knife bad been bung.
Tbe rats so place tbe mirror in juxtaposition with tbe key, that tbe tied
up hands of tbe prisoner are able to insert the key in tbe glass, when
once more Tiomberombi is master of tbe situation. Tbe bonds fall off,
tbe prison falls, and soon be has got bis ship and boats ready with pen¬
nons flying in triumph.
* Then be thinks of bis faithful wife. There is a poetic touch in
bis appeal : kasbi kae tile ifae maka. Kae is a demonstrative pronoun
rarely used and refers to persons or things absent. He speaks to tbe
spirits under bis orders and asks about “ their mother.”
f Tbe spirits of tbe mirror anon bring her on board. Tiomberombi
now gaily sails forth with all bis canvas spread and flags displayed, his
erewbile victor beating bis cheeks with impotent rage in the meantime,
as be beholds Tiomberombi’s triumphant departure to bis own land.
38
[No. 1,
F. A. de RoepstorfF — Tiomherombi.
Tiu en Tiomberombi, wehahat
ink, paniap omtom, matai leat hat
ot.
Tendoktere Tiomberombi de
mataide.
Wilgnede komia, hew, wehala
henwseh Tiomberombi, ghi Tiombe¬
rombi, matai Tiomberombi. Uro-
hetshe henwEehTiomberombi de mat
gni. lo dok de matai komiade.
“ Ah komekat ?”
“ Ah.”
“ Katei en me ?”
“ Haa, tilt ori, hanta we ink.”
“ Kashihede maka F”
“ Oh, we ghi de lapoe,” gnseh
Tiomberombi nang komiaen.
“ Watme inole onghae da ene
* Tiomberombi departed. Tiom¬
berombi raised a surf (by magic) .
All died, the country disappeared.
Tiomberombi arrived at his own
country.
His mother-in-law looked out and
spied the flags, Tiomberombi l^ad
hoisted, his house, his island.
There were many flags about his
house. He came to his mother-in-
law’s village.
“ Are those with you {i. e., my
daughter) alive ?”
“ Alive.”
“ How did you accomplish it ?”
“ No, we did not kill, we only
raised a surf.”
“ What now (how about bye and
bye) ?”
“ Now we will make a nice
house,” said Tiomberombi to his
mother-in-law.
“Do not tell the tale or else the
* And when by the potent aid of the spirit of the looking glass Tiom-
berobim has raised a tremendous surf and swept him and* his land away,
his success is complete. In due course the spot is reached where his old
home had been and apparently the magical properties of the mirror are
resorted to again to restore in a twinkling his former island home as it
was before misfortunes overtook him, for his mother-in-law, when scan¬
ning the horizon for any signs of the return of the captives, spies Tiom-
berombi’s victorious pennons waving over his house and island complete
as of yore. Tiomberombi with somewhat unusual ardour is soon in the
arms of his mother-in-law (!) and answering her anxious enquiries as to
his own and her daughter’s welfare (komekat = me kakat) . He tells
her of the utter extinction of his foes, and how it had been accomplished,
and then they fall to picturing out a bright and prosperous future, which
is to be theirs by the aid of the magical mirror. Taught by experience he
strictly enjoins, however, both mother-in-law and wife not to reveal the
secret of their prosperity. But alas ! 1 for the frailty of woman’s tongue :
whilst he is absorbed in eating, the women folk gossip about it ; the
island breaks up and is submerged and weeping and wailing they go
down to their watery grave.
1884.]
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history ^c.
39
dakne matai maka !” Juchtere
Tiomberombien oknok. Oliole'n
komiaen, bliok enkane en inole
onghae. Pomdaknede en matai,
pompangsbede. Tiim ofae. Kapab-
ende omtom. Leatende.
island will break up again.” Now
Tiomberombi was eating. His
motber-in-law and bis wife related
tbe story. Tben tbe island broke
np and sank. They all cried out.
They all died. Finis.*
Notes on the history of Religion in the Himalaya of the N. W. Provinces.
Part I. — By E. T. Atkinson, B. A., F. R. G. S., B. 0. S.
In reading tbe wonderful story told by the great Chinese travellers
Fab Hian and Hwen Tbsang of their wanderings through India in tbe
fifth and seventh centuries, one cannot but be struck with tbe greatness
and importance of Buddhism as tben understood, yet in the tenth century
we hear very little about it, and about the twelfth century Buddhism
appears to have ceased to be the faith of any considerable section of the
Indian people. The inquiry naturally suggests itself, how did Buddhism
disappear ; what were the causes which effected the downfall of a system
of religion which, for fifteen centuries occupied the thoughts, and held the
affections of a great part of the population of this vast country, and had
such defenders and expounders as Asoka, Kanishka, Nagarjuna, and the
Guptas : a system too which has given us learned theologians, subtle
metaphysicians and great writers on almost every subject whilst its
apostles have converted the nations of Eastern Asia from Mongolia on
the north to the islands of the Eastern Sea on the south. In the search
for an answer to these questions one finds little aid in the existing litera¬
ture devoted to the religions of India. This for the most part consists
of compilations from works which, however interesting and, however
valuable they may be, have no part in teaching or guiding the actual
living beliefs of the masses. For this reason we are compelled to adopt
the analytic method, and first of all ascertain who are the deities worship¬
ped by the people and the ritual in actual use, and then attempt to trace
* The Eev. C. H. Chard, Chaplain of Port Blair, has very kindly helped me
with the English part of this paper.
40
E. T. Atkinson — Note on the history
[No. 1,
out the history of the various developments of the ascertained jDrimitive
forms of belief in India which have combined to give us the popular
religion of the present day. Every one that deals with a subject like the
present one, must feel the magnitude of the task, and the necessity that
exists for the greatest caution in attempting to establish any general
propositions. The notes on this subject that I have collected are there¬
fore offered as a humble effort to aid others in the true method of inquiry
into the history of religion in India, and I am not aware that their subject
has ever been noticed before. My researches have been confined to the
tract in the Himalaya between the Sarda on the east and the Tons on the
west including the British districts of Kumaon, Garhwal and Jaunsar
under the Government of the North-West Provinces of the Bengal Presi¬
dency. It is to be understood, therefore, that my remarks refer only to
this tract, and that whatever merit they may be held to possess is due
to the fact that they are the outcome of a very close examination of the
religious phenomena of a country famous in Indian history. The oldest
Indian books mention the great shrines of Badarinath and Kedarnath,
mounts Meru and Kailas, the holy lake Manasarovara and the places
become sacred by the wanderings of Krishna and Arjuna, Rama and
Sita, Draupadi and the Pandavas and in comparatively modern times the
scene of the labours and the final resting-place of the great reformer
Sankara A chary a.
Religion in India. — There is no country, perhaps, in the world in
which religion exercises more influence on social and political life than
in India. Religion gives the key-note to most of the great changes that
have occurred in the history of the races inhabiting this* country from the
earliest ages to the present day. To almost every individual in this land
its forms are ever present and exercise a perceptible influence on his
practices, both devotional and secular, and yet the true history of religious
thought in India has yet to be written. There is an esoteric school and
an exoteric school : to the former too much attention has been paid, to
the great neglect of the living beliefs which influence the masses of the
people. Most writers on India have looked to the Vedas and the works
connected with them as the standard by which all existing forms of reli¬
gious belief in India are to be judged and to which all are to be referred.
Influenced doubtless by the antiquity, richness and originality of the
Vaidik records, they have sought to connect them with the popular
religion, and have viewed modern beliefs more as to what they ought to
be than as to what they actually are. As a matter of fact the Vedas are
practically unknown to, and uncared for, by the majority of Hindus.
There is no translation of them into the vulgar tongue in use amongst
the people, and it would be contrary to the spirit of Brahmanism to
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
41
popularise them or their teachings. They are less known, therefore, to
the Hindus than the Hebrew original of the Old Testament is to the
majority of the Christian populations of Europe. Some sects do not
acknowledge their authority in matters of faith and practice, and they are
in no sense ‘ a Bible’ to the masses except to a few of the learned, and
have little practical influence over modern religious thought outside the
same class. Though portions of the Vedas, notably of the collection
ascribed to the Atharvans, are recited at ceremonies, and verses from
them occasionally occur in the domestic ritual, as a rule, neither the
celebrant nor the worshipper understand their purport. They are learnt
by rote and those employed in the ceremony regard the words used more
as spells to compel the deities than as prayers for their favour. Yet we
would ask the ordinary student of Indian affairs to formulate what he
understands by Hinduism, and he will at once answer, the religion of the
Vedas. We must, however, accept the term Hinduism as a convenient
one, embracing all those beliefs of the people of India which are neither
of Christian nor of Musalman origin. But within this pale we have sects
as divided from each other as members of the Society of Friends are from
Roman Catholics. We have followers of the Vedas, of Brahmanism, of
Buddhism and of the poly deemonis tic tribal cults of the aboriginal popu¬
lations and of eclectic schools, religious and philosophical, of every kind
and class. The religion of the Vedas never took hold of the mass of the
people.* It was followed by Brahmanism designed to exalt the priestly
class, but even this system had to abandon the Vaidik deities and admit
the dgemons of the aborigines to a place in its pantheon, or otherwise it
would have perished. Buddhism was originally a protest against sacer¬
dotalism, not necessarily against the Brahmanical caste, but it too suc¬
cumbed to dsemonistic influences, and degraded and corrupted, fell an
easy prey to its rival Brahmanism. Both sought the popular favour by
pandering to the vulgar love of mystery, magical mummeries, superhuman
power and the like, and Brahmanism absorbed Buddhism rather than
destroyed it. The Buddhist fanes became S'aiva temples and the Buddhist
priests became S'aiva ascetics or served the S'aiva temples, and at the
present day the forms and practices in actual use may be traced back as
readily to corrupted Buddhism as to corrupted Brahmanism. There is
a period of growth and of decay in religious ideas as in all things subject
to human influence, and precisely the same rules govern their rise, culmi¬
nation and fall in India as in Europe. Every principle or thought that
* By this is meant the great majority of the races of India. There have alwaj^s
been some with learned leisure who have adhered to the higher faith in one God and
have never bowed to Siva or Vishnu, but their principles are unknown to the cultiva¬
tor, the trader and the soldier, or at least only in a very diluted form.
42
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
has moved the schools of Greece or Rome has equally shared the attention
of Indian thinkers, and in the kaleidoscopic mass of beliefs that can be
studied in any considerable Indian town, we may perceive analogies of
the most striking character to the broad forms of belief and modes of
thought in many European cities.
Religion in the Himalaya. — In examining the condition of religion
in the Himalayan region we find a curious blending of pre-Brahmanical,
Brahmanical and Buddhistic practices which it will take some time and
attention to separate and ascribe to their original sources. It would
doubtless be easy to dispose of the question by stating that the prevailing
religion is a form of Hinduism. This would be perfectly true, but at the
same time could convey no definitive idea to the inquirer’s mind as to
what the real living belief of the people is. For the more complete
examination of the forms of religion existing in the H. W. Himalaya we
possess a record of the teaching in 350 temples in Kumaon, in about 550
temples in Garhwal and in about 100 temples in Dehra Dun and Jaunsar-
Bawar. For the 900 temples in Kumaon and Garhwal we know the
locality in which each is situate, the name of the deity worshipped, the
broad theological division to which the deity belongs, the class of people
who frequent the temple, and the principal festivals observed. The
analysis of these lists shows that there are 250 Saiva temples in Kumaon
and 350 in Garhwal, and that there are but 35 Yaishnava temples in
Kumaon and 61 in Garhwal. To the latter class may, in a certain sense,
be added 65 temples to Kagaraja in Garhwal which are, by common report,
affiliated to the Vaishnava sects, but in which Sfiva also has a place under
the form of Bhairava. Of the S'aiva temples, 130 in Garhwal and 64 in
Kumaon are dedicated to the S'akti or female form alone, but of the
Vaishnava temples in both districts only eight. The S'akti form of both
S iva and Vishnu, however, occurs also in the temples dedicated to Kagaraja
and Bhairava, or rather these deities and their S'aktis are popularly held
to be forms of Vishnu and Sfiva and their Saktis. Of the Shiva Shkti
temples, 42 in Garhwal and 18 in Kumaon are dedicated to Kali, whilst
the Shkti forms of the Bhairava tem]3les are also known as emanations of
Kali. Kanda comes next in popularity and then Chandika and Durga.
The remaining temples are dedicated to the worship of Siirya, Ganesa
and the minor deities and deified mortals and the pre-Brahmanical village
gods who will be noticed hereafter. The outcome of this examination is
therefore that Siva and Vishnu and their female forms are the principal
objects of worship, but with them, either as their emanations or as
separate divine entities, the representatives of the polydsemonistic cults
of the older tribes are objects of worship both in temples and in domestic
ceremonies.
1884.]
43
of Religion in the Himalaya.
Dcsmonism. — Whatever may have been the earliest form of religious
belief, it is probable that it was followed by a belief in demons or super¬
human spirits to which the term ‘ animism’ is now apjdied. The Greek
word ‘ d^mon’ originally implied the possession of superior knowledge
and corresponds closely to the Indian word ‘ hJiiUa,’ which is derived from
a root expressing existence and is applied in the earlier works to the
elements of nature and even to deities. S'iva himself is called Bhutesa
or ‘ lord of hhutas.' With a change of religion the word dsemon acquired
an evil meaning, and similarly the word hJiuta as applied to the village
gods carries with it amongst Brahmanists the idea of an actively malig¬
nant evil spirit. Animism implies a belief in the existence of spirits,
some of whom are good and some are bad and powerful enough to compel
attention through fear of their influence. They may be free to wander
everywhere and be incapable of being represented by idols, or they may be
held to reside in some object or body, whether living or lifeless, and this
object then becomes a fetish* endowed with power to protect or capable of
being induced to abstain from injuring the worshipper. Examples of both
these forms occur amongst the deemonistic cults of the Indian tribes. As
observed by Tielef “ the religions controlled by animism are characteris¬
ed first of all by a varied, confused and indeterminate doctrine, an un¬
organised polydeemonism, which does not, however, exclude the belief in
a supreme spirit, though in practice this commonly bears but little fruit ;
and in the next place by magic which but rarely rises to the level of real
worship * *. In the animistic religions, fear is more powerful than any
other feeling, such as gratitude or trust. The spirits and the worship¬
pers are alike selfish. The evil spirits receive, as a rule, more homage
than the good, the lower more than the higher, the local more than the
remote, and the special more than the general. The allotment of their
rewards or punishments depends not on men’s good or bad actions, but
on the sacrifices and gifts which are offered to them or withheld.” Even
the Aryan religion held the germs of animism, but it soon developed into
the polytheism of the Vedas, and this again gave rise to a caste of ex¬
pounders whose sole occupation it became to collect, hand down and
interpret the sacred writings and who in time invented Brahmanism.
Buddhism, as we shall see, was an off- shoot of Brahmanism, and it is to
the influence of these three forms of religious belief — Animism, Brah¬
manism and Buddhism — that we owe the existing varied phases of Hin¬
duism, and paradoxical as it may seem the masses are more Animists and
Buddhists in their beliefs at the present day than Brahmanists. We
* See Max Muller’s Hibbert Lectures, p. 56.
t Outlines of the history of Ancient Eeligions, p. 10, and Wilson in J. R. A. S.
V., 264.
41
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
sliall first of all take up the festivals commonly observed by the Knmaon
Khasiyas as the people of that country are commonly styled by their
neighbours, then the domestic ritual, and then the various forms of the
deity worshipped in the numerous temples that stud nearly every hill
and valley of any importance throughout the Kumaon Himalaya. We
shall then follow the historic method, and attempt to trace out the deve¬
lopment of the existing forms from the earlier Vaidik and Pauranik deities,
and show how the pre-Brahmanical conceptions have not only been
engrafted on the Vaidik ideas, but have practically swallowed them up
and led to the existing rich confusion.
Kumaon calendar. — Before proceeding with a description of the
religious festivals observed in Kumaon, it is as well to note that there are
two modes of computing time in common use, one founded on the sidereal
divisions of the months, and the other on an intricate adjustment of the
solar to the lunar year.* The local names of the months are Chait?
Baisakh, Jeth, Asarh, S'aun, Bhado, Asoj, Karttik, Mangsir, Pus, Man
and Phagun. The S'aka sanvat follows the solar year, and is used by the
great mass of the Khasiya population, and in the calendar of festivals
dedicated to the worship of the pre-Brahmanical forms and the indigen¬
ous local deities. The Vikramaditya satnvat is adapted to the luni-solar
year. It is only used by the later and more orthodox rulers in public
documents, and is confined amongst the peoj)le to the calendar of festivals
borrowed from the use of the plains, the calculation of nativities by the
fashionable Jyotishis and generally in all orthodox ceremonies. The
gradual conversion of the Khasiya population to Brahmanism is a pheno¬
menon well marked in this portion of the Himalaya. The prosperous Dom
(outcaste) mason becomes a Bajput and the so-called Khasiya Brahman, a
Brahman, and both mark their advancement in the social scale — for here
orthodoxy means respectability — by adopting the stricter forms in use in
the plains. One conclusion we may safely draw that the use of the S'aka
era in secular matters and the solar calendar in religious observances is
characteristic of the non-Brahmanised populations, and may be adopted
as a safe guide to the decision whether a given observance is of Brahmanical
or other origin.
Gliait. — The month Chait is considered the first month of the year
in Kumaon. The eleventh of the dark half is known as the Papa-^mocltmii
ekddaM, and is observed by those who keep the elevenths of every month
sacred. The first nine nights of the siidi or liHit half are known as the
Chait nava-rdtri and are sacred to the worship of the S'akti form of Sfiva
* For an elucidation of these systems : see Thomas’ Prinsep, IT, 148 : H. H.
Wilson’s works, II, 151 ; VII, 284 ; Calcutta lleview, I, 257 : Xlll, 65.
1884.]
of Ttdigion in the Ilimdlaya.
45
as Nava Durga, the nine forms of Dnrga. These are in common accepta¬
tion here ; — S'ailapntri, Bralimacharini, Chandaghanta, Knshmanda, Skan-
damata, Katyayini, Kalaratri, Mahaganri and Siddharatri. Dnrga is also
worshipped under her other forms as Kali, Chandika, &c., at this season.
Those who eat flesh, sacrifice kids to the goddess, using the Nirriti name
in the presentation ; and those who do not eat flesh, offer grain and flowers
and use the name of one of the milder forms in the consecration. On the
ninth of Chait sucli known as the Rdma-navamt, festivals are held at the
temples of the Yaishnava form Kamapadaka in Almora, Uliyagaon and
Masi. The Chait nava-rdtri is also the season of the great sangati or fair
at the Sikh temples of Guru Kam Rai in Dehra and STinagar. The
eleventh of the light half is known as Jcdfnadd, when widows worship
Vishnu and offer grain, fruit and flowers to the deity either in a temple
or to a sdlagrdma stone in their own home. The day of the full moon is
observed as a festival in the temple of Akasabhajini in SAun. On this day
also the houses of the pious are freshly plastered with a mixture of earth
and cow-dung and no animal is yoked : hence the name Ajotd.
BaisdJch. — The eleventh of the dark half of Baisakh is known as the
VardrtJiini ekddasi and is observed by widows like the Jcdmadd of the light
half of Chait. The third of the light half is called the AJcshaya or Akhai
tritiyd, and no one ploughs on that day lest some misfortune might occur.
The Sikhs call it the Sattwa-Uj and observe it as a festival. The
Gangd-saptami dr seventh devoted to the river Ganges is marked by
special services in several places along the Ganges. The observances
prescribed for the Mohani-ehddasi, or eleventh styled Moliam, are seldom
carried out in Kumaon except by those who, having suffered much in this
life, are desirous of obtaining a better position at their next birth. Old
men and women amongst the poorer classes worship Vishnu on this day.
The fomdeenth of the light half is known as the Nara-Simha chaturdaH
which is observed in the Vaishnava temples. The day of the full moon
called the Mddhcwa purnimd is also held sacred and assemblies are held at
several of the S'aiva and Naga temples on this day, such as Pinakeswara,
Gananatha, Bhairava in Phaldakot, Bhagoti in Dhaundyolsyun and Sites-
wara, also at Vasuki Naga in Danpur and Nagadeva in Salam.
Jetlh. — The eleventh of the dark half of Jeth is called the Apara eJcd-
dasi or ‘ super- excellent eleventh,’ the best of all the elevenths of the
dark half which are held sacred by the pious. No noted fair takes place on
this day and it is merely a nominal festival in these hills. The last day of
the dark half is called Vata-sdvitri amdvasyd, when Savitri, the personified
form of the sacred GdyatH verse, is worshipped by a few. The second of
the light half of Jeth is known as the Anadhydya dwiUyd, and on this day no
new task is given by a teacher to his pupils. The tenth of the light half is
46
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
called the Jeth Basahra, which is generally observed thronghont the lower
pattis or subdivisions. Special assemblies are held on this day at the
temples of Uma at Karnprayag, Uparde at Amel, Bageswara, Koteswara
and Sita at Sitabani in Kota, &c. This Dasahra marks the birth of Ganga,
the worship of the Kagas and Manasa. The eleventh is called the Nirjald
ekadasz, when drinking water is forbidden to those who profess to be de¬
vout. The day of the full moon is like all other similar dates observed
by plastering the floor with cow- dung and earth and giving presents
{nishrau or nirshau) of rice and money to Brahmans.
Asarh. — The eleventh of the dark half of Asarh is known as the
Yogini ehddaM, a nominal feast, only observed by those who have vowed
to keep holy every eleventh throughout the year. During this month
festivals are held in the temples dedicated to Bhairava and Kagaraja in
Garhwal. The eleventh of the light half of Asarh is known as the Hari-
sayani eJcddaU, the day when Vishnu falls asleep, which like the Hari-
bodhmi elcddasi, or eleventh of the light half of Karttik, when Vishnu
awakes from his sleep, is esteemed specially sacred amongst ‘ elevenths ’
and is generally observed throughout these districts. The day of the
full moon is observed in the same way as in Jeth as a domestic festival.
Sdwan or S' aim. — The eleventh of the dark half of S'awan or S'aun
has the local name hdmihd., but is merely observed as a day of rest and
one of the ajota days when the cattle are not harnessed. When the
thirteenth of any month falls on a Saturday it is called S'ani trayodasi
and is held sacred to Siva, no matter in what month or in what half of
the month it takes place. Similarly, when the last day of the dark half of
the month occurs on a Monday, it is called the somavati amdvasyd, which
is generally observed as a day of rest and the srdddha of ancestors is
performed without, however, making the pindas as prescribed for the
S'rdddhapaJcsha of Bhado. On this day also an iron anklet called dhagul is
worn by children to guard them against the evil eye and the attentions
of bliutas or sprites. The eleventh of the light half is known as the
Putradd, ehddasi, but has no special importance. On the day of the full
moon, after bathing in the morning, Hindus retire to some place near
running water and making a mixture of cow- dung and the earth in which
the tulsi plant has grown, anoint their bodies ; then they wash themselves,
change their sacrificial threads and perform the ceremony of Pishi-tarpana
or worship of the seven Bishis or sages. They then bind rdkhis or brace¬
lets of silk or common thread around their wrists and feed and give
presents to Brahmans. The common name for this festival in Kumaon
is Upa-7carma, equivalent to the Salauna or PaJcslidbandliana or BdJchiban-
dhana of other districts. On this day festivals take place at the Sun tem¬
ple in Sui-Bisang, Barahi Devi at Devi Dhura and Patuwa in Siii. A
commercial fair takes place at Devi Dhura on the Sn^di purriimd.
1884.]
47
of Beligion in the Himalaya.
Bhddo. — Tlie fourth of the dark half of Bhado is known as the 8an~
JcasM chaturtM when Ganesa is worshipped and offerings of duh grass and
the sweetmeat called ladii composed of sugar and sesamum seed are made.
These sweetmeats are here called modak, of which ten are usually pre¬
sented, and of these five belong to the officiating priest and five to the
worshipper. This observance is common amongst all Hindus. The
eighth of the dark half is the well-known JanmAshtamf a great festival
amongst the Vaishnavas, held in honour of the birth of Krishna. The
eve of this festival is spent in worship in the temples. Local festivals are
also held during this month in honour of Kelu Pir, Ganganatha, Kartti-
keya, I)ipa Devi and Pushkara Kaga. The eleventh of the dark half is
known as the AjdmhiJcd elmdasi and that last day is called the Kusdvarti
amdvasyd, when the Jcusa grass is collected by Brahmans for use in their
ceremonies. Locally amongst the Tiwari Brahmans the ceremony of
changing the sacrificial thread is performed on the third of the light half
of Bhado, which is commonly known as the Haritdli triUyd from the
Hasta nahshatra or asterism. The fourth is known as the Ganesa- cha-
turtlii and is the date of a fair at Thai Kedar in Waldiya and at Dhvaj-
patikeswar near Jarkandar in Askot. The fifth, is known as the Ndga or
Bislii or Birura-panchami.
Ndga-pancliamd. — This is the great day on which the serpents are
worshipped and the date of the fair in honour of IJgyara Maharudra at
Papoli in Kakura and Karkotaka Kaga in Chhakhata. Rikheswar is a
title of S'iva as lord of the Kagas, a form in which he is represented as
surrounded by serpents and crowned with a chaplet of hooded snakes.
The people paint figures of serpents and birds on the walls of their
houses and seven days before this feast steep a mixture of wheat, gram
and a sort of pulse called gahat {Boliclios uniflorus') in water. On the
morning of the Ndga-panchami they take a wisp of grass and tying it up
in the form of a snake dip it in the water in which the grain has been
steeped (hirura) and place it with money and sweetmeats as an offering
before the serpents.
The chief festival, however, in Bhado is that held on the Nand-
dslitami or eighth of the Sudd or light half. It is popular all over the
upper pattis (sub-divisions) of the two districts and is the occasion of a
great assembly in Almora. Great numbers of kids are sacrificed and
occasionally young male buffaloes. At Almora a young buffalo is offered
and Raja Bhim Singh, the representative of the Chand Rajas, gives
the first blow with a talwar and afterwards the others kill the animal.
In several villages this is made the occasion of a cruel custom. The
animal is fed for the preceding day on a mixture of ddl and rice and on
the day of the sacrifice is allowed sweetmeats and, decked with a garland
48
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No, 1,
around its neck, is worshipped. The headman of the village then lays a
talwar across its neck and the beast is let loose, when all proceed to chase
it and pelt it with stones and hack it with knives until it dies. This
custom especially prevails in villages where the form Mahisha-mardani is
worshipped, ‘ she who slew the buffalo-demon Mahisha.’ A similar cus¬
tom, however, called dlmrancji obtains in the Bhotiya parganahs of
Kumaon where there is no trace of the buffalo-legend. There, when a
man dies, his relatives assemble at the end of the year in which the death
occurred and the nearest male relative dances naked with a drawn, sword
to the music of a drum, in which he is assisted by others for a whole day
and night. The following day a buffalo is brought and made intoxicated
with bhang and spirits and beaten with stones, sticks and weapons until it
dies. It is probable that this custom of slaying the buffalo is an old one
unconnected with any Brahmanical deity. A story fabricated not very
long ago in connection with the Nanda temple at Almora is both amu¬
sing and instructive as to the growth of these legends. My informant
tells how the worship of ISTanda at Almora had been kept up ever since
it was established there by Kalyan Chand, but that when the British
took possession of Kumaon, the revenue-free villages attached to the tem¬
ple were sequestrated by Mr. Traill.* Three years afterwards (1818)
Mr. Traill was on a visit to the Bhotiya valley of Juhar, and whilst pass¬
ing by Kanda-kot, where Kanda Devi is supposed to hold her court, was
struck blind by the dazzling colour of the snow. The people all told him
that unless the worship of the goddess were restored his temporary
snow-blindness would remain for ever, and on his promising to this effect,
his eyes were opened and healed. In Almora, there is this peculiarity
in the worship of Kanda, that two images are made of the stock of the
plantain tree and on the morrow of the festival, these are thrown or, as
the people say, sent to sleep on a waste space below the fort of Lalmandi
(Fort Moira) and thus disposed of.
JDurhdshtami. — A ceremony known as the Burhashtami sometimes
takes place on the Nanddshtami and sometimes on the Janmashtami or
other holy eighth of this month. On this day women make a necklace of
dub grass which they place around their neck and after ablution and worship
give it with the smikat/pa or invocation as a present to Brahmans. They
then wear instead a necklace of silk or fine thread according to their means.
They also put on their left arms a bracelet of thread with seven knots
known as dor. Men wear a similar bracelet of fourteen knots on their riMit
to
arms which is called ananta, as they first wear it on the ananta cJiatur-
* On tlie British conquest in 1815, all claims to hold land free of revenue were
examined and in many cases, owing to the difficulty of obtaining satisfactory evidence
in support of the claim, considerable dela}^ arose in issuing orders.
1884.]
49
of Religion in the Himdlaija.
dasi or fourteentli of the light half, which is further observed as a festival
at Beninaga in Baraun, Bhagling in Shr and Chhipnla in Askot and also
at the temples to Grhantakarna in Garhwal. The eleventh is locally known
as the Pdrsvapari ekddasz and the twelfth as the Baman or Srdvana dwd~
dasi from the Sravana naJcshatra or asterism, but both are merely nominal
festivals. The day of the full moon is observed as in other months.
S'rdddha-paJcsha of Asoj. — The entire dark half of Asoj is known as the
S'rdddha-paksha or fortnight devoted to the repose of the manes of ances¬
tors. It is also called the Mahdlaya pdrvana srdddha from the formula used
each day in worshipping the manes. The ninth is known as the S'rdd-
dhiyd navami when the ceremonies are performed for a mother. On this
day, the children by a legal wife make small balls of cooked rice and the
children by a concubine make the same of raw rice ground with water
on a stone. These cakes or balls are called pinda and are worshipped in
remembrance of the deceased. They are then given to a cow to eat or
are thrown into a river or on to some secluded waste piece of ground.
The practice of making pinda of boiled rice is, however, confined to those
castes who claim connection with similar castes in the plains and is un¬
known amongst the Khasiyas, who make the pinda of raw rice as already
noticed for the offspring of a concubine. If a father has died his drdddha
is performed on the same date of the fortnight : thus if he died on the
third of Magh sudi, his srdddha in the srdddha-paJcsha or Jcanydgati will
be held on the third, but if he died on the ninth or any succeeding date,
if the mother be already dead, as a father’s srdddha cannot be held after a
mother’s, the ceremony must be observed on the eighth. In addition to
this the anniversary of the death of a father is always separately observed
by the better classes and is called ‘ eJcoddishta’ or ‘ eJcoddrishta’ when ‘ he
alone is looked at’ or is made the object of worship. If he died during the
srdddha-paJcsha, the day is called ‘ eJcoddishta khydta srdddha,'’ and though
it falls on the ninth or succeeding day is observed as the anniversary.
The last day of the dark half is called Amdvasyd srdddhiyd, when the names
of all ancestors are mentioned and worshipped, but pindas are made and
offered only for the three male paternal ancestors, father, grandfather
and great-grandfather. The three ascending cognates and agnates are
all honoured on this day, which is the only one observed by Dorns. The
srdddha of girls who die before marriage is never made, and of boys only
if they have been invested with the sacrificial thread. The srdddha of a
girl who has married is made by her husband’s brother’s family, if she
dies childless her husband’s brother’s son, or if her husband has married
twice and has offspring, her step-son (sautela) performs the ceremony.
In default of these, the elder or other brother of the husband will
ofiiciate ; her own brothers never can take part in any ceremony connected
G
50
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
with a sister who married. The eleventh of the srdddha-paksJia is known
as the Indriyd ekddah', but has no particnlar observances attached to it
apparently.
Asoj sudi. — The first nine nights of the light half of Asoj called the
Asoj navardtri are, like the first nine nights of Chait, especially devoted
to the worship of S akti. The first day is called Devt-sthdpana, on which
the idol is set np and the preparations are made. The eighth is the
‘ 7nahdshtami^ or great eighth, when the pions fast all day and make
ready for the great or last day, when kids are sacrificed and the proceed¬
ings continue during the whole night. The tenth of the light half of
Asoj is here called the Vijaya-dasami or the tenth of victory, and on this
day a festival is held to commemorate the commencement of Rama’s
expedition to Ceylon (Lanka) for the release of Sita. It is locally known
as Pdyata or simply Pait, from the well-known sweetmeat petha which
forms an important item of the feast given to friends and relatives on
this day. Some also now pay honour to the young green sprouts of the
more useful crops, such as wheat, gram, rape, as well as on the Karka
sa7ikrdnta, when the custom is universally observed. The village gods
Groril and Ghatku or Ghatotkacha have festivals on the mahdshta7nt. The
eleventh is known as the Pdpdnkusa-ekddasi or eleventh of the anhusa
(elephant goad) of sin, and in some copies as Pdrsvapari. The day of
the full moon is called Kojdgari, and from this day the gambling of the
Diwali commences.
Kdrttih. — The eleventh of the dark half of Karttik is known as the
Pdma ehddasi or eleventh of Rama and Lakshmi. The entire dark half
is called the Pipa-pahsha or ‘ fortnight of lamps.’ The Padma-Purana
alludes to the eleventh of Rama as appropriate to the gift of lighted
lamps as well as to the NaraJca-chatiirdasi or fourteenth and fifteenth.
The thirteenth is set apart for the gift of lamps to Yama, and flowers
should be offered on the two following days, when bathing also is enjoined.
The PipdwaU amdvasyd or last day of the dark half is known as the Sukha-
rdtri or happy night which Yishnu passed in dalliance with Lakshmi and
also as the PnvdU. Women take part in the observances of the night
and some keep the previous day as a fast and devoutly prepare the mate¬
rials for the night’s worship when none are allowed to sleep. Even the
lighting of lamps for the purpose of gambling in any place dedicated to
Vishnu is considered to be a pious and meritorious act at this season.
The Vaishnava friars known generically as Bairagis minister at most of
the Vaishnava shrines and festivals and acknowledge the spiritual supre¬
macy of the chief of the S'riranga temple and matha near Trichinopoly in
the Madras Presidency.
The Kdrttika Mdhdt7nya of the Padma-Purana is devoted to a de-
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
51
scrip tion of the rites and ceremonies to be observed dnring Karttik. “ In
this month whatever gifts are made, whatever observances are practised, if
they be in honour of Vishnu, are sure of obtaining the end desired and re¬
alizing an imperishable reward.” The first day of the light half is devoted
to the memory of the Daitya Raja Bali who was subdued by Vishnu in his
dwarf incarnation and to Krishna or Kanhaiya as Gobardhan. When Bali
was sent to Patala, he was allowed as a boon to have this day held sacred
in his honour. The door-step is smeared with cow-dung and the images of
Bali and his family are rudely drawn thereon and receive domestic wor¬
ship. The second is known as the Yama-dwitiyd when Yama came down
to visit his sister Yamuna and she received the boon that all brothers who
visited sisters on that day and interchanged presents should escape hell.
On the eighth a commercial fair is held at Askot. The ninth is known
as the Kushmdnda-navami when pumpkins are offered to Devi, and on the
eleventh called the Hari-hodhinf the waking of Vishnu from his periodical
slumbers, is celebrated. The fourteenth is known as the Vaikuntha-
cliaturdaU, for he who dies on this day goes straight to the paradise of
Vishnu. Noted festivals are held on the Vaikuntha fourteenth at Kama-
leswara in Srinagar and Malik Arjun in Askot. The day of the light half
or imrnimd is like the purnimd of Baisakh, a great day for bathing,
and special assemblies are then held at the temples of Pinakeswara,
Gananatha, Siteswara, Vasuki Raja and Nagadeva Padamgir.
Many sir. — The eleventh of the dark half of Mangsir is known as the
Utpatti-ekddan, but is not particularly observed. The eleventh of the
light half is called the Moksha- ekddasi and has some local celebrity. The
twelfth or Bdrdhi dwddasi is so called in remembrance of Vishnu’s boar
incarnation. The day of the full moon has no peculiar observance attach¬
ed to it. The only other festivals during this month are those held at
the harvest feasts. No important agricultural operation takes place with¬
out the intervention of some religious observance. An astrologer is called
in who fixes the auspicious day, generally with reference to the initial
letter of the name of the owner of the field, but if this does not suit, his
brother or some near relation whose name is more convenient for the
purpose takes the owner’s place in the ceremony. Tuesdays and Satur¬
days are generally considered unlucky days. On the day fixed for the
commencement of ploughing the ceremonies known as kudkhyo and
halkhyo take place. The kudkhyo takes place in the morning or evening
and begins by lighting a lamp before the household deity and offering
rice, flowers and balls made of turmeric, borax and lemon-juice called
pity a. The conch is then sounded and the owner of the field or relative
whose lucky day it is takes three or four pounds of seed from a basin and
carries it to the edge of the field prepared for its receptio]i. He then
52
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
scrapes a portion of the earth with a Jcuthala (whence the name Jcudkhyo)
and sows a portion. One to five lamps are then placed on the ground
and the surplus seed is given away. At the halJchyo ceremony, the jpitya
are placed on the ploughman, plough and plough- cattle, and four or five
furrows are ploughed and sown and the farm-servants are fed. The be¬
ginning of the harvest is celebrated by the Jcaldi, when ten or twelve
ears of the new grain are brought from the fields and offered to the
household deity. Pots of cow-dung are placed over the doorway and
near the household deity, and four ears crossed two by two are placed in
them. After the harvest is over one or two surpas or sieves of grain are
distributed amongst the servants. All these ceremonies are accompanied
by simple prayer for prosperity in general and on the work about to be
performed in particular.
Pus. Man. — The eleventh of the dark half of Pus is called the
phala eJcddasi, and the eleventh of the light half is known as the Bhojani
ekddasi. The fourth of the dark of half of Man or Magh is known as the
Sanhashta cliaturtln, which like the similarly named day in Bhado is
sacred to Ganesa. The eleventh is the Shat-tila ekddasi when the devout
are allowed but six grains of sesamum seed as food for the whole day.
The fifth of the light half called the SWi or Vasanta-^pancliami marks in
popular use the commencement of the season of the Holi. The name
‘ 8'rP is derived from one of the titles of Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth
and prosperity, and according to some includes Sarasvati, the goddess of
learning. Even in Kumaon where the customs and ideas of the plains
have not yet thoroughly permeated the masses, amongst some classes,
A
young children beginning to learn are taught to honour Sarasvati on this
day, whilst the Baniya worships his scales, the soldier his weapon, the
clerk his pen, the ploughman his plough, and others the principal emblem
of their professions or callings. The name Vasanta-’panchami connects the
festival with the advent of spring and the young shoots of barley, at this
time a few inches in length, are taken up and worn in the head-dress.
The Vasanta-panchami corresponds closely with the old Latin feast, the
fifth of the ides of February which was fixed as the beginning of spring in
the Roman calendar. On this day, people wear clothes of a yellow colour
in honour of spring and indulge in feasts and visiting their friends.
Erom the fourth to the eighth of the light half of Magh festivals are
held which are known collectively as the Pancha parva : they are the
Ganesa-chaturthi, the Vasanta-panchamd^ the Surya-sJiashtM, the Achald
saptami and the Bhishmdshtami. The Ganesa-chaturthi is observed
by few in Kumaon, but the Vasanta-panchami is held in honour all
over the two districts. The Surya-shashtM is held on the same day
as the S'itala-shasli tM of the plains, but has no connection with it. Here
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
53
it is observed by the Sauras only or occasionally old widows and others
similarly situated who worship the sun on this day. The only noted
festival in connection with it is that at the temple of the snn at Paban
or Pabhain in Bel. The Achald saptamt or “ immoveable seventh,” so
called because it is said to be always held sacred, is seldom observed
here. It is also called the Jayanti-saptami or ‘ seventh of victory,’ and
festivals are held on this day at the Kamaleswara temple in S'rinagar and
the temple to Jayanti at Jayahot in Boraran. The BMshmdshtami seems
to be altogether unobserved, if we except the entirely local ceremonies
held in some few places and utterly unknown to the people at large.
The eleventh is known as the BMma ehddasi, and this and the full moon
are very seldom observed.
Phdgun. 8'ivardtri. — The eleventh of the dark half of Phagun is
called the Vijaya-eJcddasi or ‘ eleventh of victory.’ The fourteenth is
everywhere sacred to S'iva. This is the day when all sins are expiated
and exemption from metempsychosis is obtained. It is the anniversary of
the apparition of the ling which descended from heaven to confound the
rival disputants, Brahma and Vishnu, a scene which is described at length
in the Lainga Purana.* The day preceding is devoted by the pious and
educated to fasting, and all night long the deity is worshipped, and it is not
until ablutions are performed next morning and offerings are made to the
idol and the attendant priests, that the worshippers are allowed to eat.
The day is then kept as a holiday. In the great S'aiva establishments the
ceremonies are conducted with great splendour and are held to be espe¬
cially sacred on this day, more particularly in those which were estab¬
lished before the Muhammadan invasion of India. These temples as
enumerated by the local pandits are as follows (I) Rameswara near
Cape Komorin ; (I) Kedarnatha in Garhwal ; (3) Mahakala in Ujjain ;
(4) Somanatha in Gujrat ; (5) Mallikarjuna in the Karnatic ; (6) Bhima
Sankara near Puna ; (7) Omkaranatha on the Herbudda ; (8) Visvanatha
in Benares ; (9) Bhuvaneswara in Orissa ; (10) Yaidyanatha in Bombay ;
(II) Bageswara in Kumaon and (12) Jageswara in Kumaon. As a rule,
however, there is only a single service in some temple or a ling is made
of clay and worshipped at home. The elaborate ritual laid down in the
VdrshiTca pustaJca, the authority in these hills is very seldom observed : the
mass of the people neither now understand it nor have they the means to
pay the fees of the hereditary expounders. The ordinary ceremonies in¬
clude the offering of rape-seed and uncooked rice with flowers and water,
and then the mystical formula known as prdndydma which is explained
hereafter.
At the malidpujd on the S'ivaratri at Jageswara the idol is bathed in
* Translated in Muir, IV., 388.
54
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
snccession with milk, curds, ghi, honey and sugar : cold and hot water
being used alternately between each bathing. Each bathing has its ap¬
propriate invocation, prayer and offering which are in all respects the
same as those prescribed in the plains.* Another form of worship is the
^ jap ’ or recitation of the one hundred and eight names of Siva, such as
Rudra, Isana, Hara, Pasupati, &c. These are counted off on a rosary
made of the seeds of the rudraksha {Abrus precatorius) . As a rule,
however, few remember this litany and the worshipper is satisfied by re¬
peating a single name as often as he cares, thus “ Om sivdya 07td^ or “ Otn
maliddeo ” is the favourite ejaculation of the ^ jap ’ in Kumaon though
one occasionally hears from pilgrims from the plains ‘ Har, Har Mahddeo,
bam Maliddeo.’ The leaves of the bel (MJgle marmelos) and the flowers
of the datura {Batura alba), the kapur nali or kapur nai (Hedychium
spicatum), the jdti or jai {Murray a exotica?) and the rose are specially
sacred to S'iva and form a part of the argha or offerings made during his
worship. There can be no doubt but that the present system of S'aiva
worship though popular and universal is of modern origin, and on this
point we may cite the testimony of Professor Wilson :f — “ Notwithstanding
the reputed sanctity of the S'ivardtri, it is evidently sectarial and compara¬
tively modern, as well as a merely local institution, and consequently
offers no points of analogy to the practices of antiquity. It is said in the
Kalpa Bruma that two of the mantras are from the Rig Veda, but they
are not cited, and it may be well doubted if any of the Vedas recognise
any such worship of S'iva. The great authorities for it are the Puranas,
and the Tantras ; the former — ^the S'aiva, Lainga, Padma, Matsya and
Vayu — are quoted chiefly for the general enunciations of the efficacy of
the rite, and the great rewards attending its performance : the latter for
the mantras : the use of mystical formulae, of mysterious letters and syl¬
lables, and the practice of Nydsa and other absurd gesticulations being
derived mostly, if not exclusively, from them; as the Isdna Saiphitd, the
S'iva Bahasya, the Budra Ydmala, Mantra-mahodadhi and other Tantrika
works. The age of these compositions is unquestionably not very remote,
and the ceremonies for which they are the only authorities can have no
claims to be considered as parts of the primitive system. This does not
impair the popularity of the rite, and the importance attached to it is
evinced by the copious details which are given by the compilers of the
Tithi-Tattwa and Kalpa Bruma regarding it and by the manner in which
it is observed in all parts of India.”
* See Wilson, II., 214 : the prayers there given are paraphrased in the Vdrshika
fustaka.
t Ibid., 219.
1884.]
of Beligion in the Himalaya.
55
Gosdins. — The Grosains* founded by S'ankara ;:^cliarya are still a
powerful body in these hills. S'ankara Acharya had four principal dis¬
ciples who are usually named Padmapada, Hastamalaka, Suresvara or
Mandana, and Trotaka. Of these the first had two pupils, Tirtha and
Asrama ; the second had also two, Vana and Aranya ; the third had three,
Sarasvati, Puri and Bharati, and the fourth had three, Gir or Giri, Par-
vata and Sagara. These pupils became the heads of the order of Dasa-
nami Dan dins or ‘ ten-named mendicants,’ and any one joining the fra¬
ternity adopts one of the names. Formerly all supported themselves by
alms and were celibates. I^ow some have married and become house¬
holders or have taken to trade or arms as a profession and are not ac¬
knowledged as brethren except perhaps in western India. The Gosains
proper are called Dan dins from the clanda or staff carried by them in
their travels. They are ruled by an assembly called the Dasanama, com¬
posed of representatives of the ten divisions which has complete control
over all the mathas of the order. On the death of a Mahant his successor
is usually elected by the members of the matha to which he belonged or,
in some cases, the chela or pupil succeeds. The chief matha of the order
represented in Garhwal is at Sringeri on the Tungabhadra river in the
Madras Presidency. They serve at Rudranatha, Kalpeswara, Kamaleswara,
Bhil-kedar, and indeed most of the principal temples dedicated to Siva.
Jdngamas. — The Jangamas or Lingadharis, so called from their wear¬
ing a miniature linga on their breast or arm, acknowledge the spiritual
supremacy of Basava, minister of Bijjala Deva Kalachuri Raja of
Kalyana and who murdered his master in 1135 A. D. Basava wrote the
Basava-Purana and his nephew, the Channa-Basava Parana, which are
still the great authorities of the sect. The name Basava is a Kanarese
corruption of the Sanskrit ‘ vrishahha,’ and the Basava-Purana is written
in praise of the bull FTandf, the companion and servant of Siva. The
Jangamas style themselves Puritan followers of Siva under the form of a
linga and call all others idolaters. They say that they reverence the Vedas
and the writings of Sankara Acharya, but they reject the Mahabharata,
Ramayana and Bhagavata as the invention of Brahmans. They consider
both S'ankara Acharya and Basava to have been emanations of Siva.
Basava himself was a S'aiva Brahman and devoted himself to the worship
of Siva under the form of a linga as the one god approachable by all. He
denounced the Brahmans as worshippers of many gods, goddesses, deified
mortals and even of cows, monkeys, rats, and snakes. He denied the use
of fasts and penances, pilgrimages, sacrifices, rosaries and holy- water.
He set aside the Vedas as the supreme authority and taught that all
* The name is derived according to some from ‘ go,’ passion, and ‘ sivdmi,’ mas¬
ter : he who has his passions under control.
56
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
human beings are equal, and hence men of all castes and even women
can become spiritual guides amongst the Jangamas. Marriage is impera¬
tive with Brahmans, but permissive only with the followers of Basava.
Child-marriage is unknown and betrothal in childhood unnecessary.
Polygamy is permissible with the consent of a childless wife. A widow
is treated with respect and may marry again, though whilst a widow she
may not retain the jacket, perfumes, paints, black glass armlets, nose and
toe rings which form the peculiar garb of the married woman. A Jan-
gam always returns a woman’s salutation and only a breach of chastity
can cause her to lose her position. The Jangamas are also call Vira
S'aivas to distinguish them from the Aradhyas, another division of the
followers of Basava who call themselves descendants of Brahmans and
could not be induced to lay aside the Brahmanical thread, the rite of
assuming which requires the recital of the gdyatri or hymn to the sun :
hence the Jangamas regard this section as idolators and reject their assis¬
tance. Those who totally reject the authority of Brahmans are called
Sauranyas and Viseshas. The Samanya or ordinary Jangama may eat and
drink wine and betel and may eat in any one’s house, but can marry only
in his own caste. The Yisesha is the guru or spiritual preceptor of the
rest. The lesser vows are addressed to the linga, the guru and the Jan¬
gama or brother in the faith. The linga represents the deity and the guru
he who breathes the sacred spell into the ear and makes the neophyte one
with the deity : hence he is reverenced above the natural parents. The
lingas in temples are fixed there and therefore called sthdvira : hence the
lingas of Basava are called jJnyamn or able to move q^bout, and the fol¬
lowers Jangamas or living incarnations of the linga. The Aradhyas retain
as much of the Brahmanical ceremonial as possible, they look down on
women and admit no proselytes, they call themselves Yaidikas and say
that the Jangamas are Yedabahyas. The latter declare that every one
has a right to read the Yedas for himself and that the Aradhyas are poor
blind leaders of the blind who have wrested the scriptures to the destruc¬
tion of themselves and others.
The Jangama worships S'iva as Sadasiva, the form found in Kedar,
who is invisible, but pervades all nature. By him the linga is reverenced
as a reliquary and brings no impure thought. He abhors Maya or Kali
who is one with Yona, and is opposed to licentiousness in morals or
manners. He aims at release from fleshly lusts by restraining the pas¬
sions ; he attends to the rules regarding funerals, marriage and the plac¬
ing of infants in the creed, and is, as a rule, decent, sober and devout.
Burial is substituted for cremation and Brahmans are set aside as priests.
The Yira-S'aivas illustrate their creed by the following allegory : — ‘ The
guru is the cow whose mouth is the fellow- worshipper and whose udder
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
57
is tlie linga. The cow confers benefits by means of its ndcler, bnt this is
filled through the mouth and body, and therefore if a Yira-S'aiva desires
the image to benefit him, he must feed the mouth, or in other words sus¬
tain and comfort his fellow- worshippers, and then the blessing will be
conveyed to him through the teacher.’ When the Brahmanical Sfiva is
mentioned in their books it is only to show that the true Vira-S^aivas
ai'e more than a match for the Bhii-suras or gods of the earth as the
Brahmans style themselves. The ordinary S'aiva temples are in some
cases served by orthodox Smarta (S'aiva) Brahmans. The Jangamas
still serve some of the principal temples in Garhwal.*
Kdn^hatas. — The Kanphata Jogis conduct the worship in all the
Bhairava temples that are not ministered to by Khasiyas. Their princi<
pal seat is at Danodhar on the edge of the Ran of Kachh about twenty
miles north-west of Bhuj in the Bombay Presidency. They wear brick-
dust coloured garments and are remarkable for the large earrings of
rhinoceros horn, agate or gold worn by them and from which they are
named. They are very numerous in these hills and possess several large
establishments. They follow the Tantrika ritual, which is distinguished
by its licentiousness for both the linga and the yona are worshipped by
them, and they declare that it is unnecessary to restrain the passions to
arrive at release from metempsychosis. They are the principal. priests of
the lower S'akti forms of Bhairava and even of the villao’e ffods, and eat
flesh and drink wine and indulge in the orgies of the left-handed sect.
Departing from the original idea of the female being only the personified
energy of the male, she is made herself the entire manifestation and, as
we shall see in the case of Durga, receives personal worship, to which
that of the corresponding male deity is almost always subordinate. The
S'aktas are divided into two great classes, both of which are represented
in these districts, the Dakshinacharis and Vamacharis. The first comprise
those who follow the right hand or open orthodox ritual of the Puranas
in their worship of S'akti, whilst the latter or left-hand branch adopt a
secret ceremonial which they do not care openly to avow. The distinc¬
tion between the two classes is not so apparent in the mass of the S'aktas
* The chief authorities for the Lingayat system are : —
The Basava-Purana of the Lingayats translated by the Eev. Gr. Wurth, J. B. B.
E. A. S., VIII., 63.
The Channa-Basava Parana translated by the same. Ihid.
The creeds, customs and literature of the Jangamas, by C. P. Brown, M. J. L. S.
XI. 143 : J. E. A. S., Y n. s. 141.
The B a sava- Parana, the principal book of the Jangamas, by the same. Ihid.,
XII. 193.
On the Gosains by J. Warden, M. J. L. S. XIV. 67.
Castes of Malabar. Ihid., 1878, p. 172.
H
58
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
here as amongst the extreme of either class. The more respectable and
intelligent, whatever their practice in secret may be, never profess in
public any attachment to the grosser ceremonial of the left-hand S'aktas,
and it is only fair to say that they generally reprobate it as opposed to
the spirit of the more orthodox writings. As a rule, the worshipper
simply offers up a prayer and on great occasions presents one, two, five
or eight kids, which are slaughtered and afterwards form the consecrated
food of which all may partake. The left-hand ritual is more common in
Garhwal, where there are some sixty-five temples dedicated to Nagaraja
and Bhairava and some sixty dedicated to Bhairava alone, whilst there
are not twenty temples to these forms in Kumaon. filagaraja is supposed
to represent Vishnu, and Bhairava is held to be a form of S'iva, and these
with their personified energies are considered present in each of these
temples, though in the actual ceremony the worship is chiefly directed to
the female form of S'iva’s S'akti. In all the rites, the use of some or all
the elements of the five-fold makdra, viz., matsya (fish), mdinsa (flesh),
madya (wine), maithund (women) and mudrd (certain mystical gesti¬
culations), are prescribed. Each step in the service is accompanied by
its appropriate mantra in imitation of those used with the five-fold offer¬
ings of the regular services. In the great service of the Sri Ghahra or
FurndhhisheJca,^ the ritual, as laid down in the DasaJcarma, places the
worshippers, male and female, in a circle around the officiating priest as
representatives of the Bhairavas and Bhairavis. The priest then brings
in a naked woman, to whom offerings are made as the living representa¬
tive of S'akti, and the ceremony ends in orgies which may be better
imagined than described. It is not therefore astonishing that temple
priests are, as a rule, regarded as a degraded, impure class, cloaking
debauchery and the indulgence in wine, women and flesh under the name
of religion. Garhwal is more frequented by pilgrims and wandering reli¬
gious mendicants, and this is given as a reason for the more frequent
public exhibition of their ceremonies there. In Kumaon the custom
exists, but it is generally observed in secret, and none but the initiated
are admitted even to the public ceremonies. The Tantras prescribe for
the private ceremony that a worshipper may take : — “ a dancing- girl, a
prostitute, a female devotee, a washerwoman or a barber’s wife,” and
seating her before him naked, go through the various rites and partake
with her of the five-fold mahdra.
Sacrifices. The hali-dana or oblation when offered by Vaishnavas
consists of curds, grain, fruits and flowers, but when offered by the S^aiva
S aktas here usually assumes the form of living victims, the young of
* See for further details Wilson, I., 258, and Ward, III, 194, ed. 1822 : the de-
scriptions there given fairly represent the practice in the hills.
1884.] of Religion in the Himalaya. 59
buffaloes or more generally of goats. At Purnagiri in Tallades, Hat in
Gangoli and E-ancbula Kot in Katyur, the consort of S'iva, in lier most
terrible form, lias attained an unenviable notoriety as having been in
former times appeased by human sacrifices. In the neighbouring country
of HepH,* it is recorded that the custom of offering human sacrifices tc
Bachhla Devi, another form of Kali, was introduced by S'iva- deva-varma,
and that when one of his successors, Yisva-deva-vanna, considered it a
piece of great cruelty and desired to abolish it ‘‘ Kara-siva made a great
noise. Whereupon the Raja went to see what was the matter and the
Kara-siva came to seize him. The Raja, being pleased at this, gave him
a largo jdgir which remains to the present day.” In Bhavabhuti’s charm¬
ing drama of Malati and Madhava we have an account of the attempt
made by Aghoraghanta to offer Malati as a sacrifice to Chamunda Devi
when she is rescued by Madhava. f In the collection of legends known
as the Katha-sarit-sagara frequent mention is made of the sacrifice of
human victims by the barbarous tribes inhabiting the forests and mountains
and we know that up to the present day the practice has existed amongst
the wild tribes in Khondistan. In the Dasa Kumara Charitra, also, we
are told of Praharavarma, Raja of Mithila, being attacked by the S'avaras
and losing two of his children who were about to be offered by the bar¬
barians to Chandi Devi when they were fortunately rescued by a Brah¬
man. The Kalika Purana, too, gives minute directions for the offering
of a human being to KMi, whom, it is said, his blood satisfies for a thou¬
sand years. Both at Purnagiri and Hat a connection and oneness with
the great Kali of Calcutta is asserted and cocoanuts are much esteemed
as a subsidiary oblation. In the latter place the sacrificial weapon used
in the human sacrifices is still preserved. J
HoU. — The Holi commences on the eighth or ninth and ends on the
last day of Phalgun 8udiy locally known as the chharari day. Some de¬
rive the name Holi from the demon Holika, who is one with Putana ; but
the Bhavishyottara Purana, which has a whole section devoted to this
festival, gives a different account which may be thus briefly summarised :
— In the time of Yuddhishthira there was a Raja named Raghu who
governed so wisely that his people were always happy, until one day the
Rakshasi Dundha came and troubled them and their children. They
* Wright’s Nepal, 126, 130 : Sivadeva lived about the tenth century.
t Wilson, XII, 58.
J Those who are desirous of investigating the subject of human sacrifices fur¬
ther are referred to Wilson’s works, I, 264 ; II, 247 ; III, 353 : IV., 143 ; Max Muller’s
History of ancient Sanskrit Literature, 408 : Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, I., 355 : II., 184 ;
IV., 289 : Wheeler’s History of India, I, 403 : Wilson’s India, 68, and Colebrooke’s
Essays 34.
60
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
prayed the Raja to aid them and ho consulted the Muni Narada, who
directed them to go forth in full confidence on the last day of the light
half of Phalgun and laugh, sport and rejoice. Then they should set up a
bonfire and circumambulate it according to rule, then every one should
“ utter without fear whatever comes into his mind. In various ways and
in their own speech let them freely indulge their tongues and sing and
sing again a thousand times whatever songs they will. Appalled by
those vociferations, by the oblations to fire and by the laughter of the
children,” the Rakshasi was to be destroyed. “ Inasmuch as the oblation
of fire (homo) offered by the Brahmans upon this day effaces sin and
confers peace upon the world (loka), therefore shall the day be called
hoUkd.” The Kumaonis take full advantage of the license thus afforded
and under the infiuence of hhang proceed from village to village singing
obscene songs and telling stories. The red-powder or giildl which is
used in the sports during the festival is made from the flowers of the
rhododendron. Although preparations commence on the eighth or ninth,
the real festival does not begin until the eleventh, known as the chirban-
dan day, or amardaM ehddasi. On this day, people take two small pieces
of cloth from each house, one white and the other coloured, and after
offering; them before the SAkti of Bhairava make use of them thus : — A
pole is taken and split at the top so as to admit of two sticks being placed
transversely at right angles to each other and from these the pieces of
cotton are suspended. The pole is then planted on a level piece of
ground, and the people, singing the Holi songs in honour of Kanhaiya
and his Gopis, circumambulate the pole and burn it on the last day. This
ceremony is observed by the castes who assume connection with the
plains castes, but the lower class of Khasiyas, where they observe the
festival, simply set up the triangular standard crowned by an iron tri¬
dent, the special emblem of Pasupati, which they also use at marriage
ceremonies. The Holi is chiefly observed in the lower pattis and is un¬
known in the upper hills. The Tihd holi takes place two days after the
chharari or last day of the Holi, when thankofferings are made, accord¬
ing to ability, on account of the birth of a child, a marriage or any other
good fortune. The expenses of these festivals are usually met by a cess
on each house which is presented to the officiating Brahman for his
services, and he, in return, gives to each person the Utah or frontal mark,
made from a compound of turmeric. The practice of the orthodox and
educated in no way differs from that current in the plains. The Holi is
clearly another of those non-Brahmanical ceremonies connected with
the montane Pasupata cult which have survived to the present day.
Festivals regulated by the solar calendar. — Bach sanhrdnta or the
passage of the sun from one constellation into another is marked by festi-
1884.]
61
of Religion in the Himalaya.
vals. Most of tlie Bhairava temples in Grarhwal and even such as
Narmadeswara, Vriddlia Kedara and Narayana have special assemblies on
every sanhrdnta tlironghont the year, whilst others hold special services
only on particular sanhrdntas^ such as the Bikh, Mekh and Makar.
Generally the festivals of the village deities as well as all civil duties
and engagements are regulated by the calendar for the solar year.
Mm sanhrdnta. — The Min or Chait sanhrdnta is not generally
observed ; but on the following day, girls under nine years of age and boys
who have not yet been invested with the sacrificial thread (janeo) visit
their relations, to whom they offer flowers and smear rice coloured with
turmeric (haldu) on the threshhold of their doors : hence the name Hal.
duwd sanhrdnta. In return, the children receive food and clothing. The
low castes Hurkiya and Dholi, the dancers and musicians of the hills,
also, go about from village to village during the whole of this month
singing and dancing and receive in return presents of clothes, food and
money.
Bihli sanhrdnta. — The Mehli or BaisdhJi sanhrdnta is also called the
Vishapadi, Bihhpadi, Vijoti, Vihlioti or Bihh sanhrdnta. On this day, an
iron rod is heated and applied to the navels of children in order to drive
out the poison (Jjihli) caused by windy colic and hence the local name
Bihlb sanhrdnta. It is a great day of rejoicing for both Shivas and Vaish-
navas and fairs are held at the shrines of Uma at Karnaprayag, Siteswara
in Kota, Tunganatha, Budranatha, Gauri, Jwalapa, Kali, Chandika, &c., as
well as at Badrinath, Yishnuprayag, Dhyanbadri and the temples of Kara-
yana and Kama. Most of the more important temples have special services
on the Bihh and Mahar sanhrdntas. The latter represents the old compu¬
tation by which the entrance of the sun into the sign of Capricorn was
considered the commencement of the new year and the former the new
system by which the entrance of the sun into the sign Mesha or Aries
begins the new year : hence both days are held sacred throughout both
districts. I have not noticed that any special festival is held on the
Brisk or Jeth sanhrdnta or on the Mithun or Asarh sanhrdnta except one,
on the latter date, at the Kailas hill above Bhim Tal, though, as already
noted, there are numerous temples where services are held on every san¬
hrdnta throughout the year.
Karh sanhrdnta. Bagwdli. — The Karh sanhrdnta is known also as the
Harela, Hariydlo or Harydo sanhrdnta from the following custom : — On
the 24th Asarh, the cultivators sow barley, maize, pulse {galiat) or mus¬
tard (laV) in a basket of earth and on the last day of the month, they
place amidst the new sprouts small clay images of Mahadeva and Parvati
and worship them in remembrance of the marriage of those deities. On
the following day or the Karh sanhrdnta, they cut down the green stems
62
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
and wear them in their head-dress and hence the name Ilarela. The
Karh sanlcrdnta was the great day of the bagwdU or stone-throwing festival
for Chamdyol in Patti Gnmdes, Ramgar in Patti Ramgar, at the Narayani
temple in Siloti and at Bhim Tal in Chhakhata. It was also held at Debi
Dhura on the full moon of S'ann, at Champawat, Patna in Sui and Siyal
De Pokhar in Dwara on Bhayya duj or Karttik Sudi 2nd. The hagwdU
was known as the siti in Nepal* and is said to have been established there
at a very early period by Raja Gnnakama Deva, who received in a dream
a command to that effect from Shi Skandaswami, the god of war. He ap¬
pears to have revived the custom of the hildtari game which was intro¬
duced by Bhuktamana, the founder of the Gwala dynasty, as a portion of
the games held in the Sleshmantak forest, sacred to the Pasupati form of
Sbva. Gunakama drew up strict rules for the conduct of the fray which
were at first carried out with the greatest rigour, and the prisoners captured
on either side were offered as sacrifices to Devi. The game was played
from Jeth to Siti-shashti, and though the murder of the prisoners soon fell
into abeyance, many grievous accidents occurred until at length the cus¬
tom was abolished by Sir Jung Bahadur on account of Mr. Colvin, the
Resident, having been struck by a stone whilst looking on. In these
districts it was the custom for several villages to unite and defend the
passage across a river against a similar force from the other side. As the
hill-men are good slingers injuries occurred and even fatal accidents, so
that the custom was prohibited, and now the combatants amuse them¬
selves merely by pelting stones at some boulder or conspicuous tree.
In Juhar, the Bhotiyas offer a goat, a pig, a buffalo, a cock and a
pumpkinf which they call pancha bali to the village god, on the harJc
sanhrdnta. The day is given up to feasting and drinking spirits and
towards evening they take a dog and make him drunk with spirits and
bhang or hemp, and having fed him with sweetmeats, lead him round the
village and let him loose. They then chase and kill him with sticks and
stones and believe that by so doing no disease or misfortune will visit the
village during the year. The festivals on this day at Baleswar in Charal,
and at Dhernath in Sui Bisang, are attended by all the neighbouring
villagers.
Bhado sanhranta. — The Simha or Bhddo sanhrdnta is also locally
known as the GM or Ghyushgydn sanhrdnta^ because on this day even the
poorest classes eat ghi or clarified butter, and has the name Walgiya
because curds and vegetables are then offered by all persons to those in
authority over them. There is a fair on this day at the temple of Vaish-
navi Devi at Naikuni in Seti.
* Wright, 108, 156.
t Kumila or petha, Cuourbita pepo (Roxb.).
1884.]
63
of Heliijion in the Himalaya.
Kanyd sanhrdnta. — The Kanyd or Asoj sanhrdnta is also locally known
as the Khataruivd sanlcrdnta from the people gathering hay and fnel on
this day. From a portion of these firstfrnits after the rains a bonfire is
made into which the children throw encumbers and flowers and make
money by singing and dancing. The following story is told in explana¬
tion of this custom : — “ In former days one of the Chand Rajas sent a
force to invade Garhwal and gave strict injunctions to his general to
convey speedily the news of any victory that should be gained. The
general told the Raja that when he saw the hills around blazing with
bonfires he might know that Garhwal had been conquered, and for this
purpose heaps of fnel were collected on all the higher peaks along the
line of march and placed under charge of guards. The object of the
expedition was attained on the Kanyd sanhrdnta and the fuel was fired
and peak answered peak until in a few hours a bonfire was blazing on
every hill from Garhwal to Almora. The Raja was so pleased at the
success of his troops and the rapidity with which the news of the victory
was communicated that he gave orders to continue the custom on each
anniversary.” Hence this custom has been observed ever since in
Kumaon, but not in Garhwal.
Mahar sanhrdnta. — The Mahar or Mdgh sanhrdnta is also known as
the Ghugutiyd, Phut, and TJttardyini or Uttar aini saiihrdnta. The name
‘ Ghugutiyd^ is given from the small images of flour baked in sesamum
oil or ghi and made to resemble birds which are strung as necklaces and
placed around the necks of children on this day. On the morrow or the
second day of Magh the children call the crows and other birds and feed
them with the necklaces and eat a portion themselves. The name ‘ PliuV
sanhrdnta is derived from the custom of placing flowers, especially those
of the rhododendron, at the threshhold of friends and relations who, in
return, give presents of rice and grain. The name ‘ UttardyinU is derived
from its being the beginning of the winter solstice according to the Hin¬
du system and, as with us, commences with the entry of the sun into the
sign Capricorn. The name ‘ Mahara ’ is the Hindu equivalent for the
constellation corresponding to Capricorn and is represented by a figure
half fish and half goat. The whole of Magh is specially devoted to the
worship of Vishnu and the sun, and according to the Padma-Purana
bathing during this month is particularly efficacious. The great com¬
mercial fairs at Bageswar and Thai Baleswar are held on this day.
Amongst the Sikhs, the Mahar sanhrdnta is the occasion of a fair at
Rikhikes on the Ganges connected with the Dehra establishment.
Conclusion. — The general result of our brief survey of the religious
festivals observed in Kumaon and Garhwal shows that even at the present
day, they are in no sense of Brahmanical origin. Excluding those clearly
64
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
borrowed from tire plains and followed almost entirely only by tbe educated
and wealthier classes, the really popular festivals are those held at the two
harvests, those in honour of the hlagas at the Jeth Dasahra and hlaga-
panchami, the great S'aiva S'akti observances on the Chait and Asoj
navardtris and the festivals in honour of Bhairava, Nagaraja, and the rural
deities Groril, Ghantakarna, &c. The sacrifice of kids is a part of almost
all the ceremonies on these occasions, young male buffaloes are also offer¬
ed, and in former times human sacrifices were not uncommon at the tem¬
ples of the dark form of the consort of S'iva, All these facts mark the
non-Brahmanical origin of the existing form of worship. The Khasiyas
of Kumaon possess many traits in common with the Dasyus of the Y edas,
practically they have no Yedas, they perform no Yaidik ceremony and
their sacrifices are not in accordance with any Yaidik ritual, their caste
observances and rules as to eating and drinking are not on the same strict
lines as those observed by the Hindus of the plains, and it was these dis¬
tinctions that placed them fifteen hundred"^ years ago outside the pale of
the twice-born, and which even under more liberal influences now out-
castes them.
Domestic ritual. — We shall now consider the domestic ritual in use in
Kumaon, premising that it is followed as a rule only by the educated and
orthodox, and that its use has not yet permeated the masses, nor are its
rules, except in a very abbreviated form, understood by many of them.
The ritual for temple use has been compiled by a class for their own
purposes and usually with the object of setting forth the *pi*eferential cult
of some particular deity or of inculcating the tenets of some particular
sect, and although the general outline of the ceremony is the same in all,
the details vary considerably. The village -deities have no formal ritual
committed to writing and in general use, so that the ceremony is a mea¬
gre imitation of that in use in the orthodox temples and varies with the
celebrant. The authorized domestic ritual in use in Kumaon fairly re¬
presents the ceremonial observed by those who consider themselves one
in faith with the orthodox Hindus of the plains. It will show no great
divergence in ordinary ceremonies from the procedure observed in the
plains, for which, however, I have not been able to procure an authority
that could be relied upon. The workf consulted is the Basa-karmddi
'* Muir’s Sanslc. Texts. II, 412, 482.
t The copy used by me contains the preparatory ceremonies (pp. 1-28) ; those
held on the birth of a son (pp. 29-61) ; those on his assuming the sacrificial thread
(pp. 69-132), and those on marriage (pp. 150-205), besides other services for special
occasions. This work has since been lithographed. I have not considered it necessary
to give many of the mantras at full length for any one can verify them by asking any
intelligent Brahman for them and giving the catchwords recorded here. It may be
well to notice that the Sanskrit employed is sometimes barbarous in the extreme (==
dog Latin), but I give it faithfully.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
65
gjaddhati, or ‘ Manual of the ten rites, &c.,’ which is held in great esteem
in this portion of the Himalaya. It gives the ritual to be observed on
every occasion from the conception of the native until his marriage.
Each ceremony has certain preparatory services common to all, and which
occupy the first ten chapters of the Manual, viz. : — (1), 8vasti-vdchana ;
(2), Ganesa-pujd ; (3), Mdtri-gmjd ; (4<), Ndndi-srdddha ; (hf PuJiyaha-
vdchana ; (6), Kalasa-sthdpana ; (7), Rahshd-viddidna ; (8), Ghri~
tacliclilidyd ; Kitsa-kandiJcd ; and (10), K.usa-Jcandiko]yayogisangralia.
In practice, however, the ceremony is shortened by the omission of several
of these services and, as a rule, the second, third and fourth chapters
with the sixth and seventh are alone read. With regard to these and
all other observances their length and character would seem to depend
on the means and inclination of the person who causes the ceremony to
be performed. The poor man obtains a very shortened service for his
few coins, whilst the wealthy can command the entire ritual and the
services of numerous and skilled celebrants. The rich can afford to keep
Brahmans in their employment who vicariously perform for them all the
intricate and tedious ceremonies prescribed by the ritual and at once
relieve their masters from a disagreeable duty and ensure for them the
fruits of a devout life. It will be seen, however, that the earlier chap¬
ters form a necessary part of the ritual of every important ceremony and
are repeated numbers of times at different stages. They are referred
to hereafter as the ‘ preparatory ceremonies ’ and are closed with a sanhal-
gja or dedication to the particular object in view at the time, so that
the merit acquired by performing them may aid in the attainment of the
object aimed at.
Daily prayers. — Before commencing an account of the ceremonies
proper to particular objects and seasons it will be convenient to refer here
to those known as nitya karma or obligatory, to be observed at morn, noon
and eve. The necessities of every-day life, however, contrive that one
recital before taking food, either in the morning or in the evening, shall
be considered sufficient, and we shall now describe the morning service,
which with a few slight changes serves for all. It need hardly be said
that these are unknown to the ordinary Khasiya population, except here
and there in a very diluted form. The usual morning routine is first
gone through by drawing up the sacrificial thread and placing it on the
left ear before retiring, next washing the teeth, bathing and applying the
frontal marks with powdered sandal, or red sandars and rice.
Achamana. — The sanddvyd or office of domestic worship then com¬
mences and is opened by placing some water in the hollow of the right-
hand from which a sup is taken (ach,ama7ia) whilst mentally repeating
the mantra : — ‘ Qjn, to the Pdg-veda, hail a second is then taken with
I
6G
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. I,
tlie words : — ‘ Om, to the Yajnr-veda, hail and a third with the words :
— ‘ 0?p, to the Sama-veda, hail.’ A fourth is then taken whilst repeating
the formula ; — ‘ 0//?, to the Atharva-veda, hail,’ and is rejected immediate¬
ly on completing the invocation. The choti or tuft of hair left on the
top of the head is then laid hold of whilst the following mantra is men¬
tally repeated : — ‘ Invoking the thousand names of Brahma, the hundred
names of the top-knot, the thousand names of Yishnu I tie my top-knot.'
The mouth is then cleansed by passing the thumb of the right hand over
the moustache to each side from the parting.
Sparsa. — -Then follows the sprinkling (inclriya sparsa) of the mouth,
nostrils, eyes, ears, navel, breast, throat, head, arnis and palms and back
of the hands with water and the salutation ‘ Om ’ perfixed to the name
of each member^ and mental prayer for its health and strength.
Abhisheka. — The worshipper then touches the ground with the third
finger of his right-hand whilst repeating the mantra : — “ 0 thou, who
hast made this earth and all it contains and protectest all by thy power,
make me pure.” Water is next taken in the hand whilst he mentally
recites the mantra “ May any evil or trouble which is due to me this
day be by thy power prevented.” This is followed by the first abhisheka
or aspersion in which water is taken in the left hand and sprinkled with
the right hand over each member as before with the purificatory mantra :
— “ 0w2 bhu, protect my head ; otn bJiuvah, protect my eyes ; o?n svahf
protect my throat ; ojn mahah, protect my breast ; om janah, protect my
navel ; oin tapah, protect my feet ; otn satyam, protect my head ; om
kliam, Brahma protect me everywhere.” This is known as the purvaka-
mdrjj ana-mantra. Most of us have seen the natives of India at their
devotions and have doubtless wondered what their meditations were and
what the curious movements of the hands and muttered words intended.
I am not aware that these have ever been the subject of inquiry, or that
they have ever been recorded and explained in any European language,
and now give the 'prdndydnia and its prefaces after a lengthened practice
of them by myself.
Prdndydma. — The prdndydma occurs both in the daily prayers and in
the short private devotions performed in temples and is always prefaced
by the anga-nydsa and kara-nydsa. These consist of separate sets of saluta¬
tions to the seven members of the body (anga) and to the seven members
of the hand (/car a), each of which is accompanied by a mystical mantra in
which the deities of one of the seven worlds is saluted in order that they
may come and take up their abode for the time in the member of the
* Om vale, vdli ; Om prdnah, prdnah ; Om chakslm, chakshu ; Om srotram, sro-
tram ; Om ndhhih ; Om hridayam ; Om hantham ; Om sirah ; Om hdhuhltydin yasohalam ;
Om Icaratala-haraprishthe.
1884.]
67
o/ Religion in the Himalaya.
worshipper dedicated to tliem. This formula will be better understood
from the following table -
The seven
spheres of the
Sanskrit
names.
Hindi
equivalents.
Members of the
hand.
Members of the
body.
1.
Earth
Bhur-loka
Bhu
Thumb fang usht a)
Chest {hrido^ya) .
2.
Sky
Bhuvar-loka. . .
Bhuvar
Fore-finger tar-
jani).
Head (siras).
3.
Planets . . .
Svar-loka
Svah
Second ditto
fmadhyama) .
Scalp-lock (n-
khd).
4.
Saints
Maharloka . . .
Mahah
Third ditto {and-
mika) .
Throat fkanthoi).
5.
Sons of
Brahma.
Jano-loka
Jana
Fourth ditto (fea-
nishtika) .
Eye (netra).
6.
Penance . . .
Tapo-loka . . .
Tapas
Palm (karatala)
Navel (ndhhi).
7.
Truth
Satya-loka . . .
Satyam
1
Back of the hand
(karaprishta) .
Back (pith).
The kara-nydsa is first performed and is made by holding the nose
by the right hand and placing the first finger of the left hand inside and
against the middle joint of the thumb and drawing it gently to the top
of the thumb whilst repeating mentally the mantra — Oyn hhuh an-
gushtdbhydm namah. The second motion is made by drawing the thumb
from the first joint of the forefinger to the top whilst repeating mentally
the mantra : — Bhuvah tarjanihhydm namah. The remaining motions are
similar and for the second finger the mantra : — 8vah madJiyamdhhyd?n
namah is repeated ; for the third : — Tat savitur varemjam andmikahhydm
namah., and for the fourth : — Bhargo devasya dhmiahi Jcanislithikdhhydm
namah. Then the palms and backs of the hands are touched whilst the
mantra : — Dhiyo yo nah prachodaydt karatala'^karaprisJithdhhydm namah
is repeated.
Anga-nyasa. — The anga-nydsa or mental assignment of the members
of the body to the protection of the great mantras is as follows -.-—Oin hhuh,
glory to the heart ; hhuvah, glory to the head ; svdhd (hail) ; svah, to
the top knot, vashat (here meaning hail) ; tat savitur varenyam, to the
navel or the armour of the mantras, hwn ; hhargo devasya dhimahi, to the
* Bhur, hhuvah, svah, are the three mystical words known as the Vydhriti man¬
tra and are untranslateahle. The mantras here given simply mean ‘ Om, glory to the
thumb ’ : to the first finger and to the second finger, &c. The gdyatrt verse is then
brought in and divided into three portions as a preface to the salutation to the re¬
maining parts of the hand. In full it is ‘ Tat savitur varenyam hhargo devasya dht-
mahi dhiyo yo nah prachodaydt and occurs in Rig-Yeda, III., 62, 10. From being
addressed to the sun it is called Savitri and is personified as a goddess. Here¬
after we shall see that other verses also are called gdyatri. In some cases both
hands are used and the nose is not held by the right hand.
68
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
eyes, vaushat ; dhiyo yo nah y}rachodaydt^ to the weapon of tlie mantras,
phat., ]jhat, pliat accompanied by clapping the bands. Other gesticnla-
Eons are bringing the right hand around the head and clapping the hands
three times which is supposed to purify all beings ; also snapping the
thumb against the two fore- fingers thrice with appropriate mantras which
bring the deity into one’s self.
The earth, air and sky are represented by the mystic syllables hhur,
blmvah^ svah, whilst these again are held by some to represent the old
trinity Agni, Indra and Surya, who even amongst the non-Brahmanical
tribes attained to considerable popularity. Again in the mystic word ‘ Om ’
we have according to some A. U. M., representing the initial letters of the
names of Agni, Varuna (a form of Indra) and Mitra (one with the sun) :
others refer these letters to Brahma, Vishnu and S'iva, who comprise the
Tri-murti of advanced Brahmanism. A triad is also worshipped at the
temple of Jagannatha in Orissa, the actual forms of which represent the
double cursive form of ‘ Om ’ as ordinarily written in manuscript, and
that this is the true meaning of the form which those unnecessarily
hideous blocks assume I have little doubt. In a note to his translation
of the Malati and Madhava of Bhavabhiiti, Professor Wilson^ explains
‘ Nyasa ’ as “ a form of gesticulation made with a short and mystic prayer
to the heart, the head, the crown of the head and the eye, as Otn sirase
namah, ‘ Om ! salutation to the head ’ ; with the addition of the Jcavacha,
the armour or syllable An and the astra, the weapon or syllable hu?n.
The entire mantra, the prayer or incantation, is then ‘‘ Om sirase namah,
hu)n, phat.'” These formulae were specially used by the’ sect of Yogis or
Pasupatas, “ the oldest sect probably now existing amongst the Hindus
and with whose tenets and practices Bhavabhiiti appears to have been
thoroughly acquainted.” Again Cunninghamf in his Ladak gives the
mantra addressed to the Bodhisattwas by the Buddhists of Tibet, taken
from an actual Tibetan stereotype block, which ends with the line : —
‘ Om Vajra-hrodlia, hdyagrwa, hulu, Jmlu, liun, phat.
This important portion of the daily prayer is therefore clearly deri¬
vable from the non-Brahmanical worship of deities which we shall show
hereafter were probably of montane origin and common alike to the
Shiva and Bauddha systems.
Dhyana. In the daily worship the anga-nydsa is usually followed by
the dhyana or aghamarsliana or meditation in which with clasped hands
and closed eyes the celebrant mentally recites and considers the verses
commencing Om ritam cha satyarn chdhUddhdt &c. In Kumaon, the
prdndyama is occasionally further prefaced by a short address (chhandah)
* Works XII : 5, 11, 53.
t p. 386.
1884.]
of Religimi in the Himalaya.
69
in the form of a mantra to the personified ‘ Ow?,’ the Brahmarshis,
Vaidilv metres and the Supreme Being Water is taken from the recep¬
tacle in the hand whilst the address is m.entally recited, after which the
water is thrown away. The first motion of the gjrdndydma is made by
placing the fore-finger of the right-hand on the right nostril and exhaling
with the other nostril whilst a mystical mantra^ is mentally lepeated.
This occurs three times whilst exhaling and three times whilst inhaling.
Ahhisheka. — A second ahhisheka or purificatory aspersion of the body
generally takes place next with the mantra : — Om dpo hislitd mayo hliu-
vah sndna urjjye, ^c. Then water is taken in the hand and applied to
the nose with the mantra : — JDrupaddd iva mumuclidna sannasndto maldd
iva liu 2Juta?n pavitrena vdJiyam d'pah suddhantu me nasah.
Anjali. — IS^ext the anjali is performed in which water is taken in the
hollow of both hands and whilst the ydynZ/r/-mantra is slowly recited the
water is poured through the fingers on the ground. The celebrant
should stand with his face towards the east whilst the verse is chaunted
and should repeat it three times.
Hpasthdna. — This is followed by the npastlidna or approaching the
deity in worship in which the celebrant draws the fore-arms parallel to
the body with the palms of the hands open and the thumbs on a level
with the ears whilst the mantra is repeated :—0m udvayantamasas, ^c.
Next the head, navel, heart, top-knot and forehead are touched with
appropriate mantras. f The sacrificial thread is then wound around the
right-hand three times whilst the gdyatri is repeated either 8 or 10 or 28
or 108 or 1,000 times according to the inclination of the worshiper.
Water is again taken in the hand and if the gdyatri has been repeated a
fixed number of times, the morning’s devotion ends with the formula : — ■
Brahmd svarupine hliagavan prito’stu ; if at mid-day, with Vishnu.,
and if at evening with Budra, ^c., whatever the number may be. Where
no account of the number of times is kept the conclusion J is : — 0 Lord,
the treasure of mercy, through whose compassionate goodness whatever is
worthy in my devotions is accounted for righteousness, may the four
objects of existence (religious merit, wealth, pleasure and final emanci¬
pation) be attained by me this day.” Whilst these prayers are being
repeated the water is allowed to trickle slowly on to the ground. The
* Om hhuh, om hhuvah, om svaJi, om mahaJi, om janah, om tapah, om satyam, tat
savitur varenyam hhargo devasya dhtmahi dhiyo yo nah prachodaydt apo jyoti raso ’mri-
tam hrahma hhiir hhuvah svaram. A mixture of the vydhriti and gdyatri mantras with
some additions.
t Agnir muJche, hrahmd hridaye, vishnuh sihhdydm, rudro laldte.
4^ He isvara daydnidhe hhavatkripaydnena japopdsanddi-harmand dharmdrtha-
kdmamoJcshdndm sddhyasiddhir hhoven nah.
70 E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history [No.
sandhyd closes with the dandavat or salutation* * * § and the dchamana or
rinsing of the mouth as in the beginning.
Svasti-vdchana. — The Svasti-vdcliana is seldom read by any class in
Kumaon. It opens with the direction that the celebrant should at an
auspicious moment bathe, put on clean clothes, affix the frontal mark
and seated with his face towards the east in a properly prepared
place, recite the invocation of blessings. t The Ganesa-pt^ja follows
and is universally observed on all occasions as the pradhdna-anga or lead¬
ing section of every rite. The rubric directs that the celebrant should
rise early on the morning of the ceremony and having bathed and put
on clean clothes should, after performing the nitya-karma'l, liglif' a lamp
and commence the worship of Ganesa, which should precede every
other rite.
Ganesa-jpujd. — First adore Vishnu with the following verse : — ■
‘‘ Thou who art clothed in white, moon-coloured, four armed, of plea¬
sing face, the remover of obstructions, the bestower of good fortune and
victory, what can oppose thee J anardana, of the colour of the lotus, who
dwellest in the hearts of thy votaries.” Next follows the adoration
of Ganesa with the verse : — “ 0 Vakratunda, great-bodied, bright like
a kror of suns, protect me from harm, 0 God, always in every
work.”
Arglia-sthdyjana. — Then the ceremony known as argha-sthdpana or
consecrating the argha^ takes place. Take some powdered sandal- wood
and draw on the ground the figure of a triangle and arojind it a square
and again a circle, then place on them sandal, rice and flowers. Next
place the argha filled with water in the middle and say : — “ In this water
may the waters of the Ganga, Jamuna, Godavari, Sarasvati, Narmada,
Sindhu and Kaveri be present.” Next put sandal, rice and flowers in
the water of the argha. Then set up a brazen vessel on which the
image of the sun has been drawn (with sandal or red sandars) in the
form of interlaced triangles, the apices of which will represent his rays
and a circle around them his form, and before presenting to it the water
of the argha with flowers recite mentally the dhydna-msuiitT^W and in
* The hands are clasped in front of the breast whilst this mantra is repeated :
Om namah sambhavdya cha mayodhhavdya cha namah sanlcardya cha namah iivdya cha
sivatardya cha etc.
f The vdchana consists of mimerous verses in praise of the gods.
J The sandhyd, already noticed.
§ A small cnp usually made of brass.
II Arundrunaytanhajenishannah hamate, hhi'tivarau harair dadhdnak svaruchdhita-
mandalas trinetro ravir dkalpasatdkulo vatdnnah.
1884.]
of Religion m the Himalaya.
71
offering tlie water of the argha, the mantra* in which the sun is invoked
as the thonsand-rayed, full of brightness, lord of the world, &c., and is
asked to accept the domestic argha of his worshipper. Next sprinkle
mustard- seed, sesamum and rice in order that no evil spirit may approach
and interrupt the ceremony and use the mantra-^ for keeping off demons
goblins. Then crack the thumb and second finger together three times
and behind the back in order that the goblins behind may be driven away.
The earth should next be saluted and afterwards Vishnu with the verse :
— ‘ O thou whose throne is the lotus, &c.’ Fill the argha once more and
sprinkle all the materials for worship and go through the prdndydma.
Next take sesamum, husa-grass, barley and water, and make the great
dedication J with the mantra : — ‘ Om Vishnu, Vishnu, Vishnu, adoration
to the supreme, the first eternal male,’ &c., with the usual definition of
place, time and person, viz., in the island Jambu, the division Bharata,
the country of the Aryas, in this holy place, the Himavat and hills, in
the latter half of the life of Brahma, in the holy Vdrdha-lmlpa, at the
end of the Krita, Treta and Dwapara Yugas, ^c., giving the year, season,
month, fortnight, day and hour of the ceremony, with the name of the
person in whose behalf the ceremony is performed, his father and grand¬
father’s name, caste and family, and the ceremony itself, with the prayer
that the benefits to be derived from its performance may be bestowed on
him.
Name of Ganesa. — The worship of Ganesa now proceeds, each step
in the ceremony being accompanied by an appropriate mantra. First
the pitha or triangle is addressed with the mantra containing the names of
* Ehi suryya sahasrdmso tejordh jagatpate, anukampaya mdm hhaktyd grihdndr-
ghain divdlcara.
f ApaJcrdmantu hhutdnipisdchdhsarvato disam sarveshdm avirodhenabrahmdkarma-
samdrdbhet pdJchandakdrino hhutd hhumau ye chdntariJcshagdh diviloTce sfhitd ye cha te
nasyantu sivdjuayd nirgachchhatdm cha hhutdndm vartma dadydt svavdmatah. The
following is used in Bengal (Prof. Williams) for the same purpose : — “ Help me, god¬
dess of speech ’ : Am to the foreheod, Am to the mouth. Im to the right eye, Im to
the left eye, TJm to the right ear, Tim to the left ear, Im to the right cheek, Im to the
left cheek, Em to the upper lip. Aim to the lower lip, Om to the upper teeth, Aum to
the lower teeth, Tam, Tham, Dam, Dham, and Nam to the several parts of the left
leg, Earn to the right side, Phayn to the left side. Bam to the back. Mam to the
stomach, Yam to the heart, Bam to the right shoulders, Lam to the neck bone,
Vam to the left shoulders. Earn from the heart to the right leg. Ham from the
heart to the feft leg Ksharn from the heart to the mouth.”
J Om vishnuh vishnuh vishnuh namah paramdtmane snpurdnapurushottamdya
Om tatsadatrapritliivydm jamhudwipe hharatakhande dryydvartte punyakshetre hima-
vatparvataikadese hrahmanodivittyapurdrddhe srisvetavarahakalpe kritatretadwdpa-
rdnte saptame vaivasvatamanvantare ashtdvimsatitame kaliyugasya prathamacharane
shashtyavaddnamadhye, <fc.
72
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
Ganesa and of his mother : — Om thon who art fierce (tivrd), blazing
(jvdlmi), Nandini, the giver of pleasure (hhogadd), Kamarupa, Satya,
the terrible {ugrd), the bright {tej ovati) , thon who removest all obstacles
(vighnandsini) . Om thon who sittest on the lotns, I meditate on thee,
the one-toothed, elephant-headed, large-eared, fonr-armed, holder of the
noose and goad, perfect Yinayaka.”
A'vdhana. — This is followed by the invitation (dvdhana) to Gane¬
sa to be present and take the place prepared for him with the mantra :
— Vindyaka namas te’stu umdmalasamudbhava imdin mayd livitdm pujain
grihdna sura-sattama. — ‘ Glory to thee Yinayaka, born of Uma, accept my
worship, best of gods.’
A Sana. — Next comes the dsana or throne to which the deity is in¬
vited with the mantra : — Nd7idratna-samdyiiktam muJctdhdra-vibhushitam
svarnasimhdsanatn chdru ]pr{ty artham pratigrihyatdjn. ‘ Accept this golden
throne, set with varions gems and adorned with strings of pearls all for
love of thee.’
Fddya. — Next water for washing the feet (pddya) is offered with the
mantra : — Gauripriya namas te'stu sankarapriya sarvadd bhaJctyd pddyam
mayd dattayn grihdna pranafapriya. — ‘ Glory to thee beloved of Ganri,
ever beloved of Sankara, accept the water devontly presented by me.’
Arglia. — -Next the argha with the mantra : — Vratam uddnsya devesa
gandhapushpdhshatair yutam grihdndrgham mayd dattatn sarvasiddhipra-
dodbhava. — ‘ 0 lord of gods, who art the bestower of all blessings, accept
this argha furnished with sandal, flowers and rice, and given by me.’
Sndna. — Then the ablution (sndna) with the mantra : — Sndnatn pan-
chdmritair deva grihdna ganandyaka a7idthandtha sarvvaj fia girvana pain-
pujita, 07n gandnain twd ganapati gva7n havdmahe pTiydnd7n twa priyapati
gvam havdmahe nidhmdm twd nidhipati gva7n havdmahe vaso wama aham
ajdni garbbhadham d twam ajdmi garbbhadha^n. — ‘ 0 god, leader of the
heavenly troops, protector of the defenceless, omniscient, thou that de-
lightest in invocations, accept this ablution made with the five kinds of am¬
brosia.^ thou who art leader of the attendants of STva, thou who art
lord of the beloved, lord of the treasures (of Kuvera), thou who art my
treasure, I who am without wife and relations invoke thee the procreator,’
Vastra. — Next sprinkle a little water with a spoon (dchamani) on the
image of Ganesa and proceed to clothe it {vastra^ with the mantra :
- — IlaktavastTa-yuga7n deva devdngasadrisaprabham, bhaktyd datta7n gri-
}id7ieda7n lambodara harapriya : — ‘ O God Lambodar, beloved of STva,
accept this pair of scarlet garments, devoutly given.’
Janeo. — Then the (yajnopavita) or sacrificial thread is placed on
the image with the mantra — Rdjata7n bralmiasutrani cha kd7icha7iasyotta-
* Milk, curds, butter, honey and sugar.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
73
riyaham^ grihdna chdru sarvvajna hhaJctdndfn siddhiddyaJca. — ‘ 0 giver of
happiness to thy worshippers, do thou who art omniscient, accept this
pleasing sacrificial thread woven with gold and silver.
Gandha. — Next sandal {gayidha) with the mantra: — Gandham hanpura-
samyuhtam diviyam ohandanam' uttamam, vilepanafn suraheslitha pHtyar-
tha^n pratigrihyatdm-. — ‘ 0 best of gods, let this agreeable sandal mixed
with camphor be accepted as an unguent for thy person, for the love I
bear thee.’
AJcshata. — Next rice (uhshataK) with the mantra : — AJcshatdn dlia-
valdn devasuragandharvvapujita sarvvadevanamaskdryya grihdna mad-
anugrahdt. — ‘ Thou who art worshipped by the gods, Gandharvas and all
the deities, accept my offering of white rice.’
Pushpa. — Next flowers (pushpdni) with the mantra: — SngandM-
ni supushpdni mdlatyddini vai prahho maydnitdni pujdrtha?n pushpdni
pratigrihyatdm. — ‘ 0 Lord, accept the sweet- smelling garlands and flowers
brought by me for thy worship.’
Phupa. — Then incense {dhupa) with the mantra : — Hasdngafn guggu-
Iq^m dhupam sugandJmn sumanoharam, TJmdsuta namas tuhhyam dhupatn me
pratigrihyatdm. — ‘ Hail to thee, 0 son of Uma, accept from me this
incense consisting of bdellium and ten (other) ingredients, fragrant and
very pleasing.’
Pipa. — Then a lamp (ddpa) with the mantra : — Grihdna mangala?)i
dipa7n ghritavaritisamanvitam,dipam jndnapradain devarudrapriya namo’s-
tu te. — ‘ Accept this lamp, supplied with clarified butter, the bestower of
knowledge, established in thy honour, 0 beloved of the gods.’
Naivedya. — Then sweetmeats {naivedya) with the mantra : — Saguddn
saghritdfn-s-chaiva modaJcdn ghritapdchitdn naivedyatn saphala?n dattafn
grihyatdfn vighnandsa^ia. — ‘ 0 thou who removest difiiculties accept these
sweetmeats cooked in clarified butter.’ One of the sweetmeats should
then be taken up and placed before the image of Ganesa, who should
also receive some article of value. Then repeat the m^^a-mantra, which
consists of a mental recitation (^japa) of the formula Om Ganesdya namah
— ‘ Om, glory to Ganesa.’
Pan. — Next pan (tdmhula) is presented with the mantra : — Pugi-
phalasarndyuJctatn ndgavalUdaldnvitam, karp)uradisa7nayuktam tamhulatn
pratigrihyatdm. — ‘ May this pdn with betel and the leaves of the betel
and spices be accepted.’ When presenting the sweetmeats which are
usually ten in number (hence the name dasamodaha) the following’
formula is used : — ‘ I (so and so) for this (so and so) purpose bestow on
this Brahman for the sake of Ganesa these sweetmeats, rice, flowers
and goods with this mantra : — Pighnesa viprarupena grihaiia dasamodaJctin
dakshindghritatdmhiilagiidayuTctdn mumeshtada. 0 Vighnesa (obstacle-
lord), in Brahman form, accept these ten ' sweetmeats with the gifts,
K
74
E. T, AtEinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
clarified bntter and and grant my desire.’ In reply the celebrant
accepts the gift on the part of Ganesa and says : — Data vighnesvaro devo
grihita sarvvavighnardttasmdt idatn mayd dattatn g)aripuTnat)i tad astu me.
Prdrth ana. —Next follows the prayer (^prdrthana) : — Vindyaka na-
mas tuhliyam satatarn modakapriya aviglina7p, kuru me deva sarvakdryyeshu
sarvvadd. — ‘ Glory to thee Yinayaka, fond of sweetmeats, always protect
me from difificnlties everyivhere.’
Purva. — This is followed by an olfering of a stalk of duh grass with
the mantra : — Otn gatiddhipa namas te’stu oin umdputra namas te’stu 07n
aghandsana 7iamas te’stu 07n vindyaka namas te’stu om^ isaputra 7ia7nas te’stu
0771 sarvasiddhipraddyaka namas te’stu 07n ekadanta 7iamas te’stu 077i ibha-
vaktra namas te’stu 07n mushakardhana namas te’stu 07n kumdraguro
tut)liya7n namo’stu 07n cliaturtliisa namo’stu te 07n kdiiddt kdnddt praroha7iti
pai'usah parusas pari era 7io dui've pratanu sahasrena satena cha. ‘ 07)i,
glory to the lord of the heavenly hosts, the son of Uma, the remover of
obstacles, Yinayaka, the son of Isa, the bestower of happiness, the one¬
toothed, with an elephant’s head, having a rat as his vehicle, the
preceptor of Skanda, the lord of the fourth day, to thee rise onr hymns
from these stalks of duh budding at every knot with hundreds and
thousands of shoots.’
N{7'djana. — hiext follows the mrdjana or waving of a lamp before
the image, which is accompanied by the following mantra : — Antastejo
haliisteja ekikritydmitaprahham drdtt7'ikam ida77i deva grihdna mad-a7iu-
graJidt, 077% ag7iir jyotNpjotir agnih svdhd suryyo jyotir j^jotih sury7jah
svdlid agnir varchcho jyotir varchchah svdhd STdipyo varcJicho jyotir varchchah
svdhd suryyo jyotir jyotili svdhd. — ‘ 0 god accept from favour to me this
ceremony of waving the light (drdtrika') before thee who art light, hail
to Agni who is light, to the Sun who is light.’
Pushpdnjali.- — Then follows the offering of flowers in the hollow of
both hands (pushpd7ijali) with the mantra : — Sumukhas chaikada7itas cha
kapilo gajakarnakah lamhodaras cha vikato vigh7iandso vindyakahdlmmra-
ketur gaTiddhyaksJio hhdlachandro gajd7ianah. This verse gives twelve
names* of Ganesa, and it is promised that whoever reads them or even
hears them read when commencing to study or in making the prepara¬
tions for a wedding, in coming in or going out, in war or in trouble will
never meet with any obstacle that he cannot overcome. As the axe is
to the jungle-creeper so this verse containing the names of Ganesha is
to all obstacles and difiiculties.
* The usual names are Sumukha (beautiful-faced), Ekadanta (one-toothed), Kapila
(red and yellow complexion), Gajakarnaka (elephant- eared) Lambodara (corpulent),
Vaikrita (misshapen), Vighnanasa (deliverer from difficulties), Vinayaka (leader), Dhum-
ra-ketu (smoke-bannered), Blialachandra (better moon), Gajanana (elephant- visaged),
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
75
Dakshind-sa'nJcalpa. — Next comes the gift of money as an honor-
arinm to the celebrant with the formula as in the first sankalpa and the
usual definition of place, time, name, caste, &c., of the person who causes
the ceremony to he performed and that it is for the sake of Granesa.
The celebrant in return on the part of Granesa, asperses his client and
places flowers, rice, &c., on his head, concluding with the mantra : — Om
gandndm tvd ganapati gvam havdmahe priydndm tvd priyapati gvam
havdmahe., &c., as before. The Khasiya very considerably abridges these
observances but he knows Ganesa (the Ganapati of the Dakhin) and rever¬
ences him and Ganesa is clearly a non-Brahmanical deity and. is honoured
as a follower of S'iva by the Pasupatas from a very early period.
Mdtri-pujd. — The ritual for the Mdtri-pujd comes into use after the
service for Ganesa and usually forms a part of the preface to any other
ceremony. The celebrant takes a plank and cleans it with rice-flour and
then draws sixteen figures representing the Mdtris and to the right of
them a figure of Ganesa. Then in the upper right-hand corner the
sun is represented as in the QanQioi-pujd and in the upper left-hand
corner the moon by a number of lines intersecting a central point and
having their extremities connected by a series of semi-circles. The
celebrant then makes a brush from five or six stalks of dz^&-grass and
Ganadfsa (lord of the celestial hosts). The following is a rough translation of the
address : —
1. Whosoever shall worship thee under these twelve names and even whoso¬
ever shall attend and hear them read shall certainly prosper in this world.
2. Whosoever shall repeat these twelve names on the day of marriage or on the
birth of a child, or on proceeding on a journey or on going to battle or in
sickness or on entering a new house or business shall be freed from the
effects of evil.
3. 0 Yakratunda, 0 Mahakaya, resplendent like a thousand suns, prosper my
work always, everywhere.
4. 0 thou of the great body and short in stature, whose head is like that of
an elephant. Thy breath like nectar attracts the insects hovering in the
ether to thy lips. Thou art able with one blow of thy tusk to destroy the
enemies of thy suppliants. Thou that art the adopted son of Devi hast
Vermillion on thy brow and art ever liberal. Thou art such, 0 Ganesa,
that I bow to thee, the beautiful one of a yellow complexion and three¬
eyed.
5. Presenting this lamp I wave it before thee. Thou, 0 Lambodara, who art the
ruler of the universe, the adopted son of Parvati, aid me.
G. All men worship thee and adore thy feet ; thou that livest on sweets, and
art borne on a rat and whose abode is magnificent, aid me.
7. Thou that bestoweth wealth and accomplisheth the desires of thy worship¬
pers, aid me.
8. Thou wieldest the trident and hast ever been merciful to me. Most assuredly
all who worship thee shall obtain every happiness.
76
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
dipping it in cow- dung tonches each of the figures which represent the
Mdtris. Then the argha-sthapana, prdndydma and sankalpa as in the
preceding ceremony are gone through with the formula as to place, time,
caste of celebrant and object, &c., of the ceremony which is addressed to
Ganesha and Gauri and the other Mdtris.
Pratishthd. — Then the Matris are praised in certain verses* known as
the pratishthd., then again in the dhydna or meditation, and again by
name whilst presenting a flower to each : — “ Oyi ganapataye namah,^
followed by Gauri, Padma, S'achi, Medha, Devasena, Svadha, Svaha,
Matri, Lokmatri, Dhriti, Pushti, Tushti, and the household female deities.
The formulse connected with the invitation, &c., in the preceding cere¬
mony are then gone through, viz. : — avdhana, dsana, pddya, argha, S7idna^
dchamana, vastra, gandha, akshata, pushpa^ dhupa, d'lpa, naivedya and
gifts.
Vasordhdrd. — Next comes the vasordJidrd, which is performed by
taking a mixture of clarified butter and a little sugar and having warmed
it in the argha, letting it stream down the board some three, five or
seven times whilst repeating a mantra. The celebrant then receives a
piece of money from the person for whose benefit the ceremony is perfor¬
med, and dipping it in the clarified butter {ghi) impresses a mark on
the forehead and throat of the person from whom he receives it and keeps
the coin. Then comes the rdrdjana or waving of a lamp before the
figures as in the preceding ceremony. Next follows the offering of flowers
in the upturned palms of the hands (pushpdnjali) , winding up with
a hymn in honour of the sixteen Mdtris and gifts to the celebrant, who
in return places flowers from the offerings on the head of the giver.
The worship of the Mdtris or divine mothers is another very in¬
teresting observance of other than Brahmanical origin. They are rever¬
enced as separate entities in the Mdtri-pujd, Pwdra-mdtri-pujd and
Jwa-mdtri-pujd and here have no apparent connection with the worship
of the female energy or consort of the great divinities. They are found
under various names amongst the beings worshipped by the aboriginal
and non- Aryan tribes throughout the whole of India and in the Bauddha
system of Nepal and Tibet, and have come from that d^emonism which
has had such influence on both Buddhism and Shaivism and which found
its development in the Tantras of both sects. Enough has not yet been
recorded to satisfactorily assign to them their exact place in the cycle of
evolution, but there is no doubt that the conceptions known as divine
mothers have held a high position and an important influence on the
* Rice is here taken and sprinkled over each figure whilst the pratishthd is
spoken and during the dhydna the hands are clasped reverently in front of the
breast and the head lowered and eyes closed.
77
1884.] of Religion in the Himalaya.
changes in religion which occurred between the eighth and twelfth
centuries of our era.
Nandi- srdddha. — The Ndndri or N Andi-srdddha is also called the Ah-
hyudika-srdddha, and though not universally observed here is sometimes
introduced into the preparatory ceremonies. It opens with an invocation
of Ganesa. The celebrant then draws a figure of a conch and discus on
the ground and makes an asaiia or throne of three stalks of dzi&-grass, on
which he places 2b pdtr a or small brass- vessel like a lota and on it the
pavitra.^ Water, barley and sesamum are then applied, with appro¬
priate mantras, and in silence, sandal, rice and flowers. The materials
for the ceremony are then sprinkled with holy water whilst repeating a
prayer. Next comes the 'prdna.ydma^ a prayer for the presence of the
deities in the house, a story of the adventures of seven hunters on the
Kalanjar hill and the sanJcalpa or dedication. Then the enumeration
of the ancestors for three generations on both the paternal and maternal
sidef and their adoration. This is accompanied by the invitation, &c., as
in the preceding ceremonies for each of the twelve ancestors named and
by special mantras which are too tedious for enumeration here.
Kalasa-sthdpana. — The Jcalasa-sthdpana or consecration of the water-
pot is usually observed and commences with the washing of the kalasa
or vessel with sandal, curds and rice and covering it with a cloth.
Beneath it is placed a mixture of seven sorts of grain, and then the per¬
son who causes the ceremony to be undertaken places his right hand on
the ground whilst the celebrant repeats the mantra : — ‘ Orp, maid dyauh
prithivi cha na imam yajnam mimiJcsliatam pipritdn no hharimahhih.’’ Then
barley is thrown into the vessel and a hymn is chanted whilst water is
poured over the vessel. Then the kusa-hrahmaX is placed on it and sandal,
* The pavitra is made from -a single stalk of Tcusa grass tied in a Iknot of the
form of a figure of eight. Each stalk has three leaves which some suppose are em¬
blematic of the deity.
t In the male line an addition is made to the name to show the degree : thus
tb> father has the addition vasu svarupa, the grandfather that of rudra svarupa, and
the great-grandfather that of ddihja svarupa. Another addition is made to show the
caste : thus a Brahman is called sarmma, a Kshatriya is called varmma, and a Vaisya
or Sudra is called gupta. Amongst Brahmans the real names of females are not
given : the first wife of a Brahman is called sundari and the second and others mun-
dari. In other castes the real names are given as in the case of males. Thus Eama-
pati Brahman’s father, known in life as Krishnadatta, would, at a ceremony under¬
taken by Ramapati, be called Krishnadatta sarmma vasu svarupa, and Ramapati’s
mother, if the first wife of his father, would be called Krishnadatta sundari vasu
svarupq,.
X This consists of fifty stalks of the grass tied together and separated at one
end into four parts by pieces of the grass placed at right angles to each other and to
the bundle itself. The projecting edges of these pieces prevent the bundle falling
completely into the pot or vessel.
78
E. T. Atkinson — No ten on the history
[No. 1,
dilrva, turmeric, milk, curds, clarified butter, the five leaves {jpippalcif
Jchadira, apdmdrga, udumhara and paldsa), the earth from seven places
(where cows, elephants, white-ants live), the five gems,* coins and articles
of dress with appropriate mantras. Then Varuna is invoked and the water,
&c., in the halasa is stirred whilst these verses are recited in honour of
the vessel : — ‘ Vishnu dwells in thy mouth, Rudra in thy neck and in
thy bottom Brahma : in thy midst dwell the company of the Matris :
within thee are the seven oceans, seven islands, the four Vedas and the
Vedangas. Thou wert produced at the churning of the ocean and re¬
ceived by Vishnu, thy waters contain all places of pilgrimage, all the
gods dwell in thee, all created things stand through thee and come to
thee. Thou art Sdva, Vishnu and Prajapati, the sun, Vasu, Rudra ; all
the deities and all the Maruts exist through thee. Thou makest works
fructuous and through thy favour I perform this ceremony. Accept my
oblations, be favourable to my undertaking and remain now and ever
with me.’ Then the vessel is worshipped with praise and prayer to the
same intent. Rext the arglia-stJidpana, prdndydma and dedication as in
the previous ceremonies take place, and again the kalasa is declared to be
the abode of all the gods to whom the invitation, &c., as in the previous
ceremony are given, viz. : — to Brahma, Varuna, Aditya, Soma, Bhauma,
Buddha, Vrihaspati, S ukra, S'anaischara, Rahu, Ketu, Adhidevatas, Pra-
tyadhidevatas, Indra, the ten Dikpalas and the five Lokapalas. Then
follows the waving of a lamp, offering of flowers and gifts with a dedi¬
cation as before.
BaJisJidvidhdna. — The ceremony of raJcshdvidlidna, commonly known
as raJcsJidhandt, is seldom carried out in its entirety except by the wealthy.
It consists in binding as an amulet a bracelet of thread on the right wrist,
and the rite commences with making a mixture of barley, ^^tiu-grass,
dw6-grass, mustard, sandal or red sandars, rice, cow-dung and curds,
which is offered on a brazen platter to the bracelet forming its pratisJithd.
Then the person about to put on the bracelet invokes the presence of
various deities to protect him from evil and says : — “ To the east let
Govinda protect me ; to the south-east, Garuradhvaj ; to the south, Va-
raha ; to the south-west Rara Simha ; to the west Kesava ; to the north¬
west Madhusiidana ; to the north S'ridhara, and to the north-east Gada-
dhara, above let Govardhana protect me ; below, Dharanidhara and in the
ten quarters of the world Vasudeva who is known as Janardana. Let the
conch protect me in front and the lotus behind ; on the left, the club and
on the right, the discus. Let Upendra protect my Brahman and Vishnu
in his dwarf incarnation protect my A chary a ; let Achyuta protect the
* Gold, diamond, sapphire, ruby and pearl ; but it may easily be supposed that
these are seldom given.
1884.]
79
of Religion in the Tlimdlaya.
Rigveda; Adlioksliaja,tlieYajurveda; Krishna, the Samaveda ; Madhava,the
Atharvaveda and Aniruddlia the other Brahmans. May Pundarika protect
the performer of the sacrifice and his wife and let Hari protect all de¬
fenceless places.” The rubric goes on to say that the defence of the un¬
protected can always be effected by using mantras from the Yedas and
the seeds of white mustard. In Kumaon a few coins are with turmeric,
betel and white mustard seed tied up in a small bag (potaU) of white cloth
and attached to the raksJid or bracelet until the work in hand, whether
marriage or other ceremony, be accomplished. When this takes place
the bag is opened and the contents are given to the officiating priest.
The mantra commonly used in tying on the rakshd is as follows :
— “ Yena haddJio halirdjd ddnavendro mahdhalah, tena twdm ahliibadJmdmi
raJcsliemd cJialamdcJiala,” ^'‘c.
Jdtaharma. — The ceremony known as jdtalcarma takes place on th®
birth of a son and is the next more important of those observed in Kumaon.
It is divided into several sections which are considerably abbreviated in
practice. The rite should be performed either on the day of the boy’s
birth or on the sixth day afterwards. If the father be at home, he
should rise early and bathe and make the dedication as already
described for the boy’s long life, health and wisdom. He should then
worship Ganesa and make this his object that the boy should always
be good, strong and wise, and that if the mother has become impure by
violating any of the laws as to conduct or what should not be eaten, that
her sin should be forgiven her and its consequences should not be visited
on her boy. With the same object he performs the Mdtri-pujd and the
Ndndd-srdddJia already described. Sometimes the pumjdha-vdckana fol¬
lows, which is merely the citation, feeding and rewarding some Brah¬
mans to be witnesses that the rite has been actually performed. The
halasa-sthdpana, already described, follows and after it the navagraJia or
nine planets are invoked to be present and assist. A vessel of some
bright material is brought, and in it is placed a mixture of clarified butter
and honey, with which the tongue of the child is anointed either with a
golden skewer or the third finger of the right hand, whilst a prayer is
read asking for all material blessings for the boy. The father then pre¬
sents a coin to the celebrant, who dips it in a mixture of clarified butter
and charcoal and applies it to the forehead and throat of both father and
son and then with a prayer places flowers on their heads. The father
then takes the boy in his lap and touches his breast, head, shoulders and
back, whilst appropriate mantras praying for strength for those parts of
the body are read by the celebrant. A present is again given to the
celebrant and after it the umbilical cord is cut, leaving four finger-
breadths untouched. The abhisheJca or purification is then performed by
80
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. I,
aspersing the assemblage with a brush formed from (Zw&-grass and dipped
in the water of the argha. The frontal mark is then given with red san-
dars and a flower is presented with a verse committing the donee to the
protection of the great god.
ShashtM-mahotsava. — The shashthi-mahotsava or great rejoicing in
honour of Shashthi is held on the sixth day after the child’s birth. If the
father cannot afford to engage the services of a priest he can perform the
ceremony himself, but usually he sends for his purohita and commits its
duties to him. The father rises early and bathes, performing the nitya-
karma as usual. He fasts all day and towards evening makes a ball of
clay and smears it with cow-dung. He then takes a plank of wood and
having cleaned it with rice-flour draws on it images of Skanda, Pradyn-
mna and Shashthi. He then surrounds each figure with a hedge of cow-
dung about a finger-breadth high and sticks upright in this hedge grains
of barley. The image of Shashthi is then smeared with cow-dung in
which cowries or coins are placed, and next follows the Divara-mdtri-
pujd. The father of the boy collects the materials for worship near the
door of the house, and there drawing the figures of the mothers with rice,
consecrates an argha and dedicates the rite to the day’s ceremony. The
goddesses are then installed : — ‘ Om hhur hhuvah svah Dwdra-mdtarah be
established here and grant our reasonable desires.’ Then a short medi-
fation takes place, followed by an ‘ Om, hail ’ to Kuma, Dhanada,
Handa, Vipula, Mangala, Achala and Padma, and the usual invitation,
&c., as far as the dedication. Hext comes the Ganesa-pujd with rinsing
of the mouth and a dedication, then the Mdtri-puja wj.th similar detail?
the punydha-vdchana and kalasa-sthdpana with an invitation to the nine
planets to be present. The worship of Skanda and Pradyumna then pro¬
ceeds with the usual installation address (pratishthd) , meditation, invi¬
tation, &c., and prayer (prarthana) during the offering of flowers. This
is followed by the ShatJcrittiJcd-pujd or worship of the six nymphs, the
foster-mothers of Skanda when amongst the Krittikds, with an enumeration
of his names and an invocation to Shva, Sambhuti, Sannati, Priti, Anusuya
and Kshama. Next comes the worship of Shashthi with the usual con¬
secration of the argha, prdndydma, dedication and installation.
The in honour of Shashthi is as follows : — “ Om hhur hhuvah
8vah {vydhriti-mantra), 0 Shashthi- devi, come here to this magical place
which is smeared with cow-dung, remain here, consent to be honoured
here. Then follows the unintelligible mystical formula ’sCf
^ ^ followed by “ May Shashthi-Devi in spirit and es¬
sence be here and may the regents of all the senses be present.” The
mental assignment of the different parts of the body to its own peculiar
tutelary deity (nydsa) follows and should be made with the following for-
1884.]
81
of Religion in the Himalaya.
mula : — Oin Jclia, glory to the heart ; Om hlii to the head, svahd, (here mean¬
ing ‘ Hail ’) ; Om him., to the top-knot, vashat (here meaning ‘ Hail ’) ; Om
Ichai, to the mystical armour of the mantra, liun ; Om kliau, to the eyes,
vaushat (like vashat') ; 0)n khd, to the mystical weapon of the mantra, 'phat
The Shashthi-nydsa differs little from the Anga-nydsa formula already de¬
scribed. Then follows the meditation on Shashthi as Maha-devi, of the laro-e
breasts, four-armed, the consort of S'iva, swollen out like a peacock, clad
in yellow clothes, beautiful, bearing a lance in her hand, Mahesvari, &c.
After the worship of Shashthi has been finished a garland of sweetmeats
is thrown around the neck of a male kid. The ears of the kid are pulled
until it bleats loudly some five or six times in order to frighten and drive
away the evil spirits who are supposed to seek to disturb the ceremony.
Shashthi is again addressed to protect the boy from evils by flood or field,
by hill or dale, from wild animals by night or day ; whilst the father
takes the child in his lap and again touching the several parts of the body
listens to the appropriate prayers for strength, wealth and long life. The
ceremony ends with a story illustrating its origin. The above fairly
represents the character of the mantras used in the ceremonies, and that
these are of Tantrika origin and common alike to Buddhism and the
Hinduism of the present day may be distinctly shown. Cunningham in
his Ladak (p. 384) gives several mantras collected by him from Tibeto-
Buddhist sources which in form and character are the same as those in
use in the Kumaon Himalaya. Compare his mantra of S akya Thubba
(Buddha) : — Namah Sdmanta huddhdndm sarvaJdesha nisuddhana sarvva«
dharma vahiprapta gagana sama sama svdhd — ‘ glory to the chief of Bud¬
dhas, reliever of all sulfering, master of all virtue, equal, equal to the
heavens, hail.’ Again we have : — Namah sdmanta vajrdndm chanda
mahdroshana hun — glory to the chief of Yajras, fierce and greatly
hungry, hail ” ; and : — Om vajra — krodha, hdyagriva hulu hulu hun phat
— Om 0 wrathful Vajra, flame-necked, hulu hulu hun phat. This last ‘is
addressed to the supreme Buddha (Bhageswara) , to the celestial Bodhi-
sattwas, Padmapani and Vajrapani (the lotus and sceptre-bearers) and to
the Tantrika divinity Iswara.’ The same ideas permeate the mystical for-
mnlee used by Musalmans of the lower classes, descendants of Hindu
converts, only the names of Jibrail, Azrail, &c., are generally used instead
of the names of the Indian and Tibetan spell- compelling deities. In a
curious figure given by Herklots we have names derived from all three
systems and common to the Tantras of all. It represents the double
Haga emblem of the male and female principle, and is used by exercisers
in avoiding the influence of evil spirits. It is shown in Plate I, fig, 2, as
giving a fair example of a magic figure and showing how wide practices
here referred to are.
L
82
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
Another is addressed to Hannman, Narasiinha, Baitala and Bliairava :
another is adorned with the trisula, the distinctive emblem of the
montane S'aivas, and all are of the same character as the yayttras used by
Hindus.
NcimaJcarana. — The ndmakarana or naming the child takes place on
the tenth to the twelfth day after birth. In Kumaon, it is held almost
universally on the eleventh day and the ritual opens with a series of some¬
what abstruse general rules for selecting names. The Ganesa-pwjd is
as usual first performed, stating the particular object for which it is
undertaken. Then follows the Ndndi-h^addha and an oblation to the fire
made with clarified butter. Then a mixture called the jpancha-gavya is
formed of the following ingredients ; — the urine of a slate- coloured cow,
the dung of a black cow, the milk of a copper- coloured cow, the curds of
a white cow and the clarified butter of a pie-bald cow. This mixture is
made up into small balls and a portion used as a burnt-offering (homa),
and the remainder is strewn about the house and byres and also thrown
on the mother of the boy to purify her. A homa is then made of coins
which are thrown into the fire and afterwards become the property of the
celebrant. The child’s name is next settled and written on a small piece
of clean cloth and also whispered in his ear : — Thy name is so and so,
may thou have long life, health and prosperity.” Gifts are then made to
the celebrant and all retire tothe courtyard, where a figure of the sun,
such as already described, is drawn on the ground and reverenced with
the usual ceremony. The boy is allowed to see the sun this day and is
made to plant his foot on a piece of money placed on the ground (bhurni
upavesana) whilst calling on the names of the deities that hereafter he
may be able to esteem money as the dirt under his feet. The party then
return to the house, where the Mva-mdtri-pujd is performed. It consists
in the rinsing of the mouth followed by the consecration of the argha
and a dedication as in the mdtri-pujd, but the figures are only seven in
number and are drawn on the wall of the house, not on wood, and the
deities honoured are Kalyani, Mangala, Bhadra, Punya, Punyamukha,
Jaya and Vijaya. These are worshipped with the usual ceremonies
including the invitation, &c., and the vasordhdrd already described and
then gifts are made to Brahmans.
Janmotsava.- — The janmotsava takes place on the anniversary of the
birth of a male and the ceremony connected with it may be performed
either by the person whose birth-day is celebrated or by the family
jmrohita on his behalf. In either case the person for whose benefit the
rite is performed must rise early in the morning and have his body
anointed with a mixture of sesamum, black mustard and water and then
bathe in warm water and put on clean clothes. When bathing, a prayer
is read which brings in the place and date, his name, caste and mce, and
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
83
asks for long life and prosperity, and to be truly effective this prayer
should be said when the past year of the native’s life merges into the
coming year. Then the names of the principal deities are repeated in
the form of a short litany, and their aid and assistance during the ensuing
year are invoked. Should the anniversary fall on a Tuesday or Saturday
which are regarded as unlucky days, the ceremony cannot take place, but
in its stead, the person who desires to derive benefit from the rite should
bestow gifts on Brahmans and in charity, and in this way he shall obtain
all the advantages which the performance of the complete ceremony is
supposed to ensure. It is only in this abbreviated form, moreover, that
the majority of Hindus in Kumaon observe this rite.
Karnavedha. — The karnavedha or piercing the ear may, according to
the family or tribal custom, take place at any time between the third and
seventh year. The rite is said to have been established by Yyasa, and the
date for its performance is always fixed by the family astrologer. The
father of the boy must rise early and perform the Gfanesa-y^^^’d and state
precisely the object by giving place, time, name, &c., and declaring that
it is for the increase in length of life, strength, wisdom and good fortune
of his son, whose name is also given. He then goes through the Mdtri-
pujd, Ndndd-sraddha, &c., as in the preparatory ceremonies already de¬
scribed. The mother takes the child in her lap and gives him sweetments
whilst the operation of piercing the ear is performed : first the right and
then the left ear with appropriate mantras, winding up with the usual
gifts to the astrologer and purohita. Then follows the ahhisheka or asper¬
sion and the presentation of flowers and the niahdmrdjana, in which the
family barber appears with a brazen tray bearing five lamps made of
dough, four at the corners of a square and one in the centre in which the
wick floats in molten clarified butter. These are waved in the manner
of a censer in front of the assembly, who each make an offering to the
barber according to his ability.*
Worship of the planets. — The Upanayana or ceremony of putting on
the janeo or sacrificial thread is always preceded by the worship of the
planetary bodies. For this purpose a yajnasdld or hall of sacrifice is pre¬
pared to the east or north of the house and purified with the pancha-
gavya,-f whilst prayers are read as each article of the mixture is used.
As a rule, however, the ceremony is performed in the cow-shed, in the
* I omit the ceremony styled Aksharasvihdra vidydramhha, which takes place
when a boy first goes to school, as I have never heard of its having been nsed. It
consists principally of an enumeration of all the books, teachers and schools of philo¬
sophy known to the compiler with laudatory verses and prayers that they should be
present and assist in the ceremony and in the youth’s studies,
t Already described.
84
E, T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
northern corner of which a very simple miniature altar of three steps*
known as the grahavedt is raised. On the top of the altar the figure of
a lotus with eight petals is drawn and each petal is coloured to represent
a planet, red for the sun ; white for the moon ; reddish-brown for Bhauma
(Mars) ; whitish yellow for Budha (Mercury) ; yellow for Yrihaspat or
Guru (Jupiter) ; white for Sukra (Yenus) ; black for SAnichara (Saturn)
and for Balm (an eclipse) and brown for Ketu (a comet) . For the other
deities the intervals between the petals are used. Offerings of rice and
curds are then made to each and the usual invitation, &c., are made. On
the morning of the day after these preparations have been completed, the
usual preparatory ceremonies already described are gone through, includ¬
ing the Nitya-Jcarma, Ganesa-p^y J, M^htri-puja, Ndndd,-sTdddha and Funyd-
ha-vdchana. Then the person who causes the ceremony to be performed
gives the tilaJca or frontal-mark to the purohita also the argJia, flowers,
rice, sandal and presents of coin, ornaments and wearing apparel and
requests him to preside at the ceremony. f The parents of the child with
the celebrant and the assembled friends then march round the yajha-sdla
to the sound of conches and other instruments and enter by the western
door, when the ceremony of purifying the hall with the pancha-gavyo^ is
again performed. To the south-west of the grahavedi a small homa-vedi
or altar for burnt sacrifice is built and a fire is lighted thereon.
The worship.- — The celebrant then performs the halasa-sthdpana and
appoints the pradhdna-dipa or guardian of the lamp to stand in the east
and prevent the lamps going out, lest the ceremony should be interrupted
by sprites and goblins. The worship commences by the celebrant pre¬
senting to each leaf of the lotus on the graha-vedi, a piece of metal
stamped with the conventional image of the particular planet to which
the leaf is sacred. (Then the greatness of each planet is praised and
litanies are read and each is invited to be present in the place assigned
to it on the graha-vedi.) All face towards the sun and the figure of the
sun towards the east. These are then addressed in the agnyuttdrana
and then washed with the five amrita, each ingredient as it is ap¬
plied being accompanied by a separate mantra. Then cold water is
offered and the dedication made with the hymn of praise to : — Omkara,
* The lowest step is two finger-hreadths high and broad, the next is of the same
height but four finger-breadths broad, and the last is four finger-breadths higher than
the second and one cubit square at the top.
f Arrangements are made in the ritual for the presence of the Acharya, Brah¬
man, Ritwika or prompter and Sadasya, but as a rule all these oifices are performed
by one person. The ritual for this ceremony extends over eighty pages of my ma¬
nuscript and is said to occupy three days in recital : it need hardly be said that the
full ritual is seldom or never gone through.
1884.]
85
of Ueligion in the IlinidJaya.
Brahmarslii, Gayatri, Chhandah and the supreme deities ; the Vyahriti-
mantra, Visvamitra, Jamadagni, the metres known as the gdyatri, ushni
and anushtuhh and the deities Agni, Vayn and Siiryya, who are asked to
assist in the ceremony. Then the vyahriti-JiiObiiiTSL is recited separately
and together thus : — Om hhuh I invite and set np the snn ; 0?n Wiuvah I
invite, &c. ; Otn svah I, &c. ; Om hhur Wiuvah svah, I, &c., and the figure
of the sun is placed on a small circular altar erected in the middle of the
graha-vecU, then the invitation is made with the mantra : — 0?n akrishne,
&c. Next Agni is addressed as adhideva of the sun, and invited to he
seated on his right hand with the ^’y^^/^r^^f-mantra separately and together
as in the case of the sun and also a special mantra for the invitation : —
‘ Om Agniin dutam,^ &c. Next on the left side Rudra is invited as the
gjraty adhideva in the same manner and the invitation mantra commen¬
ces : — ‘ Oin WyambaJcam,'’ &c. Next in the south-east corner the figure
of Soma is set up with a similar ceremony on a small square altar. Next
comes Angaraka or Bhauma on a triangular altar, Budha on an arrow-
shaped altar, four finger-breadths long, Guru or Vrihaspati on an altar
six finger-breadths square, S'ukra on a five-cornered altar, nine finger-
breadths across, S'ani on a bow-shaped altar two finger-breadths broad,
Rahu on a sword- shaped altar, and Ketu on one like a standard. Then
the other deities are invited : first the protecting deities, Ganesa, Durga,
Kshetrapala, Vayu, Akasa, and Aswini. Then the guardians of the rite,
Indra on the east, Agni on the south-east, Yama on the south, Nirriti on
the south-west, Varuna on the west, Yayu on the north-west, Kuvera on
the north and Isa on the north-east. Next Brahma is invited to take his
place in the upper part of the central space on the graha-vedt and Ananta
in the lower portion. Next in the north-eastern corner already sacred to
Isa, the halasasthapana is made and the figure of Varuna is placed on the
cover over the mouth of the vessel. All this is supposed to be done with
the same tedious ceremony.
The meditation. — The thread from which the bracelet is made (gra-
Icsha-sutra') is now tied round the neck of the vessel (Jcalasa'). Then rice is
taken in the hand and sprinkled over all the figures whilst they are asked to
come and take their place in the vessel and in the bracelet. Then follows
the dedication of the rite to the ceremony about to be performed on behalf of
the boy. Next the dhydna or meditation is given 0?n who sittest in
the position called padmdsana {i. e., with thighs crossed, one hand resting
on the left thigh and the thumb of the other on the heart and the eyes
looking towards the nose), with hand like a lotus, sprung from a lotus,
who driveth the chariot yoked with seven steeds, two-armed, ever present
Bavi. Om thou who art white, clothed in white garments, driving white
horses, adorned with white, bearing a club, two-armed, ready to do what
s right, tS'asi. Om thou with the reddish garland and clothes, bearing
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No, I,
8G
a pike, lance, and club, four-armed, moving like a goat, granter of re¬
quests, Dhara-suta. Om thou clothed in yellow garments encircled with
yellow garlands, sprung from the pericarp of the lotus, club-holder, two¬
armed, seated on a lion, granter of requests, Budha. Om Guru of the
Devas and Daityas, clothed in white and yellow, four-armed, who grantest
the wishes of ascetics, with rosary, thread and alms-dish. Orn thou who
shinest like a sapphire, holding a lance, granter of requests, vulture-
borne, arrow- discharger, Arka-suta. Om thou who art clad in blue,
whose body is blue, crested with a diadem, bright, seated on a blue lion,
such 0 Udhu is praised here. Om thou who art of a brown colour, two¬
armed, club-wielder, with distorted face, always mounted on a vulture,
grantor of desire, KetuB A second meditation of the same import is
then prescribed and others for Varuna, &c. Then to all the deities named
the dsana, &c., as far as the flower- offering, are given and Vyasa is quoted
in praise of the nine planets. When procurable, cocoanuts should now be
offered with fruit, flowers, and goods as well as the food supposed to be
agreeable to each deity : thus for the sun, balls of rice and molasses are
provided : the moon receives a hali of rice, clarified butter and milk ;
Bhauma, one made of rice, molasses, clarified butter and milk (atkarika) ;
Budha, one made of milk and rice ; Vrihaspati, simply clarified butter and
rice ; S ukra, curds and rice ; S'ani obtains a mixture of rice, clarified
butter and vegetables ; Rahu has goat’s flesh ; Ketu, rice of various
colours ; whilst the remainder obtain milk and rice. If these different
ingredients are not procurable an offering of milk and ripe is made to all.
Consecration of the materials for sacrifice. — The celebrant then ap¬
proaches the homa-hedi and looking towards the east makes the usual
rinsing of the mouth, and then proceeds through the whole ceremony of
consecrating the materials for the sacrifice from the appointment of the
Brahman (hrahmopavesana) to the general aspersion (paryukshana), after
which gifts are made to the celebrant. A kind of preface is then read
giving the names of the several deities and the materials with which they
should be worshipped. This is followed by the agni-sthapana by which
Agni is invited in the different forms in which he is present on the altar
as each of the nine planets, receives worship, and the throne, Ac., are
presented to him. Lines which represent the tongues of flame on the altar
are then drawn and adored, and the father of the boy receives fire from
the celebrant and bending the right knee so as to allow the thigh to lie flat
on the ground before the altar, meditates on Prajapati, and commences
the burnt-sacrifices by the offer of the dghdra-homa with clarified butter.
I’uel* (samidh) for the altar is supplied from the wood of the following
* The wood of these trees is supposed to be cut up into pieces measuring a
span of the hand of the boy who is the subject of the rite. Three stalks of durva or
kusa make one mmidh.
87
1884.] of Religion in the Himalaya.
trees and plants : — Arha (Galatropis gigantea), Paldsa (Butea frondosaf
Khadira (Acacia catechu) , Ajpdmdrga (Achyranthes aspera), Pipala (Ficus
religiosa) and TJdumhara (Ficus glomerata), 8' ami (Acacia smna) , Burvd
(Gynodon dactylon) and kusa (Fragrostis cynosuroides) . These pieces of
wood and plants mnst not be crooked, broken, worm-eaten, and
must be steeped in curds, lioney and clarified butter befor they are
olfered to the nine planets as a Jioma. If the wood of the other trees
mentioned is not procurable that of the paldsa or khadira may be used
alone. There are three positions for the hand during the homa : — (1)
the mrigi (doe), (2) the hamsi (female swan) and (3) sukari (sow). In
the sukari the hand is closed and the fingers lie in the palm on the hand ;
the mrigi extends the little-finger whilst the remaining fingers continue
within the palm of the hand, and the hamsi extends the fore-finger
whilst the hand is closed. The mrigi-mudrd comes into use in all cere¬
monies undertaken in order to avoid threatened dangers or the retribution
due to evil deeds : the hamsi-mudrd in the rites observed for increase in
health, wealth or prosperity, and the sukari-mudrd in spells for malevolent
purposes, in incantations against an enemy and for causing any mental or
bodily misfortune to him. If the homa takes place without its proper
spell (mudrd), the offering is fruitless and misfortune shall assuredly
occur to both the celebrant and his client.
The ohlation. — The homa is then offered in the name of each deity
with a short dedication and mantra whilst the name of the presiding
Rishi supposed to be present is given as well as the form of Agni. As
this ceremony is gone through forty-two times, the result may be tabu¬
lated as follows : — ■
The nine planets.
No.
Name of
deity.
Material
employed
in the homa.
Initial words of
mantra.
Presiding
Rishi.
Form of
Agni.
1
Sun
Arlca
Om Akrishne, &c.
Hiranyastupa.
Kapila.
2
Moon
Paldsa ...
Om imam devd asa-
patna gram, &c.
Gautama.
Pingala.
3
Bhauma . . .
Khadira
Om agnir murddhd, &c.
V irupaksha.
Dhiimraketu.
4
Budha
Apdmdrga,
Om udhudhyasvdgne,
&c.
Parameshthi.
Jathara.
5
Vrihaspati,
Pippala...
Om vrihaspate, &c.
Gritsamada.
S'ikhi.
6
Sukra
Udumbara,
Om anndtparisrutora-
sam, &c.
Prajapati, Asvi,
Sarasvati and
Indra.
Hataka.
7
bam
Sami
Om sannodevir abhish-
tayah, &c.
D adhy ahhathar-
vana.
Mahateja.
8
Rahu
Durvd . . .
Om kayd nas chitra, &c.
Vamadeva.
Hutasana,
9
Ketu
Kusa
Om keturn, &c.
Madhuchchhanda.
Rohita.
88
[No. 1,
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
The Adhidevatds.
For these and the succeeding deities paldsa is the wood prescribed
and no particular form of Agni is mentioned.
Number.
Name of deity.
Initial words of mantra.
Presiding Bishi.
10
Agni
Om agnim hutam, &c.
Kanva and Medhatithi.
11
Apa
Om asvantara, &c.
Vrihaspati.
12
PNthivi
Om syondprithivi, &o.
Medhatithi.
13
Vishnu
Om idam vishnur vichakrama,
&o.
As in 10.
14
Indra
Om sajoshdh, &c.
As in 4.
15
Indrani
Om adityd, &c.
Ditto 7.
16
Prajiipati ...
Om prajdpate,
Hiranyagarbha.
17
Sarpa
Om namo’ stu sarpehhyo, &c....
Devas.
18
Brahma
Om brahmaya judnam, &c. ...
The Praty adhidevatds.
Prajapati.
19
Rudra
Om tryambakam, &c.
Vasishtha.
20
Uma
Om sris clia te lahsmi, &c.
Uttaranarayana.
21
Skanda
Om yadakrandah prathama n<
&c.
Bhargava, Jamadagni and
Dirghatamasa.
22
Purnsha
Om sahasra-sirshd purushah&c.
Asyanarayana.
23
Brahma
As in 18 ’
As in 18.
24
Indra
Om tratdram indram, &c.
Gargya.
25
Yama
Om asi yamaJi, &c.
As in 21.
26
Kala
Om Jcdrshirasi, &c.
Ditto 15.
27
Chitragupta,
Om chitrdvaso, &c.
Other deities.
Ditto 4.
28
Vinayaka ...
Om gandndn tivd, &c.
As in 18.
29
Durga
Om jdtavedase, &c.
Kasyapa.
30
V ayu
Akasa
Om vdto vdmano vd, &c.
Gandharvas.
31
Om 'Arddhvdh, &c.
As in 18.
32
Asvinau ...
Om ydvdnlcasa, &c.
Medhatithi.
JDihpalds.
Sesamum and clarified butter are here added to the
offering of paldsa.
33
Indra
As in 24
As in 24.
34
Agni
Ditto 10
Ditto 3.
35
Yama
Ditto 25
Ditto 21.
36
Nirriti
Om eshate nirrite, &c.
Varuna.
37
V arnna
Om imam me varuna, &g.
Sunahsepha.
38
V ayu
As in 30
As in 30.
39
Kuvera
Om vaya gvam, &c.
Bandhurishi.
40
Isana
Om tarn isdnain, &c.
Gautama.
41
Brahma
As in 18
As in 18.
42
Sarpa
Ditto 17
Ditto 17.
Should any error occur in naming the deities in the order above
given, the entire ceremony must be gone through again, but no penalty
1884.] of Religion in the Himalaya. 89
is attached to the use of the materials for the samidh in other than the
prescribed form.
The position assigned to each deity on the graha-vedi will better be
understood from the diagram in Plate, I, fig. 2. In the petals of the lotus,
the letter ‘ A ’ stands for ‘ Adhideva ’ : the letters ‘ Pradh ’ for ‘ Pradhana-
deva ’ and the letters ‘ Pr.’ for ‘ Pratyadhideva,’ the titles given to each
triad. We have next a homa of clarified butter with the 'y?/aArf^f-mantra
repeated nine times : hence the name navdh-uti-homa. Another offering
of clarified butter is made with the mantra : — ‘ Oin to Agni who causeth a
good sacrifice svdhd.' Then 2b pur na-pdtr a, or vessel, is presented to the
celebrant with a dedication that all imperfections in the ceremony may
be forgiven and the rite be completed.
Baliddna. — The haliddna follows and comprises offerings of milk
or rice and curds to the north of the graha-vedi or near the homa-vedi-
A portion of the mixture is taken and placed on a brazen platter or ston e
in the name of the sun with the address : — ‘ Bho hhd Sun accept this
offering ; be thou the bestower of long life, the giver of forgiveness, the
alleviator of trouble, the giver of good fortune and the increaser of pros¬
perity to thy worshipper.’ Above this an offering is placed for the moon
with the same address and so on for each of the forty-two deities assembled
and to whom a homa has been offered. It will be noticed that a homa is
not offered either to the Kshetradhipati or the Yastoshpati. To the former,
however, a halt is presented with considerable ceremony ; a mixture of
clarified butter and rice known as khichri is placed on a platter of leaves
and on it four lamps of wheaten dough with clarified butter for oil and a
few coins. Then an ignorant Brahman or a Sudra is honoured with an
offering of sandal which, as a rule, is smeared over his face to make him
look hideous. The dhydyia or meditation on Kshetrapala follows, after
which the offering is taken and presented with the mantra.* “ Om
glory to the venerable Kshetra23ala * * * to all sprites, goblins,
demons and their followers, glory to this offering of clarified butter and
rice with its light, gifts and betel. Hail Kshetrapala * * filled with
the howling of the fierce-mouth protect me, eat this offering of khichri
with its light prepared for thee. Protect the person who causes this
* Om namo hhagavate Tcshetrapdldya hhtUa-preta-pisdcha-
ddJcini-sdlcini-hetdlddi-parivdrayutdya esJia sadipah sadalcshinah satambulah Tcrisaranna-
halir namah hho hJio kshetrapdla maru maru, turn turn, lala lala, shasha shasha, phen-
Tcdra-purita-dinmulcha ralcsha rdksha grahamdkhaharmmani amutn sadtpatn Icrisaran-
nahalim hhaksha hhaksha yajamdnatn pdhi pdhi mama va saputra-saparivdrasya yaja-
mdnasya vd, ^c.
M
90 E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history [No. 1,
ceremony to be made, be for him and his child and those belonging to him,
the bestower of long life.” &c.
Purndhuti-homa. — After this follows the 'purndlmti-homa in which
Bharadvaja is the Rishi and the deity is Mahavaisvanara. The offering
is prefaced by the nsnal dedication of time, place, person and object,
followed by the hymn in four verses beginning : — ‘ Om murddhdnam
divo,’ &c., and ending with ‘ Om piirnd,’ &c., whence the name.
Agni-pujd. — The Agni-pujd comes next in which Agni is addressed
on behalf of the boy : — ‘ Om Agni thou that protectest the body, protect
my body ; Om Agni that grantest long life, grant me long life ; Om Agni
that bestowest energy, bestow on me energy ; complete whatever is de¬
ficient in my oblation; Om holy Savita, accept my sacrifice, holy Saras-
vati accept my sacrifice ; ye twin Asvins, crowned with lotuses accept my
sacrifice.’ Then warming his hands in the flame of the altar he applies
them in succession to the various parts of his body saying : — “ May each
member of my body increase in condition.” Similarly the mouth, nos¬
trils, eyes, ears and arms are separately addressed to the same intent.
Trydyusha. — After this the rite called trydyusha for acquiring the
three-fold vital power is celebrated. It consists in the application of the
tilaJca or frontal mark to the head and throat of both the boy for whom
the ceremony is performed and his father. The material for the tilaJca is
taken from the ashes of the homa and then mixed with clarified butter
and applied by the celebrant. This is followed by the distribution of
gifts which are divided amongst all the BrMimans, present. But in
addition to the ordinary presents suitable to the occasion, the wealthy
and devout are instructed that the following are specially acceptable to
each of the nine planets : — to the sun, a brown cow ; to the moon, a
conch ; to Bhauma, a red bullock ; to Budha, gold ; to Vrihaspati, yellow
clothes and gold ; to S'ukra, a white horse ; to S ani, a black cow ; to
Bahu, a sword, and to Ketu, a goat. These subsequently become the
property of the officiating priests, but it is allowed to commute these
gifts in detail for a sum of money which is made over to the priests with
the usual dedication of place, time, person and object, and that the
money is in lieu of the gifts due to each of the nine planets. All then
march around the altar singing : — “ Om, go, go, best of gods, omnipotent,
in thy own home, where Brahma and the other gods are, there go thou
Hutasana.” The planets are then worshipped and afterwards the cele¬
brant and his assistants asperses the assembly with water taken from the
kalasa whilst chaunting a hymn.* This is followed by a mantraf in
* This is called a Yaidik hymn and commences : — ‘ Oin sarvve samudrdh saritas
tirthdni jaladdnadah,’ &c. : it contains thirty-four verses.
I Galled a Pauranika-mantra.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
91
which all the deities are invoked that the aspersion may be frnctnons
and their protection be extended to all. The tilalca of sandal is then
given by the celebrant to the men of the assembly with the man¬
tra^ : — “ Om, may it be well with thee, be then fortunate ; may Maha-
lakshmi be pleased with thee ; may the gods always protect thee ; may
good fortune be always with thee everywhere ; may evil planets, sins,
impurities and causes of quarrel seeing the mark on thy forehead be
powerless to harm thee.” The rice is applied with the mantra : — ‘ Om
may this rice protect thee.’ The tilalca is given to women merely as an
ornament without any mantra, but the rice is applied with the mantra
used for men. The mantra-j9a^7z.u follows, of which twenty-one verses
are for the men and three for the women whose husbands are alive at the
time ; when finished, flowers are distributed to all present. After this
the ceremony of fastening on the bracelet (jalcshabandliana) takes place
as described, and the bhuyast-dana with its gifts in which all the dancers
and the musicians share. The worship of the planets concludes as usual
with a feast to Brahmans.
Ghurd-Jcaraiia. — The rite known as churd-lcarana or shaving^ of the
head is also included amongst those preparatory to the assumption
of the sacrificial thread. The favourable moment is fixed by the family
astrologer and when arranged for, the father of the boy commences the
rite the night before by going through the Ganesa-pz^ja. He then takes
ten small bags of cloth and wrapping up in them portions of turmeric,
c7ii&-grass, mustard and a coin, ties them in the hair of the boy with the
mantra : — ‘ To-morrow you will be cut off,’ &c. Three are tied on the
right side of the head, three on the left side, three at the back of the
head and one on the top. The next morning all proceed to the yajha-
sdla in which the graha-vedi of the previous ceremony was erected. The
duties of the day are opened with the rinsing of the mouth, next the
argha is set up and consecrated and the jordndydma is gone through
followed by the dedication.
In the last rite, the celebrant defines the object by stating that the
ceremony is performed for the churd-karana and ujpanayana (initia¬
tion) of so and so, the son of so and so, &c. Next follow the whole of
the usual preparatory ceremonies as far as the Punydha-vdehana. The
celebrant now approaches the cJiurd-karana-vedi and again consecrates
the argha and makes a dedication to Agni and then lights a fire upon
the vedi or altar. The father now takes the boy in his arms and the
mother seats herself to his left, and all assist in the installation of the altar
and the invitation, &c., is gone through as before. Then an offering of
clarified butter is thrown on the fire with the mantra : — ‘ Om prajdpa--
* Om hhadramas tu, &c.
92
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
taycy Ac., and gifts are bestowed on the celebrant. The hair of the
child, except the top-knot, is now cut oh whilst an appropriate service is
read. The hair is then buried with cow-dung near some water and the
boj is bathed and clothed in his best and placed near the celebrant and
s held to be entitled to the name mdnavaka or religious student. The
ceremony as usual winds up with gifts to the celebrant and assembled
Brahmans, replied to by a mantra and the gift of a flower {asisha) as a
benediction.
Assumes the garh of a student. — According to the FdrasJcarasutraf
the son of a Brahman may assume the janeo at seven or eight years of
age, the son of a Kshatriya at eleven years of age and the son of a Vaisya
at twelve years. These limits can be doubled where necessity exists,
but the ceremony cannot take place after the second limit has expired.
The father and son now approach the upanayana-vedi and the boy pre¬
sents the tila'pdtra to the altar. This tilapdtra is an iron pot containing
sesamum oil in which coins have been placed and which form a portion
of the honorarium of the celebrant. The invitation, Ac., is again recited
and the dedication is made to ensure the success of the young student
in his studies. Next follows a formal burnt-sacrifice of clarified butter.
The celebrant then receives from the father of the boy a loin-cloth, belt,
sacrificial-thread, waist thread, walking-stick and bason for receiving
alms and gives them one by one to the boy with the mantra for each.
Separate woods are prescribed for the walking-stick according to caste ;
for the Brahman, paldsa ; for the Kshatriya, lei ; and for the Vaisya,
gular. The celebrant then asperses the head and breast of the boy and
accepts him as one duly prepared and fit to be raised to the degree of a
religious student. The boy next seats himself to the north of the cele¬
brant and his father goes through the Agni-joujd and offers a sacrifice of
clarified butter and presents gifts to the Brahmans. The title hhatta is
given to the student who has assumed the sacrificial thread.
SctlutijUg the rel'igious 'preceptor. The astrologer fixes the lo/gnaddncL
or propitious moment for repeating the gdyatrf and when it comes the
boy seats himself in front of the celebrant and turning his face towards
the north-east salutes the celebrant and presents gifts to his purohita. He
then crosses his arms and places his right hand on the right foot and his
left hand on the left foot of the puroliitoj and bows his head down until
it touches his hands. The purohita then gives the asisha and for a
Brahman reads the gayadri three times, thus : —
(1) Om hhur hhuvah svah tat savitur varenyam.
(2) Repeat first line adding bhargo devasya dhimahi.
(3) Repeat both preceding and add dhiyo yo nah prachodaydt.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
93
The Kshatriya gdyatri is as follows : —
Otn devasya savitur matim dsavam visvadevyam dhiyd hhagarn ma-
ndmahe.
The Vaisya gdyatri is as follows : —
Otn visvd rujpdni prati munchate kavih prdsdvid hJiadram dwipade cha-
tushjpade vi ndham ahliyat savitd varemjo ^nu praydnam ushaso virdjati.
The boy again brings presents and falls at the feet of his purohita
and prays that with his teacher’s aid he may become a learned man. The
purohita then instructs his pupil in the sandhyd, already described. Next
the samidh or small faggot of sticks from five trees previously mentioned
is taken by the boy and with one of the pieces he touches his eyes and
then dips one end of it in clarified butter and again the other and then
places it on the fire on the altar. Similarly the ears, nose, hands, arms,
forehead, lips, and breasts are touched in order and the stick are burned.
The celebrant then performs the trydyuslia by applying the frontal and
throat-marks with the ashes of the homa and clarified butter. The boy
then goes through the dandawat or salutation as already described and
again receives the dsisha. He then addresses Agni, stating his name,
caste, parentage, &c., and asks the deity to take him under his protection
and again prostrates himself before his purohita, who usually delivers a
homily on general conduct. The boy then begs from his friends and
presents the results to his purohita saying : — “ 0 Maharaja accept these
alms which I have received.”
Veddramhha. — Then commences the rite connected with the first
study of the Vedas, the Veddramhha. Gautama has said that the Veda
of the division to which the student belongs should first be read by him.
The celebrant prepares the altar called the Yeddramhha-vedi, for which
the usual Oaneia-pujd is performed and a fire is lighted thereon. The
flame is then fed with the numerous offerings made in the names of the
deities invoked to be present and assist, for whom the whole invitation,
&c., is repeated, followed with the usual gifts and dedication. Then
comes the worship of the Vedas themselves with invitation, &c., followed by
the worship of Ganesa, Sarasvati, Lakshmi and Katyayana, accompanied
with the usual installation address (^pratishtha) , invitation, &c. Then
the boy looking towards the north-east performs the prdnaydma and
recites the gdyatri and mantras in honour of the four Vedas, commencing
with that belonging to his own division. He next recites the mahd-
vydhriti with the gdyatri three times, i. e., the gdyatri with the namas-
hdra : — “ Om hhur, Otn hhuvah, Otn svah.'' He is then told to go to
Benares and study there and for form’s sake actually advances a short
distance on the road and then returns, when the ceremony is closed with
the usual distribution of gifts.
94
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
Samdvartana. — Next comes the samdvartana (returning home after
finishing his studies) which commences with the gift of a cow to the
celebrant. The boy takes hold of the cow’s tail with one hand and hold¬
ing water in the other repeats a short formula and gives the cow to the
celebrant. There is in this rite also an altar or vedi, the consecration of
which takes place exactly as in the previous rite. The father, son and
celebrant approach the altar and the son coming forward and laying hold
of his right ear with his left hand and his left ear with his right
hand {vyastapdni) says, he has ceased to do evil and wishes to learn to
do well. The celebrant answers “ may you have long life.” The cele¬
brant then asperses the boy and his relatives from the water of the uda-
humblia or small vessel for holy- water usually placed near the kalasa, and
subsequently takes whatever water remains and pours it through a metal
sieve called sahasradhdrd on the head of the boy. These operations are
each accompanied by a mantra, as also the taking ofi of the belt (jnehhala)
and the applying of the tilaha to the twelve parts of the body : — (1) the
forehead in which Kesava resides ; (2) the belly with Narayana ; (3)
the heart with Madhava ; (4) the right side with Yishnu ; (5) the left side
with Vamana ; (6) the hollow below the throat with Govinda ; (7) the
right arm with Madhusiidana ; (8) the left arm with STidhara ; (9) the
root of the ears with Trivikrama ; (10) the back with Padmanabha ; (11)
the navel with Damodara, and (12) top of the head with Yasudeva.
The boy then clothes himself, and the celebrant repeating appro¬
priate mantras directs the boy to remain pure for three whole days, i. e.,
not touching a Sudra or a dead body, &c. On the fourth day they again
assemble, and the Jioma known as purndhuti is made, and again the
entire ceremony of consecrating the graha-vedi is gone through as well as
the worship of the nine planets and jivamdtris, and the boy’s sister or
mother performs the maJidmrdjana (waving of lights) before him, and all
winds up with the usual gifts and a feast.
Vivdha-karma. — The ceremonies connected with marriage come next
and occupy no inconsiderable place in the services. They include those
arranged in the following five divisions : —
(1) Agid-pujd ; clothing, perfuming and anointing the body ; the
puroMta of the boy shall then ask the other the name and
caste of the girl and communicate the same information
regarding the boy.
(2) Presentation of a cow and coin in honor of the girl : procession
from the house to the agin-vedi.
(3) Invitation to the father of the bride and formal conclusion of
the arrangements ; then circumambulation of the fire-altar
aud performing the kusa-kandikd.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
95
(4) Tlie bride sits to the right, and the bridegroom sits to the left
close together, while a lioma is made.
(5) Next follows the sa7risrava-jpTdsana^ furna^dtra, gifts to Brah¬
mans, and the verses suited to the ceremony.
Vagddna. — Commencing with the first group we have the vdgddna-
vidhi or rules for the preliminaries to a marriage. Some days before the
wedding takes place the father of the girl performs the Ganesa-pzij'a and
the dedication declaring the object to be the correct and successful issue
of the vdgddna, with detail of his own caste, name, race, and that of the
boy to whom he has given his girl. The girl then performs the Indrani-
pujd (one of the divine mothers) before a likeness of that deity drawn on
gold or other metal. Next day the sarvvdramhJia or the beginning to
collect the materials necessary for the wedding takes place. The
father of the bride takes a mixture of turmeric and Idlii (parched grain)
with water and anoints the body of the girl and performs the Ganesa-
fujd. The same is done by the father of the boy to the boy, and in ad¬
dition he takes three small bags {potaU) of cloth containing coin, betel,
turmeric, roli (powder on the seeds of Mallotus phillipinensis) and rice,*
one of which is buried within the hearth where the food is cooked ; a
second is suspended from a handle of the hardhi or iron-pan in which the
food is cooked, and the third is attached to the handle of the spoon.
The object of these proceedings is to keep off ghosts and demons from
the feast. Thin cakes are prepared of wheaten flour {sunwdla) and
thicker cakes (pm) of the same, which, with sesamum and balls of a
mixture of rice-flour, ghl, and molasses (laddu and chhol) are made by
the women.
First visit. — Next comes the purvdnga which takes place on the day
before or on the morning of the wedding. The parents of both children,
each in their own house, commence with the Ganesa-p^ji, followed by
the Mdtri-pujd, Nd7idi-srdddha, Punydha-vdchana, Kalasa-sthdpana and
Navagraha-pujd as already described. The parents of the girl seldom
perform more than the first two, and remain fasting until the Fanyd-ddna
has taken place. The father of the girl then through his daughter
adores Gauri, Maheswari, and Indrani, and ties Si potaU on her left hand.
The father of the boy binds a similar bag on the right wrist of the boy,
and also on the left hand of the boy’s mother. Four days afterwards the
bags are removed. On the morning of the wedding day the family as¬
trologer sends a water-clock, to mark the exact moment, with other
presents to the father of the girl, and declares his intention of being
present with the marriage procession at a certain hour. The boy is then
* These are the contents of the potali commonly used, though a much more
elaborate inventory is given in the ritual.
9G
E. T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
dressed in his best, perfnmed, anointed, and painted and placed in a
palanqnin, and, accompanied by the friends of the family and musicians,
he sets out for the bride’s house. He is met on the road by a deputation
from the bride’s father, conveying some presents for the bridegroom, and
near the village by a relative of the bride, who interchanges further pre¬
sents. The procession then halts for rest whilst dancers and musicians
exercise their craft. All then proceed to the house of the bride, where
a clean-swept place opposite the principal entrance has been decorated by
the women of the family with rice-flour and red sanders. On this place
the celebrant and parties to the ceremony with their fathers and prin¬
cipal relations take their place, whilst the remainder of the procession
stand at a respectful distance. Next comes the dhulyargha which com¬
mences with the consecration of the argha. Then the father of the bride
recites the harana sankalpa, dedicating the rite to the giving of his
daughter to the bridegroom, after which he offers the water of the argha
to the celebrant who accompanies the bridegroom, as well as water for
washing his feet, the tilaha with flowers and rice, and the materials neces¬
sary for the ensuing ceremonies. Similar offerings are made to the
bridegroom ; and his father is honoured with flowers and the dHsha^
and all sit down to a feast.
The marriage hall. — The near relatives of the parties then assemble
in the marriage -hall. The bride is placed looking towards the west and
the bridegroom towards the east with a curtain between them, whilst the
fathers of each perform the Ganesa-pwj’a. The bridegroom’s father
sends a tray of sweetmeats (laddu) to the girl’s father, on which the
latter places flowers and returns the tray to the boy’s father. The bride’s
father then washes the bridegroom’s feet and fixes the tilaha on his fore¬
head. Again the girl’s father sends a tray of sweetmeats which is
accepted and returned adorned with flowers. The bridegroom then
performs the dchamana and receives from his father-in-law a tray of
sweetmeats (madhuparha ) made from honey, &c. He should then taste
a portion of them, and say that they are good and express his thanks
for the present. He then washes his hands and rinsing his mouth per¬
forms the prdndydma and sprinkling of his body with the right hand
merely and the usual mantra. The bride’s father takes a bundle of husa
grass in the form of a sword and calls out “ bring the calf the bride¬
groom says, “ it is present.”* Then water is sprinkled over the figure
of the calf and several mantras are read, and as in the Hali-Yuga the
slaughter of cows is prohibited, the figure is put aside and gifts are substi¬
tuted.
* As a rule in Kumaon, the figure of a calf made in dough or stamped on metal
is produced.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
97
Verification of family.— -In tlie meantime, a Braliman of the bride¬
groom’s party prepares the altar, consecrates it, and lights the fire.
The bride’s father then gives four pieces of clotli to the bridegroom and
he returns two for his bride. The bride’s father then raises the curtain
and allows the parties to see each other. Then the celebrant on the
girl’s side, after reading the dsirvdda verse,* asks the celebrant on the
boy’s side the gotra, pravai'-a, sdichd, veda, ancestors for three generations,
and name of the boy. The celebrant on the boy’s side recites a similar
verse and replies to the questions asked, winding up with a request for
like information as to the girl’s family, which is given. The questions
and answers are repeated three times, the verses alone being changed.
This section of the rite winds up with the usual gifts, and dedicatory
prayers and a hoina of four sweetmeats, two from the bride’s house
offered by the bridegroom and two from the bridegroom’s house offered
by the bride.
The giving away. — At the exact time fixed for giving away the girl,
the bride’s father turns his face to the north, whilst the bride looks to¬
wards the west. The father then extends his hand and the girl places
her hand (palm upwards) in her father’s hand with fingers closed and
thumb extended, and holding in the palm /tuia-grass, sesamum, barley
and gold. The boy takes hold of the girl’s thumb, whilst the mother of
the girl pours water on the* three hands during the recital of the dedica¬
tion by the celebrant. This portion of the rite concludes with the for¬
mal bestowal of the girl generally called the hanyd-ddna. When this is
concluded the girl leaves her father’s side of the hall and joins her hus¬
band, when the ddnavdhya-\ is read, and the father of the bride addresses
her and prays that if any error has been committed in bringing her up
it may be forgiven. Next an address with offerings is made by the bride¬
groom to his father-in-law, thanking him for the gift of his well-cared-
for daughter. In return the father declares the girl’s dowry, and the
clothes of the two are knotted together. Then come the usual gifts,
aspersion, and offering of flowers. The bride and bridegroom then pro¬
ceed to a second altar J which is usually erected outside the marriage
hall and whilst mantras are recited by the celebrant circumambulate
the outer circle.
The circurnamhulation. — This being done the dghdra-homa follows
which comprises twelve offerings conjointly made by bride and bride-
* In praise of Hara and Hari.
t Containing fonr verses from the Pnranas.
X This altar is abont a cubit square and is surrounded by a hedge of branches of
the sacred trees connected together with twine, outside which the circuinambnlatiou
takes place either three, five, or seven times.
N
98
E. T. Atkinson — Notes 07i the history
[No. I,
groom, the former of whom holds her husband’s arm whilst he places
each offering on the altar and the celebrant recites the prescribed prayers.
Next come the usual gifts and returns in flowers and rice. Then follows
the rdslitrabhrit-homa, which also consists of twelve offerings, conjointly
made, winding up with presents as before. Also the jayd-homa with its
thirteen offerings, the abhydtdna-lioma with its eighteen offerings, the
^anchaha-homa with its five offerings and the Idjd-Jioma with its offer¬
ings of flowers and fruit. Then the altar is again circumambulated and
parched rice spinkled from a sieve on the pair as they move slowly
around. The bridegroom then lifts the bride and places her a short dis¬
tance apart, when her brother approaches and gives her some parched
rice with which she makes a lioma. The bridegroom then asperses his
bride with water from the Jcalasa whilst repeating the mantra : — “ Om
d^ah S'ivdh sivatamdh,^^ &c., and also touches her chest and head with
appropriate mantras. She then goes to the left of her husband and lays
hold of his garments, and whilst another mantra is read, the bralima-homa
is made by the bridegroom. The bride then washes her husband’s feet,
who in return makes her a present, and each applies the tilaha to the
other and eat curds and molasses together. After washing of hands the
'purnd’^dtra takes place, in which forgiveness is craved for all defects in
the ceremony or in the amount of gifts, &c., and the mantra-patra or leaf is
placed on the bridegroom’s head by the celebrant with the prayer that he
may be well and have long life, and for this the celebrant is again re¬
warded. Then follows aspersion, the giving and receiving of the tilaJca,
Ac., and the bridegroom is told to look well at his bride. A homily is
now given regarding their conduct, the one towards the other, that they
should above every thing keep themselves pure for three nights or mitil
the cliaturthd-harma had taken place. The party then proceed in doors
and the Ganesa-pw^a, jivnmdtri and vasoddlidra rites are performed ;
the mahdnirdjana also takes place by the bride’s mother, who presents
sweetmeats and opening the knot in their garments gives a portion of
the sweetmeats to both bride and bridegroom, who then retire.
JDwdra-mdtri-pujd.^Nexd, morning the young married couple arise
early and after domestic worship again tie their garments together and
perform the dwdra-mdtri-pujd at the bride’s father’s home. The door-leaf
is cleaned with rice flour and on it figures of the Matris are drawn and
reverenced conjointly, the bride assisting by holding her husband’s arm.
Again she alone prepares the threshhold and performs the dehaliya-puja,
by sprinkling rice and flowers. After breakfast both proceed to the
bridegroom’s house, where in the presence of a child who bears on his
head a small lota of water with a green branch on it, indicative of pros¬
perity, he formally commits his wife and her dowry to the safe keeping
1884.]
99
of Religion in the Himalaya.
of liis mother. The dwdra-nidtri-iyujd again takes place and after enter¬
ing the house the Ganesa-^Mjc* is performed with the dedication that the
moment may be propitious and the nsnal gifts, &c., winding np with the
mahdmrdjana by the sister of the bridegroom and the aspersion of the
assembly by the celebrant. After this gifts are distributed and all the
attendants are permitted to disperse.
Ghaturthi-karma. — On the fourth day the chaturthi-'karma takes place,
which consists of the nsnal preparatory ceremonies followed by the re¬
moval of the gjotaU or small bags from the wrists of the bride and bride¬
groom preceded by a homa pur?iapdtra which concludes the ceremony.
Dwir-dgamana . — The next ceremony is the dwirdgamaria or ‘ second-
coming.’ The instructions direct that on a propitious day the boy’s
parents shall cook certain cakes called phenika and placing them in a
basket, the boy proceeds with them to his father-in-law’s house, where
he salutes all the family and presents the food. Early in the morning
he performs the (ddoaQin-pujd and at a favourable time places his wife
near him. The tilalca is then interchanged between him and the relatives
of his wife and formal salutations take place. He then takes his wife
and whatever portion of the dowry that is now given to his own house,
and on arriving at the threshhold the garments of both are again knotted
together. Both are then seated together and the husband rinses his
mouth, consecrates the argJui and performs the prdndydma and dedication
to the dwirdgamana and the dwdra-mdtri-pujd. Ganesa and the Matris
are then worshipped and the fixing of the favourable time is again gone
through that the whole rite may be undertaken at the auspicious moment
and be free from defects. Gifts are then made to the family purohita and
astrologer as if to the deity, and the couple go within while the svasti-
vdchana is read. On entering the inner apartments the young couple
worship the Jwa-mMris whose figures are drawn on the walls. The
kalasa is then consecrated and the couple circumambulate the vessel and
the usual offerings and dedication are made ; winding up with the as¬
persion, after which the knots on the garments are untied and the couple
feast and retire to rest,
Arka-vivdha. — Should any one desire to marry a third time, whether
his other wives are alive or not, he must go through the ceremony known
as arka-vivdha or marriage to the arka plant (Calotropis gigantea). The
aspirant for a third marriage either builds a small altar near a plant of
the arka or brings a branch home and places it in the ground near an
altar. He then goes through all the preparatory ceremonies and also the
Suryya-p^ya with its invitation, &c., and prdrthana or adoration with
hands clasped and appropriate mantras. He tlien circumambulates the
altar and asks the caste, &c., as in the regular ceremony ; a purohita
100
E, T. Atkinson — Notes on the history
[No. 1,
answers on the part of the arlm that it is of the Kasyapa gotra, the great-
granddaughter of Aditya, the granddaughter of Sava and the daughter of
Arka ; then follows the caste, name. &c., of the real bride. A thread is
then wound ten times around the arlm^ accompanied each time by a man¬
tra, and again around the neck of the kalasa. To the north of the arha^ a
fire-altar is raised and the dghdra-homa is made to Agni with gifts and
dedication. Next comes the pradhdna-lioma with the mantras, “ Om
sangohhih” and “ Ow yasmaitvdM the vydhriti-homa with its own
mantra and the bhurddi-navdhiiti-homa with its nine mantras closing
with the gjurndjpdtra and dedication. After this a second circumam-
bulation follows and a prayer and hymn. Four days the arka remains
where it has been planted, and on the fifth day the person is entitled to
commence the marriage ceremonies with his third wife. If, however,
she be already a widow, he can take her to his home without any further
ceremony.
Kumhlia-vivdha. — The Kumbha-vivdha or marriage to an earthen vessel
takes place when from some conjunction of the planets the omens for a
happy union are wanting, or when from some mental or bodily defect no
one is willing to take the boy or girl.* The ceremony is similar to the
preceding, but the dedication enumerates the defects in the position of
the planets in the worshipper’s horoscope and states that the ceremony
is undertaken to avoid the malign influences of the conjunction of the
adverse planets or of the bodily or mental defects of the native as the
case may be. The nine planets are honoured and also Vishnu and Varu-
na, whose forms stamped on a piece of metal are amongst the furniture
of the ceremonial. The ahchala or border of the garment used in the
knot-tying is represented by connecting the neck of the girl or boy with
the neck of the vessel, when the aspersion is made from the water of the
kalasa with a brush made of the five leaves.
Gasiial ceremonies. On killing a snake. — Several ceremonies are pre¬
scribed for alleviating {sdnti) the evil effects of accidents, bad omens,
portents, unlucky acts, &c., which may be briefly noticed here. Thus,
if in ploughing, the share injures or kills a snake, a short ritual is pre¬
scribed to appease the lord of the snakes. Ganesa, the Matris and
Kshetrapala are first worshipped on the spot : then the figure of Mrityuh-
jaya is drawn on cloth and with it that of the snake-god, and both are
worshipped with the invitation, &c., and the surpa-mantra is recited and
a lioma made.
Death of a plough-bullock. — One-sixteenth of the value of the cattle
* The Vishnu py'dtimd-vivdha is similar to the Kumhha-vivdha. The girl is first
married to a picture of Yishnu in order to avert the influence of the planets when the
conjunction of the latter would show her to become a widow or a bad character.
1884.]
of Religion in the Himalaya.
101
should be paid as a devadanda to Brahmans. Another ceremony known
as the vrishahha-patana takes place when a bullock dies or is injured while
ploughing.
Unluclcy conjunctions. — It is believed that if the megha-sanlcrdnta
comes within the conjunction of the planets noted in the horoscope, the
native will die within six months, and similarly if the tula-sanJcrdnta come
within the horoscope the native dies before the next megha-sankrdnta : to
avert these evils a special ritual is prescribed in which Govinda is the prin¬
cipal deity invoked. A more elaborate service takes place on the occasion
of an eclipse when numerous articles are placed in the Icalasa and the
image of the snake-god stamped on metal is worshipped and the usual gifts
are made.
Born again from a coiv' s mouth. — The ceremony of being born again
from the cow’s mouth {gomukha-prasava) takes place when the horos¬
cope foretells some crime on the part of the native or some deadly cala¬
mity to him. The child is clothed in scarlet and tied on a new sieve
which is passed between the hind-legs of a cow forward through the
fore-legs to the mouth and again in the reverse direction signifying the
new birth. The usual worship, aspersion, &c., takes place and the father
smells his son as the cow smells her calf. This is followed by various
burnt- offerings and the usual gifts, &c.
Dentition, ^''c. — Ceremonies are also prescribed when the teeth are
cut irregularly, when the father and son are born in the same lunar man¬
sion, when three children are born at the same time or in the same lunar
mansion, when snakes are seen m coitu, when a dog is seen during a
ceremony, when a crow evacuates on one’s clothes, on seeing a white
crow, when gifts of land, money or grain are made, and when building a
house, &c.
Mula-naJcshatra. — The misfortunes that are supposed to follow any
one born in the Mula-naJcshatra, which is presided over by Mrriti, the god¬
dess of evil, are such that the parents are advised to abandon such
a child, whether boy or girl, or if not, to go through the ritual prescribed
for the occasion with great care and circumspection. The Mula-sdnti
commences with the Ganesa-p?ya followed by the setting up of the
argha and the dedication. The sesamum, Icusa, barley and water are
taken and the pradhdna-sankalpa is recited and also the Mdtri-puj d,
Punydha-vdchana and Ndndi-sraddha are gone through. The celebrants are
then appointed and duly reverenced and the person who causes the cere¬
mony to be performed stands before them with the palms of his hands
joined together in a submissive attitude and asks them to perform the rite
according to rule. The celebrants consent and proceed to the grihasdld,
or as usual in Kumaon to the place where the cows are tied up. A place
102
[No. 1,
E. T. Atkinson — IicJiyurn m. the IlinidJaya.
is selected and purified either with holy- water (t, e., water which has
been consecrated by using the names of the sacred places of pilgrimage)
or the mixture called pancJia-gfwya. To the south-west a hollow is made
and a fire is lighted therein, and this is followed by the ritual contained
in the formal appointment of the Brahman to the aspersion. An altar is
then made, and on the top a lotus of twenty-four petals is drawn and
coloured and named as described below.'*'
A handsome metal vessel is then placed in the midst of the figure
and four other vessels are placed one at each corner of the principal altar.
A figure of Nirriti stamped on metal is placed in the centre of the altar
on its vessel and small pieces of gold, silver and copper on the other
vessels after having been washed with the five nectars applied with the
usual mantras. Next comes the address to Nirriti prefaced by the
vydkriti mantra : — ‘ Come hither and remain here 0 Nirriti mistress of the
Mula-nakshatm, grant our requests and accept our reverence.’ Her
companions and the twenty-four deities residing in the petals of the lotus
are similarly invited with the same fermula.
Three of the vessels are dedicated to Brahma, Yaruna and the nine
planets who are invited to attend. Then the medidation on Nirriti and
the deities to whom the altar is dedicated follows : — ‘ Nirriti, black in
colour, of beautiful face, having a man as thy vehicle, protectress, having
a sword in thy hand, clad in shining robes adorned with jewels.’ A
similar short meditation on Indra and Toya is given and for the remain-
ino’ deities, the recital of their names is held sufficient. Nirriti then
receives the formal invitation, &c., with the mantra : — ‘ 0)n mosliuna^'
&c., wdiilst the others are merely named. Then those deities invited to
occupy the three vessels above named receive the invitation, &c., and
commencing with Nirriti all are in order worshipped with flowers, sandal
and water. The vessel placed to the north-east of the altar is dedicated
to Budra, and on it are laid the five varieties of svastika and below it, a
drona of grain. On the covered mouth of the vessel the image of Budra
* The name on the petals is that of the initial letters of the nakshatra or lunar
mansion, above which is the name of the regent of the mansion and below the colour
which should be given to it. The names in order commencing with the mansion over
which the Visvadevas preside are as follows : —
1. Uttara-Asharha.
2. Sravana.
3. Dhanishtha.
4. S'ata-bhishaj.
5. Purva-bhadrapada.
6. Uttara-bhadrapada.
7. Pevati.
8. Asvini.
9. Pharani.
10. Krittika.
11. Pohini.
12. Mriga-siras.
13. Ardra.
14. Punarvasu.
15. Tishya.
16. Aslesha.
17. Magha.
18. Purva-phalguni
19. Uttara-phalguni.
20. Hasta.
21. Chitra.
22. Svati.
23. Yi^kha.
24. Anuradha.
25. Jyeshtha.
26. Miila.'
27. Purvasharha.
?Tn the
middle.
1884.] R. Mitra — Psychological Te'nets of the Vaishnavas. 103
stamped in metal is placed after being waslied in the five necta;i‘s as be¬
fore followed by the dedication, meditation, hymn of praise and invi¬
tation, &c. Then the anga-nydsa to Rudra is repeated six times, and the
Budrddhydya, eleven times, &c., &c. Rext incense formed from the
burnt horns of goats is offered to Rirriti and also wine, barley-cakes,
flesh and the yellow pigment from the head of a cow {go-rochmid) ; flesh,
fish, and wine, however, should not be used by Brahmans, who should
substitute milk with salt for wine and curds with salt for flesh. Lamps
are now waved to and fro before all the deities and a fire is lighted on
the altar and a homa made. Rext the dghdra-homn, the Jcrisara-homa,
the fifteen- verse homa. fuel, rice, &c., with the sri-suJcta mantra, the
gjdyasa-hoina, imrnd-huti-homa and the agni-homa, are made, after which
the fire on the altar is extinguished and Agni is dismissed. The vessel
on the principal altar sacred to Rirriti is now filled with various mate¬
rials and whilst these are stirred round several mantras are recited. The
parents of the child and the child then bathe outside in a place prepared
for the purpose and ornamented with svastihas and all are sprinkled with
holy-water. Some hundred verses are then repeated with the prayer that
the evil influences due to birth in the Mula-nakshatra may be effectually
prevented. A similar ceremony is performed on account of any person
born in the Asleshd-naJcshatra.
{To he contimied. )
On the Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. — By Ra'jendeala'la
Mitea, LL. D., 0. I. E.
What was the ontological doctrine which Chaitanya inculcated ? is a
question which was lately put to me by a distinguished European scholar.
It is one which has not yet been discussed in any English paper that I
am aware of. Ror is it well understood by the Pandits of Bengal. Even
among the Vaishnavas of the higher orders there seems to be consider¬
able differences of opinion, and distinguished commentators on the Bha-
gavata and other leading texts of the Vaishnavas have propounded such
contradictory and at times diametrically opposite theories that several
polenxical tracts had to be written on the subject. I have lately found
one of these. It is entitled Sarva-sampraddyahheda-siddlumta. In it an
attempt has been made to reconcile the theories of the different sects of
the Vaishnavas and of Sankara Acharya. Its author’s name is unknown
to me, blit the author was evidently a distinguished scholar, thoroughly con¬
versant with the leading topics of Indian Philosophy and the various
arguments which Vaishnavas of different schools brought to bear upon
104
R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. [No. 1,
the question. A brief analysis of the work may not, therefore, be un¬
welcome to the readers of this Journal.
The writer of the work naturally takes for granted that his readers
are perfectly familiar with the values of the technical terms and the
bearings of the various schools of thought in this country, and therefore
plunges at once in medias res. This course, however, will not be con¬
venient for English readers, and it is necessary, therefore, to preface this
note with a few words on the leading Indian theories on soul, as a
spiritual, self-conscious monad, distinct from the body, and concentrating
in itself all the purest and most refined of human excellences — a spirit
distinct from the entelechies of Aristotle.
These theories may be described under three heads : 1st, Nihilistic ;
2nd, Monistic ; 3rd, Dualistic.
The first is represented by the Charvakas, who deny the existence of
a soul. Like the Pessimists of this century they say there is no psyche.
They hold that the soul, or the spiritual principle which vivifies and
sensitizes living beings, is, like the body, derived from the parents, and
dies with it. This means that vitality and consciousness are the
results of organization, and cease with the complete ataxy of that
organization. In other words, there is, apart from the body, no distinct
essence, which, in association with matter, gives it life, and, dissociated
from it, lives on, either to vitalize other bodies, or in an ethereal or spiritual
form. The most essential attribute of this soul is its immortality, and
most Indian philosophers add to it eternity, and these being wanting
in the doctrine of the Charvakas and other atheists, it is rightly called
Nihilistic. One school of Buddhists, and that the most important, pro¬
fesses a modified form of this nihilism, allowing the soul functional exis¬
tence for seons, but reducing it to ultimate vacuity from which it is held
to arise. This is called S'.unyavdda, ‘ the theory of vacuity, ’ or Asadvdda
‘ the theory of non-existence.’ None of these, however, is accepted by
any leading Yaishnava school of thought, and need not, therefore, be
noticed at greater length here.
The second head resolves itself into two divisions — 1st, Generically
Monistic ; 2nd, Absolutely Monistic. Those who entertain the theory im¬
plied by the first division hold that every living being has a separate
soul, which is uncreate and immortal. It is consciousness itself, and
spiritual in nature, but defined in character, no one soul merging into, or
bearing any relation to, another, and yet it is essentially so identical with
one and another, that as a genus all souls are exactly alike, and as such
there is perfect unity. Unity is also predicated of this soul on the
ground of there being no species of soul of any other kind, and thereby
is meant that there is no Divine or Supreme soul. In fact it is with a
1884.] R, Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. 105
view to deny a supreme intelligent Creator and Preserver of the universe
that nnicity is insisted upon in regard to the soul of created beings. The
founders of the Sankhya and the Jaina doctrines, as also some Band-
dhas are the followers of this theory. They hold that this soul, though
consciousness itself, is, in its ordinary state, so worked upon by its own
energy (variously called Mdyd ‘ illusion,’ S'ahti ‘ power,’ Prater iti ‘ na¬
ture,’ ajndna ‘ ignorance,’ &c., but meaning in reality the laws of nature)
that it does not thoroughly perceive itself. It is the ego in a more or
less latent, or potential, or mystified state, subject to various malign and
beneficent influences which some times make it more and more mysti¬
fied, and at other times less and less so ; its aim, however, is to separate
itself from its energy, or to shake off its unintelligent condition, and in
course of time under the influence of its beneficent environments and
earnest exertion gradually becomes more and more manifest, until at last
its beclouding energy melts away, and the soul abides in its perfect
purity. This melting of the energy may be compared, and in fact is
substantially the same, with the progressive evolution theory of the mo¬
dern European schools, except that the European Progressionists
(or most of them) assume a beginning, or a first start, whereas their
Indian cong^eners believe the universe to be uncreate and eternal. This
state of perfect purity is the summum honum which the Sankhyas
and the Jains look upon as mukti or final deliverance, and the Bauddhas
as Buddhahood or Nirvdna ‘ perfect Intelligence,’ or ‘ absolute quietude.’
The goal of the Progressionist is thus eloquently summarised by Brown-
ing
“ I, that trace Providence wdthout a break,
I, the plan of things, drop plumb on this plain truth —
That man is made in sympathy with man,
At outset of existence, so to speak ;
But in dissociation, more and more,
Man from his fellow, as their lives advance
In culture ; still humanity that’s born
A mass, keeps flying off, fining away,
Ever into a multitude of points.
And ends in isolation, each from each :
Peerless above in the sky, the pinnacle, —
Absolute contact, fusion all below
At the base of being.”
Had Browning meant this for the Yogis, it would have been as cor¬
rect as it is for the Progressionists, omitting only the first four lines in
which the idea of Providence and first creation has been sketched, but
0
106 H. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas . [N^o. 1,
wliicli do not at all bear upon tbe final “ Isolation.”* The final stage in
either case is a society of immortal beings, each physically, morally, and
intellectnally 23erfect, and from this perfection ex concesso identical.
Some Indian writers do not, however, look upon this theory of nnicity as
satisfactory, and reckon the doctrine as a form of duality or Tvaitavdda.
What they mean is that it is a system not of one, but of more than one,
soul. This is true enough, and logically following it out, the term for it
should imply plurality, and not duality, particularly in the Sanskrit
language, where the dual does not mean plural. In the case of the San-
khyas, it has further to be noted that they do not absolutely deny a
supreme soul, but hold that there is no proof of the existence of such a
being. In other words they are agnostics in this respect.
The Absolutely Monistic theory disca-rds the idea of a separate indi¬
vidual soul for each being, as illogical and unphilosophical. Following
the principle that two causes should not be assumed where one is suf¬
ficient, it repudiates the assumption of an uncountable number of soul
monads, each uncreate and eternal, and holds a single soul, the Supreme
Soul, as amply sufficient for all purposes. It is more consonant with
reason, and at the same time it removes the stain of atheism which the
preceding theory necessarily involves.
The idea of a spirit distinct from the body is of remote antiquity.
In the earliest stage of human society every unintelligible phenomenon
was accounted for by the assumption of a supernatural power or spirit, and
the disposition of that spirit, as malevolent or beneficent, regulated the
character of the phenomenon. This idea, once formed, multiplied rapidly,
and every mountain and every plain, every wood and every tree, every
pool and every river, was soon peopled by its appropriate spirit. These
spirits could not, however, be accepted to be equally powerful, and in
course of time and advancing reason, it was felt that the more powerful
of these must be the rulers or governors of the less powerful, and the
ultimate logical resultant was the assumption of one supreme God. God,
thus evolved, did not negative the existence of the spirits and the soul
of man, but took His place at the head of them all, and mankind at large
was perfectly satisfied with this evolution. The theory did not, and could
not, jar against their preconceived notions and universally spread beliefs,
it bore no taint of atheism, and reason was in its favour. Philosophers,
however, did not continue to rest satisfied. The process of thinking
which brought them to one God pushed them still onward, and they at
last abandoned the theory of separate souls for separate beings, whether
* The Hindu idea of isolation will bo found fully described in my translation of
the Yoga Aphorisms of Patanjali.
1884,] R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas'. 107
human or celestial, and took to a single soul which gave vitality and
consciousness to all. This is the theory of Absolute Unity, and is known
under the name of Advaitavdcla or the theory of ‘ Uonduality,’ or
‘Aduality.’ From its very name it is obvious that it is subsequent to
belief in Duality, or of one Supreme Soul on the one side and of many
individual souls on the other. Had unity been the only idea to express,
the term would have for certain been formed of a Sanskrit word imply¬
ing 07ie, and not a derivative of two with a negative particle before it.
It was to exclude the idea of two which was current, that recourse was
had to the circumlocutory forms of “ not two ” advaita, “ one without a
second ” ehamevddvitiyain, and so forth. These forms gave greater
emphasis to the idea than what a simple statement of one would have
done. Indeed, a term implying one would leave room for doubt as to
whether the unity applied to the especial character of the soul or to its
numerical individuality, and this is precluded by these negative forms.
The Upanishads dwell very largely on this idea. When FTacliiketa,
in the Katha Upanishad, repeatedly urges in varied phraseology ‘ I am
that,’ and SVetaketu, in the Chhandogya Upanishad, is told thou art
that,” the idea conveyed is that the ego is no other than the Divinity
himself. But the brief enigmatic way in which the theory was disclosed
led to much misapprehension. And it was left to the renowned S An¬
kara Acharya, the apostle of this school, to elaborate this Uondual or
Adual theory at considerable length in his great commentary on the
Vedanta Aphorisms of Vyasa. He would tolerate nothing that did not
coincide in every detail with this cardinal theory, and he argued it out
in very much the same form in which Berkeley worked out his celebrated
theory regarding the essential non-reality of matter.
Sankara, however, left it in a position which could not be final, and
his followers could not rest satisfied at the point where he left it. The
question soon arose as to, how does this Supreme Soul, one without a
second, provide souls for the countless individual units of creation ?
To admit the theory of universal pervasion — of an infinite mass made
finite by enclosing bodies, like the atmosphere enclosed in jars, which
the followers of Sankara developed at great length — was to admit a
system of Pantheism, or animism, the aninia mundi of Stahl, which
was open to serious logical defects, and likewise inconsistent with the
doctrine of faith which the Bhagavadgita had promulgated, and which
got extensive currency a while before the time of S Ankara, Indeed S An¬
kara himself had felt this, and provided for it by a faint outline of a theory
of shadow or reflection, — a shadow from the Great Soul forming individual
souls. This is the doctrine of the Bhagavata Purana. Vishnu Svami, the
founder of the Rudra-sampradaya, changed the shadow into a scintilla or
108
R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas.
[No. 1,
spark — something more substantial than a mere shadow — and worked it
out into a regular system. This is called S'uddhddvaitavdda. It was
further developed by Yallabha A'charya, whose dogma has since degenerat¬
ed into hideous licentiousness. The idea is, that since every individual soul
is the Supreme Divinity, that soul should not be tortured by penance and
privation, but fed and nourished and kept in an everlasting round of
pleasures, and the result is a system of Epicureanism. Ramanuja was
not satisfied with this shadow or spark. He assumes that the Supreme
Soul (Vishnu as he names it) devides itself into a twofold form — a Supreme
Spirit or Paramdtmd, the cause, and a gross one, or effect, the individual
soul units together with the universe or matter. This idea led him to
the three categories, soul {chit), non-soul or matter {achit), and the Lord
(ds'vara) . This tenet is called Visishtddvaita or ‘ qualified unicity.*
Professor Wilson puts it thus : —
“ Creation originated in the wish of Vishnu, who was alone, without
a second, to multiply himself : he said, I will become many ; and he was
individually embodied as visible and etherial light. After that, as a ball
of clay may be moulded into various forms, so the grosser substance of
the deity became manifest in the elements, and their combinations : the
forms into which the divine matter is thus divided, are pervaded by a por¬
tion of the same vitality which belongs to the great cause of all, but which
is distinct from his spiritual or etherial essence (Works, I, pp. 43/’.).
Nimbarka or Nimbaditya^ who founded the sect of the Sanakadi-sam-
pradaya, went further, and promulgated the theory of distinct individual
souls, or subordinate particles, ordinarily inferior but susceptible of fusing
or subsiding in the Great Soul, so as ultimately to end in one. This is
called Dvaitddvaitavdda or ‘ the theory of Dualistic Aduality.’
Professor Wilson thus summarises the tenets of this school : “ Life,
they say, is one and eternal, but dependent upon the Supreme and
indissolubly connected with but not the same with him.” (Works, I.,
p. 144). The Mahopanishad feels the difficulty of this position, and
evades it by saying “ as the birds and the string, as juices and trees, as
rivers and oceans, as freshwater and salt, as the thief and his booty, as
man and objects of sense, so are God and Life distinct, and both are
ever undefinable.”
These several ideas of shadow, reflection, scintillation, subordinate
particles &c., occur in very ancient works, not excepting the Vedas, but
* This is a nickname whioh was given to the saint because he once stopped the
motion of the sun on the top of a Nimba tree {Melia azadiracta). His original
name is not known. Dr. Wilson says it was Bhaskarach^rya, but I suspect this is not
correct, for there is extant a commentary by Bhaskara A'charya on the Vedanta
Sutra, which is distinct from the commentary by Nimbh'ka on that work.
1884.] R. Mitra — Psycholoyical Tenets of the Vaishnavas. 109
they are there very loosely and promiscuously put forth, without any
serious attempt at philosophic precision. The authors named above were
the first to give to each a scientific fixity and distinctness. It should,
nevertheless, be mentioned that there is yet considerable misunderstand¬
ing current on the subject, and the three terms S'uddhddvaita, Visislitdd-
vaita, and Dvaitddvaita, are very carelessly used — the first according to
some, is the same with Advaita, and the third is identified with the second.
For the purposes of this paper it is, however, not necessary to attempt
here any detailed exposition.
The last is the theory of Duality or Dvaitavdda, of one Supreme Soul
and innumerable individual souls, essentially independent of each other.
Its teacher was Madhva i^charya* alias Ananda Tirtha alias Purnaprajna
or Purnamandira, who wrote a short commentary on the Vedanta Siitra,
and therein developed his theory, obviously taking it from the Nyaya-
darsana, where it occurs in an unmistakable form. His doctrine is
known under the name of Purnaprajha-darsana, and his followers call
themselves Brahma-sampradayi. As already stated, it dates from long
before the time of the Adual doctrine. It is frequently referred to in the
Vedas, and in the Upanishads it is indicated at times. But the idea
is not fully worked out, and in some places, the theory of both the
Supreme and the individual souls abiding in the same body crops out
prominently. This is particularly the case in a remarkable allegory in the
Mundaka Upanishad, which occurs also in the SVetasvatara Upanishad,
where it is said :
“ Two (birds) of handsome plumage, rivals and friends, nestle in
the same tree : one of them eats the sweet fruits ; the other looks on
without eating. ”f
The obvious meaning of this verse implies a duality ; and those who
adopt the Dual theory appeal to this authority ; but S'ankara looks upon
it as an indication of the Supreme Soul associated with plastic nature or
Prakriti, or “ consciousness associated with ignorance, desire and the resi¬
dua of former works. ’’J
Closely correlated with the above theories are the doctrines of Saguna
(qualified) SindNirguna (unqualified) in regard to the Supreme Soul. The
nearest equivalent English philosophical terms for these would be ‘ con-
* Grammatically the word should be Madhva as a derivative of Madhu, but in
MSS. it is frequently, not always, found with the first vowel short, and both Professor
Wilson and Mr. Gough (in the Sarvadarsana-sangraha) have accepted that form.
t ^ ^ WIT i
110 R. Psychological Tciiets of the Vaislmavas. [No, 1,
ditioned’ and ‘ unconditioned,’ but tliey are not exactly to the point. Un¬
conditioned in English has two meanings. Some employ it to denote
entire absence of all restrictions, while others, and a large number, take
it to imply entire absence of all relation. Indian philosophers are una¬
nimously of opinion that the Supreme Soul is absolutely unconditioned
in the sense of total absence of all restrictions. It is perfectly free from
all trammels of laws, rules and and conditions, and nothing can restrict it
in any sense whatever. But they are divided as regards relation. The
followers of the Yoora school hold that there is no relation whatever be-
o
tween the Supreme Soul and the universe. The universe is uncreate and
eternal, and its course is regulated by laws or nature which is not subject
to Divine will, and human souls, being uncreate and eternal, are equally
independent of a creator. But those monitists who believe in a primal
creation and trace that creation to a divine architect, have to establish a
relation between the Divine and the individual souls, and opinions in this
respect vary greatly. Their diverse theories about emancipation also neces¬
sitate some relation. The doctrine of incarnation also requires that the Divi¬
nity should be, at least at times, subject to conditions. And the process of
transition from the unconditioned to the conditioned has been explained
in different ways. The word saguna, moreover, implies personality, and
some of those who believe in incarnations insist upon the Godhead being
a personal divinity, while others hold him to be always and invariably
impersonal (jiirgunaf
To turn now to the Yaishnavas. They belong to one or other of
the three subdivisions of the Adual school or to the Dual one, under the
generic names of S'ri-sampradaya, Budra-sampradaya, Brahma- sampradaya,
and Sanakadi-sampradaya, and the reconciliation of their different
theories to subserve the cause of Bhakti is the object of the work under
notice .
The work opens with a quotation from the Bhagavata Purana in
which Krishna says “ know ye that I am the preceptor of all preceptors ”
(Sarveshdm agjy dchdrydndni dchdryam mdm vijdniydt), and then argues,
since preceptors (dchdryas) are incarnations of the Lord, and their in¬
structions must be evidence of truth, it follows that when Yallabha
Acharya and others, after refuting the Dual dogma, establish the
Nondual one, their doctrine must be accepted as true ; but in so accepting
it, one must reject the theory of Madhva as unreliable and untrue. Should
he, however, accept the theory of Madhva, the sayings of Yallabha
Acharya and others, which refute the Dual tenet, must of course fall to
the ground. ‘ And on the logical principle of that which is contradictory
is incorrect,’ all the various doctrines of the Yaishnavas must be con¬
demned as untrue. The question then is, how to solve this riddle ? And
1884.] K,. Mitra — ■Psychological Tenets of the Vaislinavas. Ill
the author begins by enquiring what was the doctrine of Chaitanya, the
founder of the Yaishnava sect of Bengal ? As I have already remarked
at the beginning, this was a moot point, Chaitanya has not left us any
record of his philosophical ideas. He was an enthusiastic Bhakta, who
devoted his entire time to the cultivation of faith, in abstracting himself
from all carnal wants and worldly attractions, in dedicating himself,
body and soul, to his maker, and in disseminating the doctrine of faith
among his followers. It is doubtful if he ever wrote any work or trea¬
tise on reliHon. Certain it is that none has come down to our time.
O
Kavikarnapiira, a contemporary of Chaitanya and author of great
eminence among the Yaishnavas, flatly denies that Chaitanya ever wrote
anything about his doctrine. In the ‘ Chaitanya- chandrodaya ’ of that
author the question is asked, “ Dear Sir, has this Hari published any
work explanatory of his principles ?” and the reply given is : “ Though
it is well-known that the Almighty is the author of the Ye das, yet
whatever the Knower of the heart teaches, he teaches through agents
indirectly, and his lessons are not defined by time or space.
His biographers devoted themselves with Boswellian assiduity to the
task of recording his sayings and doings, and certainly succeeded in pre¬
serving a vivid picture of his life. But their object was to appeal to the mas¬
ses, to create a lively interest in their teacher, and anecdotes of benevolence,
mercy, devotion, self-abnegation, and total disregard of worldly attrac¬
tions, were calculated to serve their purpose best, and they selected them.
Philosophical dogmas and abstruse reasoning about the Unconditioned were
the least adapted to subserve such a purpose, and they therefore eschewed
them altogether, or kept them in the back ground. And under the cir¬
cumstances it is but natural that there should be considerable difference
of opinion in regard to the saint’s system of philosophy. The thesis has
to be worked out by a comparison of the bearings of his casual remarks
and mode of life, and not proved by the quotation of any positive de¬
claration. Our author starts by saying that Chaitanya inculcated the
same doctrine of Dualistic Aduality which Mmbaditya had taught long
before him ; and in support of his position combats such objections as, in
his opinion, might be started against it.
To the faithful followers of Chaitanya the first objection would natu¬
rally be, how can Chaitanya, who was the Supreme Divinity, even Yishnu
himself, born in flesh, accept the doctrine of a mere mortal, and become his
follower ? He should teach that which is original, that which none before
112 R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. [No. 1,
know, and not that which was already known. The objection is met by
the remark that Nimbaditya was an incarnation of Yishnn, and his opinion
was therefore that of Yishnn, and Chaitanya being, likewise, an incarna¬
tion of Yishnn, the doctrine exponnded is of the same individnal given
nnder different conditions, and there is therefore no following in the
case. In order to prove that Nimbaditya was an incarnation of Yishnn>
a verse is cited on the anthority of Hemadri, who makes the statement.
Learned Yaishnavas, moreover, nrge that the primary object of Chaita¬
nya was not to incnlcate a new tenet in psychology, bnt to give wide cnr-
rency to the doctrine of Bhakti, and it was not necessary for him, there¬
fore, to dwell upon universally accepted truths.
Having answered this preliminary objection, the author cites in
support of his opinion that Chaitanya was a Dvaitadvaitavadi, several
authorities. The first is Yisvanatha Chakra varti who, in his commentary
on the Bhagavata, it is said, has made the statement. The words used are,
GhakravartihJiih svagrantlie nimhdditya-matavarttitvena mahdprabhundm
likhandt, but no quotation is supplied.
The next authority is Hangar ama Gauda, who is said to have been
a disciple of Chaitanya. In his case, however, there is a specific assertion.
In his work called Nibandha he begins with the remark that “ Nimbaditya
was the destroyer of darkness” (Nimbddityas tamodhvamsi) and ends by
saying “ composed by a follower of the doctrine of Nimbaditya,” (Nim-
bdditya-matavarti-virachitdydm^, and the inference from these passages is
that since an immediate disciple of Chaitanya professed himself to be a
follower of Nimbaditya’s doctrine, his teacher must have followed the same
doctrine.
The third authority is Harideva Tarkavagisa, of Saidabad, near Murshi-
dabad, but no passage has been cited, nor is the name of his work given.
I have not heard of this personage, and no one can give me any infor¬
mation about him.
The last authority is Narayanadasa, a disciple of a disciple (anusi-
shya) of Advaita Acharya, and a Yaishnava author of some repute. In his
treatise on branding the body with the symbols of Yishnn, {Taptamud.rd-
dhdrana) he makes a positive statement to the effect that Chaitanya ac¬
cepted the Dualastic Aduality doctrine of Nimbaditya.
It is scarcely necessary to observe that this collection of authorities is
poor at best, and such as it is, it may be easily set aside, both by circum¬
stantial evidence and by positive statements of the contemporaries of
Chaitanya. Bhaktas believe ‘that in order to the attainment of supreme
beatitude, they must pass through five stages or states of probation. The
first of these is called Santa or quietism, or a state of calm contempla¬
tion of the Deity. The second is Ddsya or servitude, which in a more
1884.] R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. 113
active state leads on to the third, or SdJchya, i. e., an ardent feeling of
friendship for the divinity, and that in its turn to the fourth or Vdtsalya
(filial affection), and lastly to Mddhurya or love, when the devotee, rising
above all idea of divinity, entertains the same ardent attachment for the
Deity which a human lover feels for the object of his love, or “ what the
milkmaids of Vrindavana entertained for their charming* Krishna.” These
ideas cannot be consistent with the theory of Aduality. Service and
friendship cannot exist where the adorer and the adored are identically
the same. One must start with the idea of inferiority before he can
deem worship and service desirable or appropriate, and this would
necessarily imply Duality and not Unity. Kor is the reward of the
service, &c., as inculcated by the Vaishnavas, such as to support the Adual
theory. That reward, according to the Bhagavata Purana is fivefold it
may amount to (1) dwelling in the same region with the Divinity,
(sdloTcya), or (2) to the attainment of the same supremacy or dominion
as that of the Divinity (^sdrshti), or (3) to fellow-lodgership, or living
in close proximity to Him (sdimpya), or (4) to the attainment of the
form of the Divinity (sdrujpya), or (5) to unity or union with Him,
(eJcatva).-f The last is the same with the Kirvana or Lay a of non-Vaish-
nava authors, but Vaishnava commentators are not satisfied with it,
and explain it away in various ways. The word sdyujya is a homonym
of eJcatva, and that has been explained by Taranatha in his Vdchaspatya
to mean dwelling together (ekatra-samavasthdna) ; others hold it to mean
communion or practically entering a house, but not being identified with
it. Any how the Vaishnavas do not care for the last, and rely on the
first four, and therein, we have rivalry, independent existence &c., but
no union or merging of the human into the Divine Soul, and consequently
a dual theory. Kavikarnapura, who was a contemporary of Chaitanya,
and took pride in having seen the saint during his ministry, and for
having followed him as a disciple, is clearly of opinion that Chaitanya
* l chapter 29, Verse 13.
+ Sridhara Svami explains these five terms thus : ^T%
* N.
T vj
I ^ %srTfT #t§rrnf€ it?:
^TfT I I ^ #Nrr4r*,
^ ^ 3 i
^ J
II
p
114^ R. Mitra — P sijchological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. [No. 1,
was a Dvaitavadi, and in the work above named thus expresses his con¬
victions :
“Actor. — Your Bhaktiyoga or exercise of devotion, which, you say,
was unknown to the authors of our S'astras, produces a wonderful know¬
ledge the result of which is absorption into the Deity, the same which
the professors of the S'astras inculcate ; where lies then the difference ?
“ Manager. — From the text which says : — ‘ The recitation of the
name of the loved one produces an enamoration and an earnestness
which makes him, who adopts the religion, to laugh, and cry, and scream,
and sing, and dance like a mad man,’ it is evident that the Bhaktiyoga,
of which singing the name of the Lord is a component, produces a pecu-
iar attachment which passes on to an excessive fellow-feeling. It is also
said, ‘ such truthful beings perceive me to be of pleasing and of be¬
nignly smiling — ^of gratifying and excessively beautiful — forms, with
rosy eyes, and talk to me in sweet soothing words. Devotion by the aid
of those charming forms and innocently playful and smiling glances and
pleasing speech, robs them of their mind and soul, and leads them on
unto salvation, against their will.’ From which you see that salvation
is a state of fellow- ship with the Deity and not absorption ; therefore
the venerable Kapila said : ‘ devotion is superior to santification ;’ and
hence is the singing of the name of the Lord, in the Kaliyoga, no secon¬
dary means towards the attainment of the great object of human exis¬
tence, and the source of heavenly love.
“ Actor. — Sir, your words are most wonderful. The S'astras ordain
that the name of the Lord leads to absorption, and you maintain the
contrary. We have heard, ‘ by reciting the name of Narayana the
dying Ajamila obtained mukti.’
Manager (smiling). — The word mukti here means fellowship, for in
that very place it is said : ‘ He immediately assumed the shape of the
companions of the Deity.’ The doctrine of Krishna Chaitanya over¬
throws all others. All righteous men adopt this doctrine. Even Kali
himself is blessed by this incarnation.*
It should be added, however, that Kavikarnapura has approvingly
quoted many passages from the Pancharatras and other works which
are strongly adualistic in their purport, and makes Chaitanya say that he
entirely subscribed to them. The only way to reconcile this contradic¬
tion is to accept the theory of Dualistic Aduality, which after all is but
a compromise, and as such affords room for the simultaneous inculcation
of the two dogmas. The fact is, Chaitanya never busied himself with
pure psychology, and the attribution to him of any specific doctrine is
more a matter of convenience than a postive historical fact.
* E. Mitra’s Chaitanya- chan drodaya, Introduction, pp. xi-xii.
115
^884.] R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas.
To resume our analysis of the work under notice. The objection
which next suggests itself to our author is — since Madhva, Ramanuja
and Vishnu Svami have been recognized as teachers and great Vaishnavas,
how can their opinion be rejected ? But this is evaded by the remark
that their tenets have not been completely developed in their works.
^^^ext comes S^ridhara Svami, a renowned exegesist on the Bhagavata,
in regard to whom Chaitanya himself had said — “ What is opposed to
the tenets of Svami should be spurned by us” \_8vdmimata-viruddham
yat tad asmdJcam anddaramyam.'] He upholds the doctrine of S'uddha-
dvaita, and how is that to be reconciled with the assumption of Chaitanya
having followed Himbaditya ? This is met by a reference to the Sandar-
bhas,* where it is argued that in his commentary on the Bhagavata, STi-
dhara Svami has devoted very little space to the explanation of the
doctrine of knowledge combined with faith (jndnamisra-hhaktif whereas
he has dwelt largely on pure faith, (suddha-hhaJcti) , and it is obvious
therefore that he preferred the latter. According to the Advaita system,
God is always and invariably unconditioned, and never becomes condi¬
tioned, but in the Bhagavata Parana his incarnation is repeatedly admitted,
and S ridhara Svami having admitted that, it must also follow that he
did not entertain the pure Adual doctrine, and ex necessitate rei must
have accepted the theory of Dualistic Aduality.
The last position opens the way to the question, why not then at
once admit the Dualistic theory which is more favourable to the incarna¬
tion dogma than the other ? If we believe human souls to be emanations
of the Divine one, every birth would be an incarnation of the Divinity,
and there would be no difference between ordinary births and incarna¬
tions, except, perhaps, in the quantity of the divine essence contained in
each, and we have to divide the unconditioned into quantities of greater
and less proportions, whereas the Dual theory marks a radical differenco
of essence, and thereby obviates every difficulty. It is appropriate, too, that
the inferior should evince faith and devotion to the superior, but where
there is no difference in essence, it is inconsistent to talk of faith and devo¬
tion. And inasmuch as Chaitanya laid the greatest stress on incarnations
* Six different works on the religion of Chaitanya bearing the common appellation
of Shat-sandarbha. Their specific names are — (I) Bhakti-sandarhha, (II) Tattva-san-
darbha, (III), Bhagavat-sandarbha, (TV), Paramdrtha-sandarbha, (Y) Krishna- sandar-
hha, (YI) Priti-sandarbha. There is a 7th under the name of Dasamalcrama-scmdar-
bha, which is looked upon as an appendix to the hexapartite work. These were
written by Jiva Gosvami under the superintendence and instruction of Rupa and
Sanatana, the two foremost disciples of Chaitanya. The object of the works is to
prove that the doctrine inculcated in the Bhagavata is the same which Chaitanya
taught.
116 R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas. [No. 1,
and on the doctrine of Bhakti some person assume that he followed the
doctrine of Madhva Acharya. This is, however, not admitted, inasmuch as
Chaitanya has himself said (as recorded by Krishnadasa Kaviraja, in the
second book of the Charitamrita) that the distinctions of the adorer and
the adored is inconsistent with pure faith.*
He goes further and says, “ the two theories of the identity of the
Divine and the individual soul, (ahheda) and of the radical difference
thereof {hJiecla) have been inculcated by Yishnu Svami and others ;
among them those who hold the identity doctrine should be known as
following the opinion of Yishnu Svami, and those who adopt the radically
different one follow the opinion of Madhva, and therefore they are
called tdmasah or appertaining the quality of darkness. ’’f
This would have sufficed for an argument ; but as the object of the
writer is to reconcile all adverse opinions, and not to create dissensions,
he goes on to say that, though apparently contradictory, the opinion of
Madhva is not hostile, and he works out this idea by saying that S'ankara and
others were great devotees or worshippers of Bhagavan (Yishnu), and as
such they could not be otherwise than following the doctrine of Nim-
baditya who gave the greatest emphasis to faith, and Madhva A'charya,
being an immediate disciple of S'ankara A'charya, he and his later
followers cannot have forsaken the doctrine of their philosophic tutor,
and we are informed in the Sandarbhas, that by following the teacher-
ship of Madhva, Chaitanya could not but continue to belong to the school
of Nimbaditya.J He then anticipates the objection — what proof have we
that the teachership of S'ankara and Madhva was admitted, and urges in
reply that the Sandarbhas say so. Passages are also cited from the Padma
Piirdna, the AgniPurdna andS'ankara’s commentary on the Vishnu- sahasr a-
ndma to prove this theory. It is argued, further, that even as S ridhara
Svami, so has SWkara, in his work dwelt on both the doctrines of Duali¬
ty and Aduality, and his instructions differ only with reference to the
mental character of his pupils, as householders or hermits, and the
\3
^ I rrf^QJ-
1884.]
R. Mitra — Psychological Tenets of the Vaishnavas.
117
difference therefore is not essential. In support of this, a verse is para¬
phrased from the Gita which says, Each beholds God in the same
way in which he reflects on Him,” {yddriU bhdvand yasya tddrig eva
tasya sva7'upam da^'sanam) .
In the course of his work the author enters frequently into the question
as to how the Unconditioned Divine Soul, formless, qualityless, and all-per¬
vading, makes itself conditioned in incarnations? As a devout Vaish-
nava, believing with all his faith Chaitanya to be the sum total of Divinity
in a human form, he cannot deny that God descends on earth in human
flesh, and yet he cannot raise his voice against the great teacher of hi s
faith who has upheld the nondual doctrine, and he gets out of the dif¬
ficulty by saying, “ Verily Brahma is of the form of truth, intelligence
and joy, but to extend his grace to his devotees he appears in substantial
forms”,* and fortifies his position by a number of quotations. The dogma
is of course as old as that of incarnation, and needs no amplification here.
Nor need I say anything on the logical consistency of the arguments by
which the various reconciliations are effected. The work is intended for
men of devout faith, and logic in their case is often quite different from
what it is to ordinary common sense.
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JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,
Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.
No. II.— 1884.
A Classified and Detailed Catalogue of the Gold Coins of the Imperial
Gupta Dynasty of Northern India, with an Introductory Essay. — ■
By Y. A. Smith, B. A. Diibl., B. C. S.
{With 4 Plates and a Table of Weights.)
Inteoductoet Essay.
Section I. — Dreliminary .
The imperial Gupta dynasty is known to have consisted of a lineal
succession from father to son of seven sovereigns, not including Budha
Gupta, a local ruler in the country between the Jamuna and the I^armada,
nor various other princes who retained a grasp on the eastern portions of
the Gupta empire, after the decadence of the imperial family.
hlo coins are known to exist which can be referred with certainty to
the founder of the dynasty, who is in the inscriptions simply named
Shi Gupta. Ghatot Kacha, Chandra Gupta I, and Samudra Gupta who
* A gold coin found in Jessore was formerly attributed to Sri Gupta, (J. A. S.
B. XXI, p. 401 ; PI. XII, 10), but this attribution cannot be maintained. The unique
silver coin, belonging to Mrs. Freeling, which was at one time believed to belong to the
reign of Sri Gupta, is plainly a coin of Skanda Gupta {Records of the Gupta Dynasty,
pp. 49, 50). General Cunningham, nevertheless, still assigns to Sri Gupta an unpub¬
lished coin in his cabinet. In the case of this prince the word Sri would seem to be
an integral part of his name, for the past participle ‘ Gupta ’ can hardly stand
alone. Sri Gupta would therefore mean ‘ protected by Sri ’ or Lakshmi. In the
names of the succeeding princes the word ‘ Sri ’ is used only as the customary hono¬
rific prefix, which is, in my opinion, best left untranslated. I-tsing speaks of the
king who preceded his time by 500 years as ‘ Sri Gupta,’ not simply as ‘ Gupta.’
(J. B. A. S. Vol. XIII, N. S. p. 571.)
120 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imforial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
were respectively the second, third, and fourth sovereigns of the line,
appear to have coined in gold only, and gold pieces of all these princes
are extant. It is probable that during their reigns, as in the time of
their Indo- Scythian predecessors, the silver currency was supplied “ by
the abundant issues of the Greek princes.”*
The fifth king, Chandra Gupta II, has left coins in gold, silver, and
copper, as also has his son and successor Kumara Gupta Mahendra.
Skanda Gupta, the last of his line who enjoyed imperial power,"f'
did not, as far as is at present known, issue any copper coinage, but
specimens both of his gold and silver mintages exist in considerable
numbers.
Biidha Gupta’s money is known in silver only ; and the coins of Nara
Gupta and other eastern successors of the imperial dynasty occur only
in gold, though the metal is often very impure.
The design of my catalogue is limited to a description of the coins
of the imperial Guptas, as above defined, but, inasmuch as earlier pub¬
lications on the subject do not discriminate the local and imperial coin¬
ages, I have been compelled to notice briefly in a Supplement some of
the coins of Nara Gupta and other minor kings of uncertain date and
lineage. The full discussion of these later coins would require a long
dissertation to itself. Tor various reasons I shall not attempt to discuss
the silver coinages of the Gupta kings, although there is still room for
a comprehensive essay on the subject. |
The rare copper coins of Chandra Gupta II and Kumara Gupta
Mahendra seem to possess comparatively little historical interest, and,
except as curiosities, are certainly of less importance than the gold and
silver coins. I therefore pass them by for the present, without detailed
notice. It is probable, as suggested by Wilson, that the vast Indo-
Scythian issues of copper coin supplied the Gupta era with nearly suffi-
* Ariana Antiqua, p. 348.
t On another occasion I may perhaps venture on a review of what is known of
Gupta history and chronology, but there is reason to hope that the task may be
undertaken by a more competent hand. For the present it will suffice to say that
I consider the death of Skanda Gupta, or, at least, the break up of his empire, to
have occurred in A. D. 318-319, and both the reign of Sri Gupta and the Gupta era
to have begun about 160-170 A. D. I altogether dissent from the view of Prof.
# •
Oldenberg and other writers who make the Gupta dynasty hegm in A. D. 318-9 ; and
I am equally unable to agree with Mr. Thomas in identifying the Gupta and Saka
eras.
X This remark must not be understood as signifying any failure to appreciate
the value of Mr. Thomas’ and General Cunningham’s writings.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty.
121
cient currency in that metal and, as in modern times, a large propor¬
tion of the small change required may have consisted of cowries, and of
tokens issued by private persons.
The gold coinage of the Gupta kings is, on many grounds, of excep¬
tional interest. The great variety of type is remarkable, and suggests
many problems in the history of art, religion, and nations. Though
some of the types are common, others are of extreme rarity, and to be
reckoned among the most desirable treasures of the Oriental numis¬
matist. The proper attribution of several of the types is doubtful, and
supplies a theme for abundant discussion, and for the exercise of numis¬
matic acumen. The execution of many of the coins is of a comparatively
high order of art, and the design is not unworthy of the execution ; while,
in most of the types, both design and execution have such strongly
marked national characteristics that they are far more interesting than
the mere imitations of foreign work which are found in the majority of
Indian coinages. Foreign ideas are clearly traceable in this series
of coins, but they are, in the best types, skilfully assimilated and Hindu-
ized.
The Hindu character of nearly all the Gupta gold coins is a plainly
* G-eneral Canningliam informs me that, so far as he knows, only one copper
coin of Knmara Gupta has yet been found. It has not been published. Sir E. C.
Bayley {Num. Chron. for 1882 p. 158) mentions the Gupta copper coins as being
“ among the rarest of all Indian coins,” and expresses a belief that they “ seldom
occur except in the immediate neighbourhood of the Gupta capital, Kanauj ” [stc.]
Copper coins, as Prof. Gardner has observed (Gated, of Seleucid Coins, p. xxxii),
are very seldom dug up far from their place of mintage, and, therefore, if Sir E . C .
Bayley’ s belief as to the provenance of the Gupta copper pieces is correct, the com¬
mon opinion that Kanauj was the Gupta capital would receive some support. But,
the evidence, so far as it goes, indicates that the copper coins, like those in gold,
were coined further east. Prinsep describes six specimens, and of these three were
from the cabinet of Mr. Tregear, who collected at Jaunpur. The other three were
respectively in the Stacy, Swiney, and Prinsep collections, and it is not said that any
of them came from Kanauj. I have not any further information as to the find-spots
of the Gupta copper coins. Sir E. C. Bayley in the passage above quoted rather
exaggerates the rarity of the copper issues of Chandra Gupta II. Ten specimens
are in the British Museum, and one is in the India Office collection. The cabinet of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal contains “ many ” similar to fig. 15 in PI. XXX of
Prinsep’s Essays, one like fig. 12 of the same plate, and one of the ‘ vase’ type as figured
in J. A. S. B. XXXIV, PI. Y. figs. 20, 21. General Cunningham and Mr. Grant
possess specimens, and Mr. Theobald has a large coin, a duplicate of Prinsep’s fig. 11,
the obverse of which presents the king shaded by an umbrella. Further specimens
doubtless exist in the cabinets of other collectors. See Prinsep’s Essays, Vol. I,
pp. 374-375, and PL XXX, figs. 11-15 ; Ariana Antiqua, PI. XYIII, fig. 15 (the same
as Prinsep’s fig. 14) ; and J. A. S. B. Vol. XXXIV (18G8) p. 125, and PI. V. figs. 20
and 21.
122 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
legible record of a native reaction directed by the Gupta kings against the
domination of the foreign Scythian ideas.* * * §
The nnmerons, and frequently well preserved, legends on the coins
of the Gupta dynasty offer much interesting material for the study of
the historian and palaeographer.
In addition to all the above reasons which render attractive the
study of the Gupta gold coinage, another is furnished by the chaotic state
of the literature on the subject and the incompleteness of the existing
catalogues, which loudly call for re-arrangement and revision.
The difficulty experienced by myself in studying the coins with the
help of existing publications first induced me to make an attempt to
summarize and systematise the known facts. The work has grown under
my hands, and, imperfect as it is in many respects, I trust that the
labour bestowed upon it may not have been altogether thrown away.
“No trouble,” says Dr, Burnell, “ is thrown away, which saves
trouble to others,”! even if I have failed to solve any of the nu¬
merous historical and numismatic problems suggested by the study of
these coins, I can scarcely have failed in smoothing the path for investi¬
gators more fully equipped with the needful learning and technical
experience. I have been encouraged in my undertaking by the recently
expressed opinion of General Cunningham that “ the gold coins of the
Guptas require to be carefully re-examined.”!
So far as my opportunities permitted I have made a careful exa¬
mination of this series of coins, and now submit the results of the investi¬
gation and the opinions I have formed to the candid criticism of all
competent judges in the hope that they will supplement my facts where
they are incomplete, and correct my opinions where they are erroneous.
I have endeavoured to work in the spirit of the words of Saint-
Hilaire : — “ La Numismatique est patiente, et elle amasse les faits speci-
aux qui la concernent, jusqu’a ce que 1 ’ histoire vienne plus tard en
dormer la vffiutable clef, si jamais elle le peut.Ӥ
Section II. — Types and Devices.
In Mr. Thomas’ valuable catalogues || the several types and varieties
are distinguished by an arbitrary alphabetical notation, for example,
* In the N. W. P. Gazetteer for Basti {Vol. VI, p. 718) the rise of the Gupta
dynasty is absurdly described as a triumph of Buddhism over Hinduism. Sri Gupta
may have been a Buddhist possibly, but certainly his successors were all Hindus.
t Quoted in Max Muller’s ‘ India, What can it Teach Us,’ p. vii.
J Proc. A. S. B. August 1882, p. 113,
§ Journal des Savants for 1865, p. 413.
II J. A. S. B. XXIV, pp. 487-502; and Prinsep’s Essays, Vol. I, pp. 377-387.
1884.] V. A. Smith. — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gvpta Dynasty. 123
E, E 2 E &. Such a notation is confusing and gives little assistance to
the memory. I have ventured on a novel nomenclature which will, it is
hoped, prove appropriate and convenient.* The devices, both obverse
and reverse, of the Gupta gold coins display a remarkable amount of
variety in conception and execution, and thus afford ample facilities for
classification. The obverse devices, when regarded with reference to the
most prominent or characteristic feature in each, are readily divisible
into 19 classes, of which few are common to two or more reigns.
The reverse devices, when classified in a similar way, fall into but 9
classes, and are far less characteristic of the several reigns. It is evident,
therefore, that the classification of types should be based, as it is in Mr.
Thomas’s catalogues, on the obverse devices. The main types are named
and classified in my catalogue as follows, the name of each type being
intended to indicate the most conspicuous, or most characteristic ele¬
ment in the obverse device. The definition of each type will be found
in the Catalogue.
Deign.
Type.
I. Ghatot Kacha.
II. Chandra Gupta I.
III. Samudra Gupta.
lY, Chandra Gupta II.
1. Solar Standard. {PI. II; 1).
1. King and Queen. (PI. II; 2).
1. Javelin. (PI. II; 3, 4, 5).
2. Archer. {PI. II ; 6).
3. Lyrist. {PI. II; 7, 8).
4. Aswamedha. {PI. II ; 9).
6. Tiger. {PI. II; 10).
6. Boy and Battle-axe. {PI. II;
11, 12).
1. Couch. {PI. II; IS).
2. Archer. {PI. II; 14: PI.
11; 1, 2, 3).
3. Lancer. {PI. Ill; 4).
4. Horseman to Left, {not fi¬
gured) .
5. Lion-Trampler. PI. Ill ; 5).
6. Combatant Lion. {PI. Ill; 6).
7. BetreatingLion. {PI. Ill; 7).
8. Swordsman and Umbrella.
{PI. Ill; 8).
)
* The term ‘ archer coins ’ has already been used by Wilson. {Vishnu Pur.
p, 480t note 70.)
124 V. A. Smith — Gold Corns of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
V. Kumara Gupta Maliendra.
VI. Skanda Gupta.
VII. Doubtful (Chandra etc.)
,, ,5 (Prakasaditya.)
1. Swordsman. (Pk III ; 9).
2. Archer. (Pk III; 10, II).
3. Horseman to Riffht. (PI.
Ill; 12).
4. Horseman to Left. (PI. Ill ;
13).
5. Peacock. (PI. IV ; 1, 2).
6. Lion-Trampler. (not figured) .
7. Combatant Lion. (PI. IV ;
3).
8. Two Queens, (not figured) .
1. Archer. (PI. IV ; 4).
2. King and Queen. (PI. IV ;
5).
1. Archer. (PI. IV; 7-10).
2. Lion and Horseman. (PI.
IV; 11, 12).
I have not found it practicable to classify the subordinate varieties
on any definite principle, and they are arranged as seemed convenient in
each case.
The 9 classes of reverse devices all agree in presenting as their main
element the figure of a female, associated with emblems which prove that
she is intended to represent a divine personage.
These reverse devices may be classified as follows : —
Device.
I. a. Standing goddess
holding lotus-
flower and cornu¬
copia.
,, 13. Ditto, holding fillet
and lotus-flower,
or fi.llet only.
II. Goddess standing on
dragon, holding
standard and lo¬
tus-flower.
III. Female (? goddess)
standing, with fly-
whisk.
Reig7i.
Ghatot Kacha.
Chandra Gupta II.
Samudra Gupta.
n
Type.
Solar Standard.
Swordsman &
Umbrella.
Tiger.
Aswamedha.
1884.]
lY.
Y. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dy7iasty. 125
Goddess seated on"^
four legged throne,
holding fillet and
9)
95
cornucopia, or fil- [ Chandra Gupta II.
let and lotus- I
flower.
J
r
5J
5J
Javelin.
Archer.
Couch.
Archer.
Y.
YI.
j)
Goddess
cross-legged on
open lotus-flower,
generally holding
fillet and lotus-
flower.
seated (^Chandra Gupta II.
Kumara Gupta Mahen-
dra.
55
55
55
55
4
I Skanda Gupta.
55
55
Doubtful (all)
,, (PPrakasaditya.)
'^Archer.
Swordsman.
Archer.
Two Queens.
Archer.
King & Queen^
Archer.
Lion and Horse¬
man.
Goddess, seated on f
wicker stool to
left ;
a. holding fillet and
cornucopia.
j3. holding fillet and lo¬
tus, or fillet and
sceptre, or lotus
Samudra Gupta.
Lyrist.
only.
Chandra Gupta II.
55
55
55
feeding peacock and
holding lotus.
Lancer.
Horseman to
Left.
j Kumara Gupta Mahendra. Horseman to
Right.
l
55
55
55
55
55
55
55
55 5 5
55 5 5
Left.
YII.
YIII.
Goddess riding pea¬
cock.
Goddess standing,
feeding peacock.
55
55
55
55
55
55
Peacock.
Combatant Li¬
on.
126 V. A. Smith— Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
IX. Goddess seated on f
back of conchant
lion ;
,, a. holding fillet and
cornncopia.
,, p. holding fillet and
lotns, or fillet^
only, or lotns
only.
Chandra Gupta I.
Chandra Gupta II.
King & Queen.
Lion-Trampler.
Combatant Li-
55
on.
„ 5 5 5 5 Retreating „
Kumara Gupta Mahendra .Lion- Trampler .
Prinsep quickly perceived that the ‘ Kanauj series,’ as he called
the Gupta gold coinage, was a continuation, and, to some extent, an
imitation of the Indo- Scythian mintages ; and the intimate relation be¬
tween the two series of coins is well exhibited in Plate XXXV I of V ol. V
of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal {PI. XXIX of Prinsep' s
PJssays ; ed. Thomas').
The same relation is more amply demonstrated by the series of
plates in the Ariana Antiqua, and Wilson was rightly convinced {p. 418)
that “ the coins of the Gupta princes succeeded immediately to those of
the Mithraic princes.” The fact of such immediate succession appears
to my mind indisputable, and is in itself fatal to the theories of those
authors who seek to date the imperial Gupta dynasty in the fourth and
fifth centuries A. D. I am convinced that to a certain extent the Indo-
Scythian and the Gupta gold coinages were actually contemporary.
The standing king, engaged in sacrificing at a small altar, who ap¬
pears on the obverse of the coins of Ghatot Kacha, is almost an exact
copy of the corresponding figure on many coins of Kanerki and other
Indo- Scythian princes.
The altar appears again in the Javelin coins of Samudra Gupta,
in the (d variety of the Archer type of the same prince, and in the Swords¬
man and Umbrella type, which I attribute to Chandra Gupta II ; and it
is seen for the last time in the unique Swordsman coin of Kumara Gupta.
The supposition has been hazarded that the object referred to is a vessel
containing the sacred plant {Ocymum sanctum)^ and not an altar,
but comparison with the Indo- Scythian coins proves certainly that it is
the latter. Moreover, in at least one specimen in the British Museum
collection, the grains of incense falling on the fire-altar are plainly
indicated.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Oold Ooins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 127
The coins of Ghatot Kacha possess no distinctive Hindu character¬
istics. The king, who sacrifices at a fire-altar, grasps a peculiar rose¬
headed standard, which seems obviously intended to symbolize the rayed
sun. The Sun and Fire are in mythology almost convertible terms, and
I think it may fairly be assumed on the evidence of the coins, that Gha¬
tot Kacha (though he may have been a Hindu) was a worshipper of the
solar fire, as his Indo- Scythian predecessors undoubtedly were. I am
also disposed to believe that in most of the types of the Gupta gold coins
the figure of the king on the obverse is intended to represent him
idealized as a god, and that in the case of Ghatot Kacha, he is represented
in the character of the solar god, shedding beneficent influences upon
his subjects.
The standing goddess on the reverse bears a lotus-flower and cornu¬
copia. The lotus-flower is an emblem very commonly used in Hindu my¬
thology, but is especially appropriate to the Sun* * * § and to Sri or Lakshmi,
the goddess of good fortune. f The Sun (Siirya) may himself be regard¬
ed as a form or manifestation of Vishnu the Preserver, the lord of
Lakshmi. The cornucopia undoubtedly indicates Western influence, but
whether the design was borrowed directly from Greek, or Homan, or
Syrian coins, it is not easy to decide. Cornucopias occur on the coins of
the Seleucid dynasty of SyriaJ, but it is perhaps most probable that the
device was borrowed directly from Homan aurei. In the Gupta series
the cornucopia appears for the last time in the rare coins forming Class I
of the Archer type of Chandra Gupta II, which were probably struck
early in his reign. It is perhaps possible that a close comparison between
the forms of the Homan and the Gupta cornucopia might help in settling
the great question of the Gupta dates. § According to the chronology
wliich I adopt, the last appearance of the cornucopia on the Gupta coins
is to be dated about 240 A. D. I regard the standing goddess on the
reverse of the coins of Ghatot Kacha as the equivalent of the Greek and
Seleucid rvxy, and of the Homan Fortuna, and believe her to be a copy,
in part, of the Fortuna Augusti and similar figures on Homan coins, and,
in part, of the elemental goddesses on the reverse of the Indo- Scythian
coins. If she must be given a Hindu name, I have no doubt that she
must be named SH or Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu the Preserver.
* “ The Indian mythology connected the lotus in all manner of forms with the
sun.” Thomas in Num. Chron. for 1880, p. 26 note. Cf. Burgess Arch. Eep. for W.
India for 1874-5, p. 216 and PI. LXY.
t Birdwood, Industrial Arts of India, Vol. I, p. 58.
J Gardner’s Catalogue of Seleucid Coins, p. 46, PI. XIV. Prof. Gardner informs
me that Seleucid coins have been found in India.
§ See Thomas, Early Faith of Asoka, in J. R. A. S. Vol. IX, N. S. pp. 212-217.
R
128 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Certainly she cannot be intended for Parvati.* * * § I believe that she also
may be regarded as representing the consort of the idealized king on the
obverse, for it is a commonplace of Indian panegyric to represent Laksh-
mi as the king’s consort. f
The standing goddess, holding fillet and lotns-flower, or fillet only,
who appears on the reverse of the Swordsman and Umbrella coins of
Chandra Gnpta II with the legend ‘ Yikramaditya’, is, perhaps, as sug¬
gested by Wilson, primarily intended to represent Victory, who so fre¬
quently appears on the Graeco-Bactrian coins but she may be only a
slightly varied representation of Lakshmi, and it is also possible that, at
the time the coins were struck, her effigy connoted equally the ideas of
Victory and of Lakshmi or Good Fortune. Different symbolic inter¬
pretations are not necessarily mutually exclusive.
I have followed Mr. Thomas in calling the object in the right
hand of this personification a fillet, and, if the figure is intended for
Victory, no doubt the nomenclature is correct. But, as we shall see, a
similar object constantly recurs in the hand of the female deities whose
efiigies are displayed on the Gupta coins, and in many cases I believe it
would be more proper to follow Prinsep (Vol. I. p. 230) in calling it a
p)dsa or noose. § For convenience I shall use throughout the term
‘ fillet,’ but it should be interpreted with regard to the qualification now
stated.
The goddess standing on what looks like a dragon or marine mon¬
ster (pnalcara or jalampa) who is shown on the unique Tiger coin of
Samudra Gupta does not appear to be intended for Lakshmi. In my
remarks on that coin in the catalogue I have ventured to suggest two
alternative interpretations of the symbolism.
The Aswamedha coins of Samudra Gupta were undoubtedly struck
to commemorate the performance of the sacrifice of the horse, with the
ceremonies which expressed the performer’s claim to be the supreme
power in India. These pieces agree in weight with the ordinary coins of
the period, but in other respects rather resemble medals, and the con¬
jecture is allowable that they were issued as a special type of coin for
* Mf. Thomas, however, describes her as ‘‘ a rather elegant standing figure of
Parvati, with the exotic cornucopia.” {Epoch of the Guptas, p. 23, from J. B. A. 8.
{N. 8.) 1881. The same learned writer thinks that the solar standard of Ghatot
Kacha may signify a claim to solar descent.
t E. g. Aphsar inscription of later Guptas, 1. 1. 8, 16, seqq. (.7. A. 8. B. XXXV,
Pt. I, pp. 232, 234), and inscription from Nepal {Indian Ant. for 1880, p. 165).
J Ar. Ant., p. 418.
§ Kittoe also uses the term ‘ noose ’ in his description of the Bharsar hoard,
(J. A. 8. B. XXI, pp. 390-400).
1884.] V. A. Smitla — Oold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 129
distribution among tbe Bralimans engaged in tbe ritual of tbe sacrifice.*
I cannot guess at the exact meaning of the figure of the female with the
flywhisk on the reverse, but she is certainly intended for some sacred
personage. Considering the undisputed solar character of Ghatot
Kacha’s coinage it may not be irrelevant to allude to the connection
which existed between the Aswamedha ceremony and Solar worship. f
It is quite possible that Samudra Gupta, though a good Hindu, may
have been, as many Hindus still are, specially devoted to the worship of
the sun.
The legends of the King and Queen coins of Chandra Gupta I leave
no doubt that the effigies on the obverse are primarily intended for the
sovereign and his consort, for we know from the lapidary inscriptions
that the name of the latter was Kumari Devi, and that she belonged to
the Lichchhavi family. The king is figured leaning on a spear, and this
device may be intended secondarily to symbolize Kumara Deva, the god
of war, and husband of the goddess Kumari Devf. The reverse goddess
seated on a couchant lion is probably Durga, another form of Kumari
Devi, but the cornucopia in her left arm indicates that the deity is pre¬
sented under her beneficent, as well as her terrific aspect.
The device of the king and queen standing facing each other re¬
appears in the coinage of Skanda Gupta, but in a much modified, and
thoroughly Hinduised form. It has not yet been met with in the issues
of any of the intermediate reigns. The unique coin of Kumara Gupta
lately discovered by Mr. H. K. Carnac (Proc. A. 8. B. Nov. 1883. p. 144),
presents the king standing between two females, whom I suppose to be
his queens.
The Javelin type is the commonest form of Samudra Gupta’s coin¬
age. The device of the obverse is but a slight modification of the ordi¬
nary Indo- Scythian pattern, and the throned goddess on the reverse
is as obviously a copy of the figure called ApSoKpo or ApSoypo on the
Indo-Scythian coins of Kanerki and his successors.
Mr. Thomas argues that this throned goddess should be identified
with Parvati, the consort of Sfiva, for five reasons, of which the follow¬
ing is a summary : —
(1). She is identical in form with the Indo-Scythian ApSoKpo or
ApSoypo whose name is eommonly interpreted as Arddh-ogro or
‘ half-S'iva ’, i. e., Parvati.
(2.) Even if it be admitted that the early Guptas had Vaishnava
* In the northern Bilsar inscription, dated in the year 96, Knmara Gupta is
eulogized as the “ giver of millions of gold, performer of the Aswamedha” &c.
(Gunn. Arch. Bep. XI. 20.)
f Birdwood, Industrial Arts of India, I, p. 25
130 y. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
tendencies, the adoption from the Indo- Scythians of the reverse device
in question “ may well have been a mere act of ‘ imitation of a foreign
design,’ irrespective of any aim at demonstration of creed.” Reverse
devices locally vary, and are not of much significance, e. g., the Sassa-
nians retained the Siva and Nandi device of Kadphises, and the Muslim
Ghaznavis retained the Hindu recumbent bull on their Labor coinag-e.
o
(3.) The female seated on a lion, who appears on the reverse of
four types of the Gupta coins, is plainly Parvati in her form of Durga.
(4.) On four types the same goddess appears in the form of
Kumari Devi, associated with her sacred bird the peacock ; and
(5.) Skanda, the name of the last of the imperial Guptas, is an alias
of Kumara Deva, the god of war, son of the goddess Kumari Devi.*
These arguments seem to me to be of little weight. The interpre¬
tation of Ardokro or Ardochro as meaning ‘ half Siva ’ is a very forced
one, and I doubt greatly if such a compound as rather
could have in Sanskrit the meaning assigned to it. The name is never
written Ardogro, whereas the title of Siva which is supposed to form an
element of the compound is Ugra, and I do not see how the ‘ g ’ can be
converted into k or ^5 ^or why the aspirate at the end of arddlia should
be lost. The supposed compound ‘ Arddhogra ’ has no analogy with the
genuine compound ‘ Arddhanari ’ ; it is one thing to speak of a creature
as half-female, and quite another thing to speak of Joan as half- John. f
The Indo- Scythian goddess may or may not be intended to represent
Parvati, though I do not believe that she was, but I am convinced that
her name does not mean ‘ half-Ugra,’ and that such a ‘ compound never
existed. The name ApSoypo or ApSoKpo is probably a Scythian name,
and not an Indian word at all.
If the throned figure is to be identified with any goddess of the
modern Hindu pantheon, I consider that she should be identified, as
suggested by Wilson, with Sli or Lakshmi, the benign goddess of for¬
tune, and not with the terrible Parvati.
The supposed Vaishnava tendencies of the early Guptas have been
believed in chiefly on the testimony of the Bhitari pillar inscription,
which, if correctly interpreted by Dr. Mill, proves Chandra Gupta II
and Kumara Gupta to have been Vaishnava, and Skanda Gupta to have
* J. A. S. B., XXIY (1855) pp. 489-490.
t Cf. Wilson’s criticisms in Ar. Ant., pp. 361-362. In the Pa-Shaka coin in the
British Museum the name of the goddess is spelled OPAOX[PO], a form which
it is absurd to identify with ‘ Arddhogro.’ (This unique coin is described in Mr,
Thomas’s Indo-Scythian Coins with Hindi Legends, p. 11.) General C unningham con¬
curs with me in giving the name of Lakshmi to the goddess, whether seated on the
throne or the lotus-flower.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 131
been S'aiva. But the translation of the Bhitari inscription is avowedly
imperfect, and, until it has been revised by a competent scholar, is of
little use for historical purposes.*
The interpretation of the device of the throned goddess requires
no assumption as to the sectarian preferences of the early Guptas, for the
attributes of the figure are manifestly those of Lakshmi rather than of
Parvati, and I venture to affirm that but for the ‘ half-S'iva ’ interpre¬
tation of the word Ardokro, no one would ever have thought of calling
the fi gure Parvati. The suggestion that the figure of the Ardokro god¬
dess was adopted by Samudra in mere imitation of a foreign design does
not appear to be tenable. The coins with tliis reverse undoubtedly show
evident traces of foreign infiuence, but they are far from being mechani¬
cal copies of alien designs. If Samudra Gupta’s die engraver had been
a mere copyist he would naturally have copied from the coins of Samu-
dra’s father and grandfather, but the reverse devices of their coins are
totally different both from the Ardokro figure and from each other.
Samudra himself em23loyed four distinct reverse devices, and evidently
adopted each of them deliberately.
Mr. Thomas’ remaining evidence in favour of his interpretation con¬
sists in proofs of the S'aiva preferences of Kumara Gupta and Skanda
Gupta. But the facts that one of these princes placed on his coins effigies
of Kumari Devi and of Durga, and that the name of the other is a syno¬
nym of Kumara Deva, by no means prove that all female figures on the
reverses of other Gupta coins are intended for forms of Parvati. I have
discussed above some of the representations of standing goddesses, none
of whom can with any probability be identified with Parvati. The pea¬
cock of Kumari Devi, and the lion of Durga are never associated with
the throned Ardokro goddess. She occurs only on the Javelin and
Archer coins of Samudra Gupta, and on the unique Couch coin, and the
rare coins forming Class I of the Archer type of Chandra Gupta II.
An emblem, which is very characteristic of the Gupta gold coins,
makes its first appearance on the obverse of Samudra’s Javelin type.
This is a standard bearing on the top the figure of a bird, and having a
general resemblance to a Homan eagle standard.
Wilson (who is followed by General Cunningham) was inclined to
interpret the bird as meaning Garuda, the winged vehicle of Vishnu ;
but this interpretation appears to me forced and improbable. The object
indicated is simply a bird, whereas the mythologists describe Garuda
* For the Bhitari inscription see Prinsep’s Essays, Yol. I, pp. 240, seqq^. A
revised facsimile is given in Cunningham Arch. Eep. I, pp. 97 — 99, and PI. XXX. A
well-edited translation is much wanted, and it is surprising that the want has re¬
mained so long unsupplied.
132 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of tlie Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No, 2,
as a monster, half man and half bird. I prefer Mr. Thomas’ former
opinion that “ the most natural and obvious interpretation is to look upon
it as designed to represent the peacock, which appears with such fre¬
quency on the gold coins, and occupies the entire reverse field of one
type of the silver coinage.
It is, however, quite possible that the emblem is merely a copy of
the Roman eagle, and the term ‘ bird- standard,’ which involves no theory,
is the safest to adopt.
In his Archer type Samudra Gupta substitutes for the javelin in the
king’s hand a bow, and the device thus introduced long remained the
favourite obverse pattern. It is found on the coins of Chandra Gu23ta II,
Kumara Gupta, and Skanda Gupta, and is, with few exceptions, the only
design used by the rude imitators of the Gupta types, some of whose
coins are noticed in the Supplement to the Catalogue.
It seems impossible at present to decide whether the Archer device
was an independent invention, or was borrowed from Persia or some other
foreign source, and it is equally doubtful whether it has or has not any
symbolic meaning. If it has, it may be regarded as another expedient for
indicating the analogy between the sun that rules the heavens, and the
king who rules the earth. Chandra Gupta II issued gold coins of at least
eight different types, but specially favoured the Archer type, specimens
of which in large numbers have been found.
The Lyrist type of Samudra Gupta’s coinage, which depicts the
king as a musician playing the Indian lyre, is interesting in several
respects.f The type is rare, and the specimens known are mostly in fine
condition, and, with the exception of the India Office example, are broad
thin coins well struck, but in singularly low relief. The dress of the
king is thoroughly Hindu, but his attitude recalls that of the king on the
Indo- Scythian coins classed as ‘ couch-loungers ’ by Prinsep. The re¬
verse device is likewise in appearance completely Hindu, though ap¬
parently suggested by foreign models. It consists of a female seated
sideways to the left on a wicker stool, and holding fillet and cornucopia.
The attitude of the goddess, and the form of the stool on which she sits
recall the device of Apollo seated on the o/xc^akos , with its cover of the
dypyvov net, as seen on the Seleucid coins of Syria, J; and I believe that
* J. A. S. B. XXIY, (1855) p. 494, note. In ‘Eecords of the Gupta Dynasty’
(1876) p. 23, Mr. Thomas adopts the Garuda interpretation.
f Line 24 of the Allahabad Pillar inscription mentions Samndra Gupta’s accom¬
plishments in singing and playing. (Prinsep’ s Essays, pp. 233 seqq.)
J E. g., the coins of Antiochns I, figured in J. A. S. B. Vol. L. for 1881, p. 178,
and PI. XVIII, 14, 15. General Cunningham calls the seat ‘ cortina,’ but ‘ om¬
phalos ’ is more correct.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Im])erial Gupta Dynasty. 133
the resemblance is not accidental ; but the closest parallel to the Gupta
device is met with in an unexpected place. The goddess on the Gupta
coins is almost an exact copy of Demeter as represented on a rare coin of
the island of Paros, now in the British Museum, and the resemblance is
so close that it is scarcely possible to doubt that in some unknown way
both devices must be derived from a common source.
The cornucopia in the hand of the goddess of Samudra Gupta’s
coins shows that she was intended to have attributes similar to those of
Demeter, and she may therefore be regarded as a novel representation of
the Hindu Lakshmi, the counterpart of the Greek goddess.
The same reverse device, but with some modifications, and asso¬
ciated with other obverse devices, was adopted by Chandra Gupta II,
and Kuniara Gupta. The goddess, as she appears on the Lancer and
Horseman to Left coins of Chandra Gupta II, and in varieties a and (d of
the Horseman to Bight type of his son, would seem to be intended to
symbolize nearly the same ideas as the efiigy on the Lyrist pieces of
Samudra. In variety y of Kumara’s Horseman to Bight type, and in
all the Horseman to Left coins of the same king, the goddess is repre¬
sented in the act of feeding a peacock, and may, therefore, be identified
as Kumari Devi, to whom that bird is sacred.
In the gold coinage the peacock (except, perhaps, as part of the
so-called ‘ peacock standard ’) appears to be peculiar to the mintages of
Kumara Gupta Maheiidra. The goddess on the reverse of his Combatant
Lion type stands while she feeds the sacred bird. In his Peacock type
the bird is still more prominent, for on the obverse the king is feeding
one peacock, and on the reverse, the goddess, presumably Kumari Devi,
rides on another. There can be little doubt that in this type at all events
the king is presented in the double character of the human king and the
divine Kumara Deva. The peacock devices of the Gupta coinage ap¬
pear to be Hinduized adaptations of the designs of the Boman coins
which bear representations of the peacock associated with Juno, or with
u deified lady of the imperial house. An exact prototype of the peacock
with expanded tail, which is found on the silver Gupta coins, and on
var. /I of Kumara Gupta’s gold Peacock type, may be seen on the reverse
of a coin of Julia Augusta, who was a daughter of Titus and died be¬
tween A. D. 81 and 90.*
A coin of Paulina (A. D. 217-238), whose life probably extended
into the early years of the reign of Chandra Gupta II, exhibits the pea¬
cock in a manner strikingly similar to the device on some of the silver
* Tresor de Numismatique, Iconograpliie des Empereurs Eomains ; PI. XXII,
11.
134 V. A. Smith — Oold Coins of the hriperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
coins of Knmara Gupta. Another coin of Paulina’s represents her in
the character of Juno riding on a peacock, but the treatment of the sub¬
ject differs from that used by the Gupta artists.* * * § A standing peacock,
like that on the first mentioned coin of Paulina’s, appears on a coin of
Mariniana, {circa 250 A. D.)f ; and a coin of Manlia Scantilla Augusta
(193 A. D.) exhibits a standing figure of Juno with sceptre in left hand,
and holding in her right hand a patera over a peacock standing at her
feet.J
In the Boy and Battle-axe type of Samudra Gupta it is interesting
to observe the reminiscence of Scythian influence in the form of the
battle-axe, with which the king is armed, as representing the god of
Death. The place of the usual bird on the top of the standard is taken by
a crescent moon. The same crescent-tipped standard occurs on the reverse
of the unique Tiger coin of the same king, on the obverse of which the
king is depicted as slaying a tiger. §
The obverse device of this coin is the model of three types of
Chandra Gupta II, and two of Knmara Gupta Mahendra, in which the
tiger is replaced by a lion. I believe that these devices had some sym¬
bolic meaning but am not able to make it out. They may have been
suggested by the Greek representations of Hercules contending with a
lion.
In the Archer type of Chandra Gupta II we first meet with the
reverse design No. V, which subsequently became a common conventional
pattern, and was used almost exclusively by the obscure princes who
rudely imitated the Gupta coinage. The device consists of the figure of
a goddess facing front, seated cross-legged on an expanded lotus-flower,
and holding in her left hand a lotus flower, and in her right the ‘ fillet ’
or ‘ noose.’ The scholars who give the name Parvati to the Ardokro
goddess, of course bestow the same name on the lotus-throned divinity,
but I cannot perceive in the latter device any symbolism specially sug¬
gestive of the attributes of Parvati, whereas the symbolism used is
thoroughly appropriate to express the ideas personified as Lakshmi. In
justification of my views regarding the symbolism of the reverse devices
of the Gupta coins .1 may appeal to the following description of the at¬
tributes of Lakshmi, which is based on the best authorities : — ‘ Laksh-
* Ihid, ibid PI. XLYIII, figs. 5 and 4.
f Ihid. ibid., PI. LII, 3.
I Ibid, ibid., PI. XLI, 1.
§ In his Kecords of the Gnpta Dynasty (1876) p. 21, Mr. Thomas calls the en¬
sign a ‘ Garnda standard,’ but I am satisfied (after examination of the coin), that the
object on the top of the standard is rightly described as a crescent in the same author’s
Eevised Catalogue (1858).
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Oold Coins of the Imperial Gwpta Dynasty. 135
mi, called Sri, is Yislinu’s salcti. She is the goddess of good luck and
plenty... She is worshipped by filling the corn- measure with wheat or
other grain, and thereon placing flowers. She is represented as a lovely
and benign woman, robed in yellow, holding a lotus in her hand, and
seated on a lotus, or beside Yishnu. Sometimes, as is likewise Yishnu, she
is painted all yellow, and has four arms, and she holds in one of her right
hands a rosary, and the pdki or cord in one of her left. This cord is seen
also in the hands of Yaruna and Shva, and is emblematical of the sea,
which girds the earth.”*
It is impossible to read this description, and not to see that it is in
remarkably close accordance with the delineation both of the Ardokro
goddess, and of the lotus-throned divinity. But it is quite inapplicable
to Parvati as ordinarily conceived, and the symbolism of the two coin¬
devices in question is equally inappropriate to the stern and terrible
goddess.
I have therefore no doubt that the goddess who is seated on a throne
in Samudra’s coins, on a lotus flower in the coins of Chandra Gupta II
and his successors, and also (in certain cases, as already specified), the
divinity seated on the wicker stool, are all intended to express substan¬
tially the same conception, that of the benign and kindly Good Fortune,
the bestower of happiness and plenty the same who was named Tvxrj
and Demeter by the Greeks, and Fortuna, Ceres, Abundantia, etc. by the
Romans.
Although I have been at so much pains to distinguish between Par¬
vati and Lakshmi, I am aware that the two concepts sometimes coalesce,
and become indistinguishable. The names and attributes of gods and
goddesses, in India or elsewhere, are all nothing more than the feeble
efforts of the human imagination to express by metaphor and symbol
imperfectly apprehended ideas of the attributes of the unspeakable divine
nature, and it is futile to attempt to draw sharp lines of demarcation be¬
tween these symbolical expressions. How one, and now another idea
predominates in the symbolism, and “ in any lengthened description of
one Hindu deity it is amost impossible to avoid mixing up its character
and attributes with those of another.”! Hevertheless, the ideas per¬
sonified severally as Lakshmi and Parvati are ordinarily kept quite dis¬
tinct, and nothing but confusion of thought can result if the name of
Parvati is given to a personification possessing all the attributes of
Lakshmi.
^ Birdwood, Industrial Arts of India, VoL. I, p. 58.
t Birdwood, Industrial Arts of India, Vol. I, p. 59. As Anna Pur ^ a,’ Parvati
is identical with Lakslimi, t5. %>. 61.
S
136 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Giq)ta Dynastp. [No. 2^
The only Gnpta kings who appear in the coin devices as monnted
on horseback are Chandra Gnpta II and his son Kninara Gnpta Mahendra.
In the later coins of Prakasaditya the device consists of a horseman
slaying a lion or dragon, bnt the execntion of the design is very poor.
The rare Lancer coins of Chandra Gnpta II are designed and
executed with considerable freedom and spirit. The device may be an
imitation of the very similar device on certain Macedonian coinSy
transmitted throngh intermediate channels. The rayed tnrban or hel¬
met of the king in one specimen (At. Ant. XVIII, 17) was perhaps
snggested by the rayed head of Antiochns Epiphanes.f It is noticeable
that a crescent is found in the field, either on obverse or reverse, of
each of the fonr Lancer coins known to me.
The Horseman to Left coins of Chandra Gnpta II, which are also
very rare, resemble generally his Lancer coins, bnt the horse is turned
to the left, the lance is wanting, and there is no crescent in the field.
Kumara Gupta Mahendra copied both these types of his father’s
coinage, but with some modifications. His Horseman to Bight coins
correspond with his father’s Lancer coins, the lance being omitted, and
his Horseman to Left coins differ from the closely similar coins belonging-
to his predecessor chiefly in the insertion on the reverse of the peacock,
the especial emblem of Kumara Gupta. J
The fact that Chandra and Kumara Gupta used indifferently dies
in which the horseman was turned to left or right is worth noting,
because a change in the direction of an obverse head oli the coinage has
sometimes been regarded as an indication of a change of dynasty. §
In some specimens of the curious Lion and Horseman coins of
Prakasaditya a small bird-standard is seen over the horse’s head. The
meaning of the character below the horse in this type, which seems to be
intended for ^ ‘ u’, is not known.
I am well aware that the foregoing account of the types and devices
of the Gupta gold coins is far from being complete and satisfactory, but
it is the best that I can give at present, and may prove the means of
stimulating further research. The attribution of the several disj)uted
types is discussed in the Catalogue.
^ For snoli Macedonian coins see Mionnet, PI. LXX, 8, and Tresor de Numis-
matiqne (Pois Grecs), PI. VIII.
t Catalogue of Seleucid Coins, Pis. XI and XII.
J Cf. “ That King gave birth to a son, even as did Kara to the rider of the
peacock (soil. Kartikeya or Kumara the god of war). Forward in battle and re¬
nowned strength, this son was named Kximara Gupta.” (Aphsar inscription of later
Chiptas, line 7 : in J. A. 8. B. XXXV, Ft. I, p. 273).
§ Records of the Gupta Dynasty, p. 51, with reference to Toramai^a’s coins.
1884. j V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 137
Section III.
Monogrammatig Emblems.
Tlie so-called monograms (with one doubtful exception) occur only
on tlie reverse of the Gupta gold coins, and, when present, are generally
placed over the right shoulder of the goddess.
The forms assumed by these monogrammatic emblems on the coins
accessible to me are shown in Plate IV. The most common forms con¬
sist of a horizontal line, or two parallel lines, surmounted by either three
or four dots or short prongs, and having a square or lozenge attached be¬
low by one corner.
Sometimes the square or lozenge is replaced by a cross, and some¬
times by other devices, and occasionally the prongs or dots above the hori¬
zontal line or lines are wanting. One form (Vo. 25), which I know only
from a drawing, departs altogether from the standard pattern. Exami¬
nation of the plate will show the large variety of minor modifications
in detail which occur.
What is the origin and meaning of these mysterious marks ?
To this question I can give no positive and satisfactory answer, but
I am not without hope that the distinct enunciation of it, and the syste¬
matic presentation of the monogrammatic emblems as they actually occur
may suggest to other enquirers the correct solution of the problem.
The following statement exhibits the monograms which have come
under my observation, arranged according to reigns : — ■
Ghatot Kacha . Vos. 1 ; 2 ; 4g.
Chandra Gupta I . „ da ; 4<b ; 6 ; 8d ; 225.
Samudra Gupta . ,, da ] 4g ; ; 65 ; 8a ; 9 ;
11 ; 19a ; 20a ; 205 ] 21 ;
22.
Chandra Gupta II . ,, 3a ; 35 ; 4g ; 7a ; 75 ; 8a ;
85 ; 10a ; 105 ; 10c ; 12 ;
15; 16; 17a; 175; 18;
19a ; 195 ; 20a ; 21 ; 22 ;
23; 24.
Kumdra Gupta Mahendra . „ 8a ; 85 ; 8c ; 10c ; 17c ; 17(5;
195 ; 20a ; 25.
Skanda Gupta . 5? 3a ; 35 ; 4c ? ; 8a.
Doubtful . . „ 3a ; 8e ; 10a ; 13 ; 14 ; 19a.
The following types have no monogram ; —
Samudra Gupta . Aswamedha.
. Tiger.
5’ . »
Chandra Gupta II . Lancer, var. a
138 V. A. Smitli — OoJd Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Chandra Gupta II . Horseman to Left.
,, ,, ,, . Lion-Trainpler, var. [d.
Knmara Gupta Mahendra . Horseman to Left.
,, ,, ,, . Peacock.
In the following types the monogram is sometimes present, and
sometimes wanting : —
Samudra Gupta . Lyrist.
Chandra Gnpta II . Swordsman and Umbrella.
Knmara Gnpta Mahendra . Horseman to Right.
We learn from the last two lists that the monogram was not indis¬
pensable, and was frequently omitted, though more usually inserted.
The monogrammatic devices on the Graeco- Bactrian coins, with
which the Gupta mint-masters must have been familiar, are real mono¬
grams, combinations of letters, usually those of the Greek alphabet.
The so-called monograms on the Gupta coins, and the similar ones
on the Indo- Scythian mintages, are certainly not combinations of al¬
phabetical characters, and the application to them of the word monogram,
which has become usual, is, strictly speaking, a misnomer. Kittoe pre¬
ferred to designate them by the term ‘ emblem’, but that word is incon¬
veniently vague, and, for want of a better term, I follow the ordinary
practice, and call the marks in question monograms.
Few, if any, of the forms of the Gupta monograms are exactly the
same in every detail as those met with on the Indo- Scythian coins, but
the general appearance of the monograms on the two series of coins is
obviously identical, and many of the Gupta forms . are only trivial
variations of the Indo- Scythian patterns.
Consequently, whatever interpretation is given to the Gupta mono¬
grams must be sufficiently comprehensive to include the analogous and
similar Indo- Scythian ones.
It appears to be established that some of the Greeco-Bactrian mono¬
grams are names, more or less abbreviated, of mint-cities. General
Cunningham’s ingenious interpretations of a large number of these
monograms cannot be implicitly accepted, but the proposition that some
of tqose which “ are common to a number of different princes ” express
the names of the mint-cities may safely be admitted. Others probably
indicate the names of mint-masters or other functionaries.'^
The monogrammatic emblems on the Indo -Scythian and Gupta
coins look as if intended to take the place of the Gra3co-Bactrian mono¬
grams, and the hypothesis that they bear the same meaning or meanings
* Coins of Alexander’s Successors in tlie East, in iSiuni. Cliron. N. S. VIII (1868),
pp. 185 seqq.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 139
naturally suggested itself. Wilson noticed tliat tlie three and four¬
pronged patterns of monogram were continued from the coins of the Indo-
Scythian sovereigns Kadphises, and Kanerki on those of the Gupta
kings, and observed that “ agreeably to the purport which there seems
reason to assign to these monograms, the recurrence of this emblem on
all these coins should denote the place of then* coinage.”*
But he hesitated to adopt this theory because it appeared to him that
the Indo- Scythian dominions must have lain far to the northwest of the
Gupta kingdom, and he suggested the alternative hypothesis that the
Gupta monograms might be merely “a proof of imitation” of the Indo-
Scythian coinage, and “ introduced without any definite object.” Such a
suggestion is, on the face of it, improbable, and it is at once disproved
by a careful examination of the monograms. A mere copyist would
have tried to copy the Indo- Scythian monograms as they stood, and,
however he might have failed in the mechanical execution, the evidence
of the attempt to copy would have been unmistakeable. But, as I have
already remarked, and as any one can readily verify by comparing my
plate of monograms with that in the Ariana Antiqua, the Gupta mono¬
grams, while following the Indo-Scythian in the general pattern, differ
in detail, and it is incredible that the systematic variety which exists
could be the result of chance caprice. Moreover, the mechanical execu-
cution of the Gupta monograms is nowise inferior to that of the Indo-
Scythian. No one can study the designs of the better types of the Gupta
gold coinage without seeing that the artists who cut the dies, though
indebted in some respects to foreign models, yet possessed considerable
originality, and knew how to assimilate and nationalize the conceptions
of alien art. The hypothesis that the Gupta monograms are the work
of blind and unintelligent imitators may therefore be dismissed without
doubt or hesitation.
The hypothesis that the monograms indicate the mint-cities is much
more plausible, but is not altogether satisfactory. The Indo-Scythian
coins are found chiefly in the Panjab and neighbouring parts of Afghan¬
istan where Gupta coins are never found, f whereas the Gupta gold coins,
as will be proved in a subsequent section, have been found for the most
part in the province of Benares and the neighbouring districts. It is
extremely improbable that the Panjab Indo-Scythian and the Gupta coins
should have issued, to any considerable extent, from the same mints, or
should bear cognate mint-marks. Indo-Scythian coins of Kadphises and
* Ar. Ant. p. 418.
t In Arch. Eep. XIY. p. 65, General Cnnningliam mentions the finding of one
Gupta coin among upwards of 1,000 of other kinds at Sunit near Ludiana in the
Punjab.
140 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [ITo. 2,
Kanerki are, however, found in N”. E. Oudh and Benares, and it is pos¬
sible that certain of the Indo-Scyfhian provincial mints may have been
occupied by the Gupta kings when they shook off the Indo- Scythian
yoke, and that the ‘ monograms ’ on the Gupta and eastern Indo- Scythian
coins may indicate mint-cities. Unfortunately no detailed catalogue of
u Indo- Scythian coins has yet been published, and the statistics of their
j provenance have not yet been analysed.
The occurrence of coins together in a hoard raises a presumption
that they proceeded, if not from a single mint, at least from mints not
very far distant from each other. Few details as to the components of the
various hoards of Gupta coins are available, but when such details are
known, we find very various monograms associated in a single hoard.
Thus, the 32 described coins of the Bharsar hoard exhibit monograms as
follows : — ^
Uo. 8a . I coin of Samudra Gupta ; 6 of Chandra Gupta II ; I of
Kumara Gupta Mahendra ; and 2 of Prakasaditya ;
total 10.
No. Sa . 2 of Samudra Gupta.
No. 4c . 3 of Samudra Gupta ; 6 of Skanda Gupta ; total 9.
No. 15 . 2 of Chandra Gupta II.
No. 25 . 2 of Kumara Gupta Mahendra.
No monogram I of Chandra Gupta II ; 6 of Kumara Gupta Mahendra ;
total 7. Grand total 32.
The above considerations seem sufficient to throw doubt on the
theory that the Gupta (and consequently the Indo- Scythian) mono
*
grams are the indications of mint- cities.
Nor does it seem possible that they should be the marks of mint-
masters or other official persons, for the same monogram runs through
several reigns. For example, the monogram No. 3a is found on coins of
Chandra Gupta I, Samudra Gupta, Chandra Gupta II, and Skanda Gup¬
ta, and its use, therefore, continued for at least a hundred years.
If then these monograms are not the result of blind imitation, nor
the devices of mint-cities, nor the marks of public functionaries, what
are they ? It seems to me most probable that (though they may be
mint-marks) they are religious emblems or symbols of some sort. The
description of types in the last preceding section will have left no doubt on
the reader’s mind that religious symbolism and the effigies of deities ap¬
pear everywhere on the Gupta gold coins, as they did on their Indo-Scy-
thian forerunners, and it is reasonable to suppose that the same love for
religious symbolism dictated the selection of the so-called monograms.
* For an account of this hoard, see jpost, Sec. V.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 141
I cannot profess to explain tlie precise significance of any of tlie
Gnpta monograms, but it is possible tliat some Hindu scliolar may be
able to elucidate tlie subject.
Mr. Tliomas bas called attention to tlie curiously close likeness
between monogram Ho 4«, and tbe Egyptian symbol fortbebee, wbicb
was tbe sign royal in tbe Hieratic character.*
A trident wbicb bears a resemblance to some of tbe Indo-Scytbian
and Gujita monograms occurs, detached like them, in tbe field of a coin
of Rbescuporis II, king of tbe Bosphorus (A. H. 17 to 34). f
Tbe standing figure of Victory, who appears on some coins of Azes
bolds in her right hand a four- pronged symbol wbicb is identical with
tbe upper part of so many of tbe Indo-Scytbian and Gupta monograms. J
These instances of resemblance between tbe monograms in question
and other symbols may be cases of casual coincidence, but I have thought
it worth while to note them on tbe chance of their suggesting a correct
solution of tbe problem of tbe origin and meaning of tbe so-called
monograms of tbe Indo-Scytbian and Gupta dynasties.
Section IV.
Weights.
Tbe authors of essays on Indian numismatics have in general con¬
tented themselves with more or less complete descriptions of tbe devices
and legends of coins, and have paid little attention to weigbments.
Numismatists in Europe of late years have become alive to the
importance of dry details of tbe weight of coins, and have spared no
pains to obtain copious lists of weights as materials for induction.
A knowledge of tbe weight standards of ancient coins is indis¬
pensable for tbe attainment of accurate notions respecting tbe history
and development of coin types, and helps to throw light on tbe ill-un¬
derstood commercial relations of the states of tbe ancient world. Tbe
scholar who devotes himself to tbe examination of tbe numismatic
treasures of Europe cannot hope to do more than fill in tbe blank spaces
of a sketch wbicb bas already been drawn in firm outlines by tbe band
of history. Tbe enquirer who ventures to explore tbe labyrinth of
Indian numismatics can expect but little help from tbe friendly band
of tbe historic muse, but is perhaps compensated for tbe difficulties wbicb
he encounters by tbe unfailing hope of discovery, and by tbe consciousness
that be is tracing tbe plan of tbe foundations on wbicb history should
rest.
^ Records of the Gupta Dynasty, p. 21, note.
f Tresor de Numismaticpie, Rois Grecs, PI. XXV, 12.
X Ar. Aiit. PI. VI, figs 12 and 18.
142 V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
So general lias been the neglect in Indian publications of all sys¬
tematic study of coin weights, that I may be pardoned if I dwell for a
moment on its importance, and call to witness an expert who has studied
European and Oriental numismatics with equal ardour.
“ The history of the standards of weight on which Greek coins were
struck did not, until quite recently, become a subject of serious study.
. Nothing has done more of late years to give a scientific form to
Greek numismatics than the great attention given to weight standards.
The fact has been recognized that a coin is, after all, but a stamped
piece of precious metal, and that its value was derived, when it was
issued, not from the stamp, but from the metal. Distinguished scholars
like Hultsch and Brandis have in consequence spent years of their lives
in weighing coin after coin, recording the results, and trying thence to reach
principles. The greatest of living archasologists. Professor Mommsen, has
given much time to the study of the weights and developments of Greek
and Roman coins, and his strength has opened a way through jungles
which were before impenetrable obstacles to science.”*
It cannot be expected that Anglo-Indian amateur numismatists
should devote years of their lives to weighing coins, but, even with such
limited opportunities as circumstances permit, they may collect a goodly
mass of the necessary details, and do something to give to Indian
archaeology that scientific form which it frequently lacks.
The weights of all coins mentioned or described in my catalogue are
there noted, so far as they could be ascertained, and the results are ex¬
hibited in the Table of Weights, which deals with 177 coins. Examination
of the devices has already proved that the Gupta gold coinage immediately
succeeded that of the Indo- Scythian princes, and this conclusion is
confirmed by the study of the coin weights.
Few details as to the weight of the Indo- Scythian coins are available,
but, according to Mr. Thomas, the coins of the Kadphises group average
122*4 grains, while those of the Kanerki series are somewhat lighter,
but often weigh 122 grains. Some Indo-Scythian pieces weigh as high
as 125 grains. t
The source from which the Indo -Scythians derived the supply of
gold for their extensive mintages is not known with certainty, but is
conjectured, and with much probability, to have been the constant stream
of Roman aurei which in those times poured into India in exchange for
her silk and other commodities.
* Types of Greek Coins by Percy Gardner, 1883, p. 62.
t Early Paitli of Asoka (X B. A. S. IV N. 8. p. 223). It is possible, and even
very probable tliat the Indo- Scythian and Gnpta Dynasties and coinages to a certain
extent existed contemporaneously in different parts of the N. W. P. and the Punjab.
1884.] V. A. Smith — -Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 143
The existence of this eastward drain of gold is fnlly proved by the
testimony of Pliny, as well as of other witnesses. The words of Pliny
are so vivid and explicit as to be worth quoting afresh. “ Minimaqne
compntatione millies centena millia sestertium annis omnibus India et
Seres pcninsnlaqne \_scil. Arabia] imperio nostro adimnnt. Tanta nobis
deliciae et feminae constant.”^ Ag^ain he observes that the trade with
India was worth taking: some trouble to maintain. “ Digrna res, nnllo
O O’
anno imperii nostri minus H. S. qningenties exhanriente India, et merces
remittente, qn83 apnd nos centnplicato veneant.”t
The aureus was adopted first by J nlins Csesar as a regular element
of the Roman currency, and his standard is said to have been 125 '66
grains but his coins generally range between 120 and 125 grains. It
would therefore appear that the Indo- Scythian gold coinage is based on
that of Julius Ceesar, and not on the Macedonian stater, or Persian
daric, of which the standard was I34‘4 grains, or two Attic drachmae .
This fact helps in some measure to settle the vexed question of the date
of the Indo-Scythian kings, and consequently of their Gupta successors.
The weight of the Roman aureus after the death of Julius Caesar
gradually declined, and in the reign of hTero is stated to have averaged
II5'39 grains. 4!
The average weight of 4 coins of Ghatot Kacha is II4'95, and the
heaviest coin weighs 118. The average weight of the aurei of Augustus
in the British Museum is I21'26, and it would therefore at first sight
appear as if the coins of Ghatot Kacha were based on the Roman coinage
intermediate between Augustus and htero. But a fine coin of Chandra
Gupta I, son and successor of Ghatot Kacha, which is in the British
Museum, weighs I23‘8, and this fact indicates that Chandra Gupta’s
coinage was adapted to a standard of about 125 grains, and renders it
probable, though not certain, that Ghatot Kacha followed the same stand¬
ard.
I assign the coins of the King and Queen type alone to Chandra
Gupta I, and the weight of 4 of these averages 1 1 7’ 5 7. The light weight
of the majority of the coins of Ghatot Kacha and his son appears to be
due to wear and tear.
The details for the weights of the six types of Samudra Gupta’s
* Pliny, Hist. Nat. XII, 41.
f Pliny, Hist. Nat, YI, 26.
X The average weights 125‘66 and 115*39 for Julius Csesar and Nero respectively
are those stated by Letronne, as quoted in Smith’s Diet, of Antiq. and in Thomas’
Early Faith of Asoka, ut supra. Mr. Gardner informs me that the aurei of Julius
Cmsar average 120 to 125, and those of Nero 112 to 114. I adoiA Gen. Cunniug-
ham’s estimate of the weight of the daric ; Mr. Heard makes it 130 grains.
T
144 V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2
coinao'G will be seen on reference to the table. The heaviest coin of his
reign is one of the Boy and Battle-axe type, which weighs 123’4, and the
next heaviest is a Lyrist coin weighing 122 grains.
The 5 specimens of the Lyrist type weighed are all in good condition,
and yet exhibit a remarkable variation in weight from 111 to 122 grains,
of which I cannot offer any explanation. The /3 variety of Samndra’s
Archer type is remarkable for its light weight, the highest weight being
114 grains.
The Aswamedha coins average 116’18, and do not exceed 117‘7, but
all specimens weighed are more or less worn. The mean of the weights
of the heaviest coins, one of each type, is 118'87, for the reign of Sam.ndra
Gnpta. With the exception, perhaps, of the yS variety of the Archer
type, I do not believe that the weight standard was intentionally lowered
durino- this reign.
The coins of Chandra Gnpta II are somewhat heavier, bnt for the
most part follow the same standard as those of his predecessors. The Wheel
coins (Archer type, class II (3) form a remarkable exception, the highest
weight (two specimens) being 132"5, and the average weight of 8 coins
being 129*77, which figures agree substantially with those for the reign
of Skanda Gupta. It would seem as if these Wheel coins were struck on
the daric or Macedonian stater standard of 134*4 grains. I can offer no
explanation of this fact, but I believe that it is an indication of some im¬
portant historical event. These Wheel coins of Chandra Gupta’s and the
coins of Skanda cannot be intended as equivalent for Roman aurei, for
the heaviest known aureus is one of Pompey, weighing 128*2. It is
possible that the immediate model of the coins in question was found in the
issues of the Selencid kings of Syria, which frequently weigh 130-132
grains, and are sometimes found in India.
A few coins of the Archer type, class II a (the commonest variety)
and of the same type and class var. y, exceed 125 grains, the heaviest
specimen weighing 127*6, but the average for the type (excluding the
Wheel variety) is about 123 grains, and I believe, therefore, that the
coins were intended to follow the old Roman and Indo- Scythian stand¬
ard of about 125 grains.
The mean weight for the reign, calculated as in the case of Samudra
Gupta, and excluding the Wheel variety, is 121*61.
In the reign of Kumara Gupta Mahendra the weight standard was
certainly to some extent raised, the mean weight for the reign, (cal¬
culated in the same manner as above) being 126*0 grains. The heaviest
coin of the reign is one of the Peacock type, weighing 128*6, and very
few specimens of any type weigh less than 123 grains. The standard
would therefore seem to have been the ancient Lydian standard of 130
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imj)er{al Gupta Dynasty. 145
grains. Why Kumara Gupta slionld have reverted to this standard for
his coinage is at present an unsolved problem. Skanda Gupta’s coinage
occurs in two types only, the Archer and the King and Queen. The
heaviest Archer coin weighs 132’5, and the average weight of 9 coins of
this type is 129'21. The King and Queen type is known from two
specimens only, and but one of these has been weighed ; its weight is
128’8. These can, therefore, be no doubt, that, as has already been
observed, the coinage of Skanda Gupta conforms to the same standard
as the Wheel variety of the Archer type of Chandra Gupta II.
The investigation has thus established the remarkable fact that the
undisputed coins of the imperial Gupta Dynasty were struck according
to at least three distinct standards of weight, of approximately 125, 130,
and 134-5 grains respectively.
When we turn to the later coins included in the Supplement to my Cata¬
logue another and more striking change in the weight standard presents
itself. These coins are all, except the Prakasaditya coins, of the Archer
type, with reverse device of a goddess (Lakshmi probably) seated on a
lotus-flower. The execution is rude, and the metal sometimes debased.
Of the coins bearing the name of Chandra, the weights of three are
known, the average being 145'66, and the highest 148. The correspond¬
ing figures for 4 coins inscribed with the name Kumara, or its first
syllable, are 146*3 and 148*7. The only gold coin of Skanda Gupta
Kramaditya which has been tested, weighs 141*4. The coins of Kara
Gupta Baladitya average 145*66, with a maximum of 148*7, and the Lion
and Horseman coins of Prakasaditya show an average of 145*6 and a
maximum of 146*2.
These figures demonstrate that all these coins were struck according
to one standard, and that quite different from any of the standards
adopted for the undisputed mintages of the imperial Gupta sovereigns.
What was this standard ? It seems to me that it was the ancient Hindu
weight and coin, the suvarna, or golden Kdrsha of 80 ratis.
General Cunningham finds it “for all practical purposes extremely
convenient and sufficiently accurate to assume the value of the rati at
1*75 English grain, which is the value that has already been adopted by
Mr. Thomas on the evidence of the coins themselves.” If this value for
the rati be accepted the weight of the sumrna must be fixed at 140
grains, and the coins now under consideration, whatever they may be,
cannot be intended for suvarnas.
General Cunningham observes that “no one to my knowledge has
seen a suvarna f and in the sense that no one has yet discovered an an¬
cient Hindu pre-Alexandrine coin of that denomination, the observation
is accurate ; but I venture to submit that the coins of Kara Gupta and
146 V. A. Smith — Gold Corns of the hnj^erial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
his compeers must be considered as revivals of the ancient suvarna, and
that this conclusion is fully warranted by General Cunningham’s own
researches. He has devoted much time and labour to the task of as¬
certaining the value of the rati., by weighing the rati seeds {Ahrus pre-
catorius") and the other kinds of seeds metrically associated with the
rati in the Hindu books. The mean of four values of the rati deduced
from actual weighments of the seed of the Abrus is 1'8143. General Cun¬
ningham himself, with the most elaborate precaution, weighed “one
thousand sound and tolerably even-sized seeds”, with the result that the
average weight was 1‘823 grain, and Mr. Laidlay’s weighments on his
behalf gave practically the same result, 1’825.
Weighments of rice and other seeds alleged in the Hindu books to
have definite numerical ratios to the weight of the Abrus seed gave re¬
sults varying from 1'791 to 1’825, with a mean of 1’8044. By taking
the mean of the two average weights above noted (1‘8143 + 1*8044 -r- 2)
says General Cunningham, “ we obtain 1*8093 as the true value of the
actual rati.^'* This expression is not scientifically accurate, because a
mere arithmetical average of results obtained from experiments conduct¬
ed in different ways, and with various degrees of precaution, is not en¬
titled to be called a true value.
It seems to me that if witnesses are to be weighed and not counted
the nearest possible approximation to the ‘ true value’ is to be found in
the result 1*823 obtained by General Cunningham from the truly scientific
experiment made by himself which he describes, confirmed as it is by
the almost identical result, 1*825, obtained by Mr. Laidlay. General
Cunningham, therefore, on his own showing, is not justified in assuming
1*75 grain as the value of the rati ; and in 1865 he accepted the value
1*823 grain for the rat{.‘\ Mr. Thomas arrives at the seductive figure 1*75
by a different method. He shows, for instance, that the Hindu silver coin
known as .purana should contain 32 ratis, and that purdna pieces actually
in existence weigh as high as 55 grains, and then, so far as I understand
him, jumps to the conclusion that the full weight of the purdna was 56
grains. But I cannot see anything in his arguments inconsistent with
* For Gen. Cnnningliam’s experiments and opinions see his paper ‘ On the Mone¬
tary System of the Greeks in Bactriana, Ariana, and India,’ in Num. Chron. Vol.
XIII, N. S. (1873) pp. 187-219, especially pp. 196-7. Mr. Thomas has explained his
views in his essays on Ancient Indian Weights {Num. Chron IV, N. 8. (1864) pp. 40-58
and 114-132, especially p. 132.) These essays have been republished with additions
in the International Xumismata Orientalia.
t “ The old Indian pana or copper coin of 145*833 grains.” (Coins of the Nine
Ndgas etc., in J. A. 8. B. Vol. XXXIY, 1865, p. 120.) Thepawaof copper corresponded
in weight with the suvarna of gold.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Oold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 147
the assumption that the full weight of Diq purdna was 57, or 58, or 59
grains, and must confess to remaining unconvinced by his reasoning,
which seems to make insufficient allowance for loss of weight by wear. I
believe General Cunningham’s 1'823 grain to be the nearest possible
approach to the true value of the rati, but, for convenience, would adopt
Mr. Laidlay’s value 1'825, which only differs from the other by g^th
of a grain. The scale of Hindu gold coins and weights, will then stand
as follows ; —
5 rails = 1 mdsha = 9T25 grains.
80 rails = 16 mdslias = 1 suvarna = 146'000 ,,
The silver purdna will thus be equivalent to 58*4 grains, a result ap¬
parently quite consistent with the weights of existing specimens when
allowance is made for wear. These results are, I submit, much nearer
to the truth than the figures 8' 75 and 140 and 56 respectively, as adopted
by General Cunningham in his later publications and by Mr. Thomas,
and they happen to be very nearly as convenient for purposes of calcu¬
lation. I would urge, however, that mere convenience of calculation
does not justify any appreciable modification of the results arrived at by
scientific investigation, and that our business is to get at the truth so far
as possible, and to make our arithmetic conform. Tried by this test our
coins obviously appear to be intended for suvarnas. To make the point
clear I repeat the weights : —
Suvarna = 80 ratis @ 1'825 grs. =
Av. wt. of Chandra barbarous coins =
Kumara
,, Skanda
Kara
Prakasaditya ,,
jj
J?
J)
5?
JJ
n
55
55
55
146’00 grains.
145- 66 „
146- 30 „
141-40 „
145-66 „
145-60
It is true that some specimens weigh as much as 148-7, and that a
base metal coin of the Kumara type weighs 150-3, but, considering the
rude execution of these coins, and the inferiority of the metal in many
instances, I do not think that this excess of weight invalidates the
reference of these coins to the suvarna standard. Whether I am right
or wrong on this point, the discussion at least proves that an investiga¬
tion in detail of the weights of the coins of the Gupta period is not with¬
out interest, and may lead to conclusions of some importance.
It is to be regretted that the materials for the discussion are at
present comparatively scanty, and I hope that collectors of Indian coins
may be induced to pay more attention to the weights of their coins than
has hitherto been customary.
148 V. A. Smitli — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
8ectio7i V.
Find-spots.
The information concerning the localities in which the Gnpta gold
coins have been exhumed or otherwise obtained is not so copious as could
be desired, and most coin collectors seem to take little interest in as¬
certaining either the spot where their specimens were found, or the
details of the contents of each trove. Yet these points eminently deserve
attention. Greek coins usually indicate on their face the locality of the
mint where they were struck, but the Gupta and other Indian coins
ordinarily have no indication of the sort, and, in the absence of trust¬
worthy written history, the records of the find-spots of coins are almost
our only clue to the position of the ancient Hindu mints.
The Guptas, and other dynasties of proe -Muhammadan India, which
modern archaeological research has rescued from the utter oblivion of
centuries, are still for the most part the merest shadows, endowed with
names certainly, but without any definite local habitation, and often as
unfixed in time as in place.
The fabric, weight, style, devices, and legends of coins help us to fix
the chronological position of these dynasties, whose names dance before
the eyes of the student in a most perplexing maze. The recorded find-
spots of coins, and detailed account of the contents of individual troves
should be studied with care equal to that bestowed on the more attractive
parts of numismatic science in order to throw light on the position of the
old mint- cities, and on the local limits of the dominion of these long-
forgotten sovereigns. Full details of the contents of hoards of coins
when skilfully used, can be forced to yield to the historian many valu¬
able hints.
These few observations will, I trust, be deemed sufficient justification
for the elaboration with which I have worked out this part of my subject,
so far as the meagre materials available would permit. I hope that
collectors will be good enough to impart to the Society additional facts
to complete the imperfect information at my command, and to correct any
erroneous inferences which may be based upon insufficient premises.
Professor Wilson, with his usual caution, declined to commit him¬
self to any definite opinion as to the seat of the domicion of the Gupta
kings, or the position of their mint-cities, and contented himself with the
remark that “ all that can be affirmed of them {soil. Gupta gold coins)
with any degree of certainty is that they are coins of the west and north¬
western provinces of Hindustan.” He also pointed out that these coins
are not found in the Panjab or Afghanistan.*
* Ariana Ant. p. 417.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Corns of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 149
Prinsep treated this topic with greater explicitness, but, as will be
shown presently, with less accuracy. “ Kananj,” he says, “ has been
fixed on as the locale of the present class of gold coins, for the obvious
reason that they are most frequently found in its ruins, not that any his¬
tory ascribes them to this town.”* * * § In another passage he appeals again
to the “ frequency of his coins discovered at Kananj ” as a reason for
fixing Samndra Gupta’s capital at that place. f In a subsequent essay
Prinsep to some extent corrects his former attribution of the majority of
the coins to Kananj, and observes, “ Since my former paper on the
Gupta coins of Kananj appeared, very important acquisitions have been
made to onr knowledge of this before unknown dynasty, through the
medium of coins and inscriptions ; for both of which we are almost
entirely beholden to the researches of Lieut. Cunningham and Mr.
Tregear in th6 neighbourhood of Benares.”
After discussing the passage in the Vishnu Parana, which defines
the territory of the Guptas of Magadha as extending “ along the Ganges
to Prayaga ” (Allahabad), he remarks that “the sites, whence these
coins have been most frequently obtained, certainly agree with this de¬
scription.”];
A few pages later Prinsep states that the Gupta gold coins are “ dis¬
covered in greatest quantity at Kananj, Jannpnr, Gaya, and even occa¬
sionally in Bengal. Ӥ
Abstaining for the moment from any comment on the statements
above quoted, I shall proceed to state all the facts which I have been able
to ascertain respecting the find- spots of the Gupta gold coins ; first
enumerating the hoards known to me, and then giving statistics of indi¬
vidual coins, including some which formed parts of certain of the hoards
mentioned.
172 so-called “ gold darics ” were found near Benares in the time
of Warren Hastings, who sent them home to the Court of Directors,
considering himself “ as making the most munificent present to his
masters that he might ever have it in his power to send them. . . . The
story is that they were sent to the melting pot. At all events they had
disappeared when Hastings returned to England.” || It is almost in¬
credible that these 172 pieces should have been Persian darics. The
* Essays I, 284.
f ibid, 239.
X ibid pp. 365-6, Mr. Tregear collected at Jannpur 40 miles from Benares ; Lt.
(now Genl.) Cnnningliam was then at Benares.
§ ibid p. 375.
II Genl. Cunningham on the Oxus Treasure Trove in J, A. S. B. for 1881, p. 184 j
• and ‘ India, What can it Teach us,’ by Max Muller, p. 8.
150 Y. A. Smith — -Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
latter are extremely rare, only about 40, I believe, being known to exist,
and the neighbourhood of Benares is a place extremely unlikely in which
to find a large hoard of them. I consider it highly probable that the
trove consisted of Gupta gold coins of the prevailing Archer type, which
might in those days be easily confounded with the Persian ro^orat.
Another great golden treasure was found during the reign of Warren
Hastings in the year 1783, at Kali Ghat, ten miles above Calcutta, on
the east bank of the Hiigli. The hoard comprised over 200 coins, many
of which were sent home by the Governor- General and were distri¬
buted among the cabinets of the British Museum, East India Company,
and other public institutions, where some, at any rate, of the speci¬
mens are still to be seen. The coins of this hoard are described by
Wilson as being “ of rude execution and debased metal,” and it is doubt¬
ful if any of them are authentic issues of the imperial Gupta dynasty,
though agreeing in general design with the Archer type of those issues.
A few specimens from this hoard, which I designate by the name of
Kalighat, are noticed in the Supplement to my Catalogue.*
In 1838 Mr. Tregear dug up some specimens of the Gupta gold coin¬
age in some ruins, known as Jaichandra’s Mahal, near Jaunpur. The
exact number of the coins so found is not stated, but it does not appear
to have been large. Most, if not all, of these coins were subsequently
published by Prinsep, and are included in my Catalogue. f
The important trove, which is referred to in the Catalogue as the
Bharsar hoard, was found near Benares in 1851 and is described by
Major Kittoe as follows : —
“ These coins, which are all gold, of different weight and quality,
were of a trove of ninety in number, that is, such number were delivered
into the treasury. They were found, with about 70 more, by some vil¬
lagers, buried in a copper vessel, in a mound on which stands the village
of Bharsar, in pargana Bharwal, and Thana Chandauli, about twelve miles
from Benares, between the Ganges and Karamnasa. Bharsar is the site
of one of the many ancient cities, the names of which are lost .
“ Of the number \_scil recovered] 71 were coins of Chandra Gupta,
69 being of one type of his coinage \_scil. evidently. Archer type]. Of
these, four were retained of the most perfect, and the remainder were
sold by auction ; they were all more or less defective, and but few of
them had even a portion of the legend round the rim perfect, but the
* Marsden Num. Or., II, 726; Ariana Ant. pp. 416-17 and Plate XVIII, /[/s.
21 seqq. The barbarous coins figured by Marsden were from this hoard. (Prinsep’s
Essays, I, 230.)
t J. A. S. B. Ill, (1831), 619.
1884.] Y. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 151
name [in Gupta characters in text] beneath the left arm of the figure
was distinct in all of them.”*
Thirty-two coins were retained and described. This hoard being the
only large one concerning which details at all copious have been recorded,
I think it is desirable to give an analysis of the portion preserved. The
thirty-two coins retained comprised the following types and varieties : —
Samudra Gupta — Javelin type, var. (1) . 1
5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 (^l) . * . ^
,, ,, Archer ,, ,, /5, 2 and a duplicate . 3
55 5 5 Lyrist „ . . . 1
Chandra Gupta II' — Archer ,, class II, a ; 2 and a dupl . 3
55 55 55 55 J5 55 55/^5! find <Xj dupl . 2
55 55 55 55 55 55 55 V 5 1 55 55 55 ^
1 _ 1
5 ) 55 55 55 55 5 5 5 5 5 .
,, ,, ,, Horseman to Left — ; . . 2
Kumara Gupta Mahendra — Archer Iype5 5 . 2
,, ,, ,, — Horseman to Right ,, var. a ; I and dupl. 2
5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 Lcft ,, . 2
,, ,, ,, — Peacock ,, var. fd ; . . 1
,, ,, ,, — Combatant Lion ,, . . 1
Skanda Gupta — Archer ,, 3 and 3 dupl . 6
Prakasaditya — Lion and Horseman ,, - - 2
Total... 32
The contents of the hoard seem to indicate that it was buried not
very long after the close of the reign of Skanda Gupta, that is to say,
(according to the chronology which I adopt), not later than about 400
A. D. ; and we thus learn that at that time the mound of Bharsar was an
inhabited town. The Lyrist coin of Samudra is noted as being in fine
condition, and some of the Skanda pieces were likewise well preserved ;
a coin of Kumara’s is described as much worn, a circumstance which
renders it probable that the hoard was deposited at some considerable in¬
terval from the time of Kumara’s reign. The association in a single
hoard of coins belonging to so many reigns, types, and varieties is re¬
markable, and shows that these various issues were all current together
in the province of Benares.
* Memo, by Major M. Kittoe, Archaeological Enquirer, on some Ancient Gold
Coins found near Benares in 1851, and submitted by the Government of India for
the inspection of the members of the Asiatic Society ; with the Memo, on the same
by Mr. E. C. Bayley. (J. A. 8. B. XXI, pp. 399-400, and PI. XII, figs 1-9. The plate
was miserably executed by a native). The coins from this hoard are not included in
Mr. Thomas’ catalogues.
U
152 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Tm2'>erial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
The same volume of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
which contains the description of the Bharsar treasure trove supplies a
notice of some coins found at Muhammadpur, near the Arunkhali Biver,
in the Jessore District of Lower Bengal. They are described as being
“ all of the Gupta kings of Kanauj [iu’c.] and comprise specimens of the
silver coinage of Chandra Crupta, Kumara Gupta, and Skanda Gupta-
The metal of these coins is very impure.” The hoard included one gold
coin weighing 85 grains, which, at that time, Babd RajendrakB Mitra
believed to be a coin of Sri Gupta, but it is evidently of a date much
subsequent to Skanda Gupta.*
Mr. Thomas alludes, with tantalizing brevity, to “ a batch of twenty
gold coins found at Gopalpur on ‘ the Ghagra River, on the site of the
old village fort, ten miles west of Barhal ’ in July 1854.” Barhal is in
the district of Gorakhpur. Seven of these coins “ from the mints of
Chandra Gupta II ” were submitted to Government, and included a
specimen of his Archer type. Class I, (d. No particulars are recorded
concerning the other constituents of the hoard. f General Cunningham
informs me that a great hoard was found at Allahabad some twenty
years ago consisting of about 200 of the gold Peacock coins of Kumara
Gupta. General Cunningham saw a large number of specimens and ob¬
tained 230ssession of four, two of which, namely, one of each variety, are
still in his cabinet.
About seven years ago twenty or thirty Gupta gold coins were found
at Jhusi opposite Allahabad, comprising two specimens of Kumara Gupta’s
Archer type. Class I var. a ; and eight specimens of . the same king’s
Peacock type in both varieties. 4!
Recently, thirteen gold coins of the Guptas were found near Hugli,
the hoard being composed as follows : — ■
Samudra Gupta — Javelin type . 1
Chandra Gupta II — Archer ,, Class II . 5
Kumara Gupta Mahendra — Archer,, . . . 3
,, ,, „ — Horseman to Right ,, . . . 2
5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 Loft . 1
,, ,, ,, — Lion-Trampler ,, . . 1
Total... 13 §
* Note on Three Ancient Coins found at Muhammadpur in the Jessore District,
by Babu Rajendralal Mitra (J. A. S. B. XXI p. 401 ; PI. XII, figs. 10-12). One of
these coins belongs to Sasanglca (A. D. 600). Cunningham, Arch. Rep. Ill, p. 138.)
t J. A. S. B. XXIV (1855), p. 499.
X From information kindly communicated by Sir E. C. Bayley.
§ I am indebted to Dr. Hoernle for my knowledge of this hoard, which I
designate by the name of Hiigli.
1884. J V. A. Smith — Oold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Bynasty. 153
Of the eight Gupta gold coins in the possession of Sir E. C. Bayley,
three, as above mentioned, were found at or near Allahabad ; the rest are
believed to have been found either at Kanauj or Allahabad.
The gold coins of the Guptas in the cabinet of Mr. A. Grant were all
obtained in Oudh, and mostly near Eaizabad (Ayodhya), except one, which
was bought in Bombay. Mr. J. Hooper’s specimens were also obtained in
Eastern Oudh. Mr. H. Bivett-Carnac has 13 gold Gupta coins, 6 of these
were obtained in the province of Benares, 2 were dug up near Allahabad,
1 was procured at Lucknow, 2 at Cawnpore, and 2 at Mathura.
Col. Tod’s coins, including the four gold Guptas figured in Trans.
R. A. S. Vol. I. PI. XII, 4th series, were all obtained at Agra, Mathura,
Ujjain, or Ajmir, but more precise information respecting them is wanting.
The above notes comprise all the facts which I have been able to
collect respecting hoards of Gupta gold coins, and the origin of the
collections in various cabinets.*
I shall now proceed to analyse the available statistics respecting the
find-spots of individual coins, including some which were comprised in
certain of the hoards already mentioned.
Prinsep was more careful than many other antiquarians have been to
record the source from which he obtained his coins. Thirty-seven Gupta
gold coins are described in his essays, and the following table of the find-
spots of these coins has been compiled from his notes : —
From Kanauj ... ... ... ... ... 3
,, Jaunpur ... ... ... ... 3
,, ,, ? (cabinet of Tregear, who collected at Jaunpur) II
I
1
4
1
I
12
Total... 37
In the following general statement, compiled from all the notes of
place in my catalogue, the coins described by Prinsep are included.
* There is nothing to show the 'provenance of any of the coins in the India
Office collection. The find-spots of a very few coins in the British Mnseum collection
are recorded, but there is reason to doubt the accuracy of some of the notes. Mr.
Theobald does not know where any of his Gupta coins were found, except that one
was bought in Benares, and one in Mathura. Information is likewise wanting con¬
cerning the provenance of nearly all the coins in the cabinet of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal.
,, Benares ...
55 55
,, Gaya
,, Mirzapur
,, Ghazipur
,, not stated
154 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
The coins of the Bharsar hoard are placed under the head of Benares
and those found at Jhusi under the head of Allahabad. Tod’s coins are
described as obtained in N. W. India.
For facility of verification the figures are given for each reign. It is
necessary to observe that the notes which form the basis of my tables are
often vaguely expressed, and that in some instances it is impossible to say
whether the coin was exhumed or only bought at the locality named.
Reign.
Ghatot Kacha.
Chandra Gupta I.
5)
5 J
Samudra Gupta.
5>
yy
yy
yy
yy
yy
Chandra Gupta II
Table of Find-spots.
Find-spots.
J aunpur ?
P
Ghazipur
Benares
Kanauj
?
Saharanpur
Mathura
Oudh
Jaunpur
Benares
Gaya
Patna ?
Hugh
Kanauj
Bulandshahr
Cawnpore
N. W. India
Oudh
Ghazipur
Jaunpur
?
Mirzapur
Benares
Gorakhpur District
Hugh
Total
No. of coins. for
reign.
I 1
I
I
I 3
I
I
I
I
10
1
7*
1
1
1 25
2
1
2
3
4
1
1
5
1
12*
7*
5
44
* The Barhal hoard comprised about 20 Gupta coins, of which 7 belonged to
the reign of Chandra Gupta II ; it is not known to what reign the remainino- coins
belonged, and I have therefore excluded them from the table. In the case of the
Bharsar hoard I have only taken credit for the few coins described in detail, but the
hoard comprised about 160 Gupta coins, of which 7l belonged to the reign of Chandra
Gupta II.
1884.] V. A. Smith. — Oold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 155
Total
Reign.
Find- spot.
No. of coins.
for
reign.
Kumara Gupta Mahendra.N. W. India
1
Allahabad (Jhiisi)
14
Oudh
3
Jaunpur
1
Benares
9
Gaya
2
Mahanada
1
Midnapur
1
Hugh
7
39
Skanda Gupta.
Kanauj
1
Oudh
1
Jaunpur ?
1
Benares
1
Ghazipur
1
Mahanada
1
6
Total for all reigns ...
» ft t • • • ft
118
The following
figures give the meagre
information available c
cerning the find- spots of the coins mentioned
in the Supplement to
Catalogue : —
Chandra
Oudh
1
1
Kumara
Kalighat*
1
1
Skanda
Gaya
1
1
Kara
Oudh
1
Kalighat*
1
2
Prakasaditya
Kanauj
1
Benares
2
3
Grand total 118 + 8
Total 8
... 126
The next following statement exhibits a result of the investigation
which may surprise some of my readers.
I. Coins obtained at Kanauj (including 1 doubtful case).
Samudra Gupta ... ... ... ... 2
Chandra Gupta II ... ... ... 2
* The Kalighat hoard comprised over 200 coins, but its detailed composition is
not known.
156 V. A. Smitli — Gold Corns of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Skanda Gupta
I
Prakasaditya
I
Total
6
II.
Coins obtained west and north-west of Kanauj.
Saniudra Gupta ...
2
Chandra Gupta II
6
Kumara Gupta Mahendra
2
Total
10
III.
Coins obtained east of Kanauj.
Ghatot Kacha
I
Chandra Gupta I
3
Samudra Gupta
20
Chandra Gupta II...
36
Kumara Gupta Mahendra
38
Skanda Gupta
5
Doubtful
7
Total
no
Grand total
126
The
above total refers only to the coins described in
detail.
but.
when the entire contents of the Barhal, Allahabad and Bharsar hoards
are included, the total of indisputably Gupta coins found east of Kanauj
will be about 480. If the entire Kalighat hoard of rude coins of Gupta
type be included, the total must be raised to about 690, and, if it be
admitted that Warren Hastings’ 172 “ gold darics ” from Benares were
Gupta coins, the grand total would amount to about 860. In any case
the figure for Kanauj stands at 6. The fact is therefore established with
mathematical certainty that Kanauj supplies only an infinitesimal pro¬
portion of the Gupta gold coins, the great bulk of which have been
obtained far to the east of that city.
Section YI.
The Gupta Mint-Cities afid Capital.
In Southern India the ancient native governments permitted subor¬
dinate rulers and even private persons to coin in all metals, including
gold, with little restriction, but there is no indication of similar laxity
having at any time prevailed in Hindustan.*
In Northern India successive dynasties followed, so far as is known,
the practice of the Persian kings and Homan emperors, and jealously
retained in their own hands the right of coining gold.
If this be admitted, it follows that the ancient gold coinages of
Northern India will have been struck at or near the seats of government
of the sovereigns who issued them. If, therefore, we can discover the
position of the mint-cities where the gold pieces of the Gupta kings were
* Thomas, Ancient Indian Weights {Intern. Num. Or.), p. 57.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Oold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dy^iasty. 157
struck, we may feel confident that we have also discovered the site of the
capital, or capitals, of those princes.
Prinsep designated the Gupta gold coinage by the name of the
‘ Kanauj series.’ Almost without exception later writers on Indian
archteology have followed him, and it seems to me, have rather blindly
followed him, in assuming the existence of a special connection between
the Gupta dynasty and Kanauj.
Kot to mention other and less authoritative writers, Mr. Burgess
speaks of “ the Guptas of Kanauj,”^ and Sir E. C. Bayley does not hesitate
to affirm explicitly that Kanauj was the Gupta capitalf. But what evi¬
dence warrants us in asserting that the Gupta kings had their capital at
Kanauj ? I can find none.
It will not be disputed that the belief in Kanauj being the Gupta
capital originated in Prinsep’s designation of the gold coins as the ‘ Kanauj
series,’ and in his assertion that they were most commonly found at
Kanauj. But the statistics given in the last preceding section of this
paper, which are indisputable so far as they go, prove that Prinsep was
mistaken as to the fact, and that the coins in question are not most com¬
monly found at Kanauj. Attention has already been drawn to the
circumstance that Prinsep subsequently corrected his earlier and less
guarded assertion, and bracketed Jaunpur and Gaya with Kanauj, as the
places where the Gupta gold coins were found in greatest abundance ;
and, from the first, he was careful to note that 710 history connected the
Guptas and Kanauj. Prinsep’s error, therefore, so far as it was an error,
was not a grave one, and his statements offer a very slender foundation
for the categorical assertion that Kanauj was the Gupta capital.
It seems to me that Prinsep’s misapprehension on the subject can be
very easily explained. The fine Betreating Lion coin of Chandra Gupta
II was obtained by Lieut. Conolly at Kanauj ; and the fact that the
publication and study of this coin led to the decipherment of the rest of
the series appears to have impressed Prinsep’s imagination, and to have
influenced him in giving the name of ‘ Kanauj Series ’ to this class of
gold coins.
However this may be, the solid fact remains that out of 37 coins
described by Prinsep, the find-spots of 25 are known more or less accu¬
rately, and of these latter only 3 can be traced to Kanauj. Kor have I
been able to find a record of a single hoard of Gupta gold coins found at
that city, and it need hardly be observed that the occurrence of hoards
in certain places is more valuable as evidence for the purposes of the his_
* Arcliseol. Snrvey of W. India, II, p. 80.
f Num. Chron. II, 3rd S. (1882) p. 158.
158 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No, 2,
torian than the finding of isolated coins, which may have reached their
resting places in any of a hundred different ways.
I think, therefore, that the evidence now presented fully warrants
the assertion that the find-spots of the Gupta gold coins in no way support
the statement that Kanauj was the Gupta capital.
I am not aware that evidence of any other kind has ever been ad¬
duced in support of that statement, which has been passed from one
writer to another apparently without examination.
I do not deny that Kanauj was in existence during the rule of the
Gupta kings, nor that it was included in their dominions. Little appears
to be known about its early history, but it has always been reputed one
of the most ancient of Indian cities, and we know that it was an import¬
ant place in 400 A. D. when Fa Hian visited it, and it appears to have
been known by name to the geographer Ptolemy about A, D. 140. It is
also certain that it was the capital of the eastern dominions of the great
Harsha Varddhana in A. D. 634, but all these facts in no wise prove it to
have been the Gupta capital.* I am quite willing to admit that Sir F. C.
Bayley is right in calling Kanauj ‘the Dehli of the Hindus,’ if that title
be restricted to the centuries between 600 A. D. and the Muhammadan
conquest, but I can find no authority for the antedating of this claim to
precedence.f
The conclusion arrived at so far is a purely negative one. I shall
now consider whether any positive result as to the position of the mints
and capital may be obtained from a study of the find-spots of the Gupta
gold coins and other evidence.
It may safely be affirmed that the records of the localities, both where
hoards and where individual coins were found, indicate unmistakably
that the Gupta gold coinage was struck and chiefly current in territories
far to the east of Kanauj, and that these territories may be roughly de¬
scribed as the Province of Benares, with some adjoining districts. It
seems to me impossible to draw any other conclusion from the evidence
which has been set forth in the section on find- spots.*
* These references are quoted from Genl. Cunningham’s Archseol. Rep. I, 280
Sir E. C. Bayley informs me that in the Basle edition of Ptolemy (1533) the name
which is supposed to mean Kanauj is written KauaySpa.
f The phrase ‘ the Delhi of the Hindus ’ is quoted from a letter on this subject
with which Sir E. C. Bayley favoured me. His theory about the supposed dates in
the Gupta era on the mediseval coinage of Kabul (Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. Vol. II, pp.
128-165 and 291-294) is of very doubtful correctness, and even if it were proved, does
not contribute to the solution of the question discussed in the text. I see no reason for
supposing that the use of the Gupta era was connected with the sovereignty of
Kanauj.
X The scanty evidence as to the provenance of the Gupta copper coins {ante
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Corns of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 159
The districts around Benares are rich in remains of ancient cities,
and at present it does not seem possible to fix on any one of these with
certainty as the Gupta capital. Very probably there was more than
one capital, even at one and the same time, in the same way as Mahoba,
Khajuraho, and Kalinjar may be appropriately described as respectively
the civil, religious, and military capitals of the Chandel kingdom in
Bundelkhand during medieeval times.
If a choice must be made, I should be inclined to fix upon Patali-
putra (Patna) as the headquarters of the eastern dominions of the
Gupta kings.* It is a little east of the places where the gold coins have
been most often found, but is sufficiently near those places to make it
quite credible that it was the capital city and chief mint. It must be
remembered that the ancient Pataliputra has been almost entirely carried
away by the Ganges, f and that consequently treasure trove is naturally
scarce in the city which is its modern representative. No argument is
needed to show that in the time of the Mauryas Pataliputra deserved to
be called ‘the Delhi of the Hindus.’ It was still a city in the time of
Fa-Hian (400 A. D.), but, when Hwen Thsang visited the spot in 632 A. D.,
the once splendid metropolis had been reduced to a squalid village.;]:
The cause of its ruin is not known, but I would conjecture that the White
Huns may have destroyed the famous city.
General Cunningham has pointed out that the account of another
Chinese traveller indicates that Pataliputra was still flourishing as the
capital of a great kingdom between the years 222 and 280 A. D., and has
conjectured that the king referred to by the Chinese author was Kumara
Gupta Mahendra and that “ the decline of Pataliputra was due to the
fall of the great Gupta dynasty and the consequent removal of the seat
of government to. another place. Ӥ It will be admitted by all that
p. 153 note) appears, so far as it goes, to indicate that they were issued from the
same mints as the gold coins. The silver coinage was evidently provincial.
* Wilford long ago fixed on Patna as the Grupta capital, but in doing so was
guided by a mistaken notion that Padmavati was an equivalent of Pataliputra {Wil¬
son's Vishnu Purdna, 4to. edn. p. 480, note 70). I find that the late Mr. Wilton Oldham
also speaks of “the Glupta dynasty, the capital of which was in Magadha or Bihar,
the city of Pataliputra, or the modern Patna” {Hist, and Stat. Memoir of the Ghdzi-
pur District. Part I. p. 38 ). Ayodhya was probably one of the chief cities of
the Guptas.
f Arch. Rep. VIII, pp. XII, and 24.
J McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 207, note.
§ Cunningham, Arch. Rep. XI, 153. An English rendering of Stanislas Julien’s
revised version of the Chinese text is given in the Indian Antiquary, Yol. IX (1880)
p. 17. An earlier version will be found in J. A. S. B., Yol. YI. pp. 61-75. The
Chinese author does not specify Pataliputra by name, but it is probable that Patali-
X
160 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Pataliputra, by reason of its ancient importance, must have been one of
the chief cities in the Gupta dominions. We are not, however, alto¬
gether restricted to indirect inference for proof of this fact.
The inscription on the back of the Tawa cave at Udayagiri near
Bhilsa records that the cave was made by one Saba, whose ancestral
name was Virasena a poet, and a resident of Pataliputra, who had come
thither with his king, Chandra Gupta. ^
The broken inscription at Garhwa near Allahabad, which appears
to belong, like that in the Tawa cave, to the reign of Chandra Gupta II,
mentions Pataliputra at the end of the eleventh line, but the inscrip¬
tion is so mutilated that the context cannot be made out.f
The inscriptions which give the genealogy of the Gupta family inform
us that Kumari Devi, the queen of Chandra Gupta I, was the daughter
of Lichchhavi, an assertion which is fully confirmed by the legend
‘ Kumari Devi Lichchhavayah ’ on the gold coins. It is highly probable
that the lapidary and numismatic record means that the queen belonged
to the Lichchhavi family of Kshatriyas who resided at Vaisali, and are
famous for their devotion to the Buddha in earlier times. Vaisali is the
modern Besarh or Besadh, 27 miles distant from Patna, {Gunn. Arch. Bep.
Vol. I, p. 55), and, if the identity of the Lichchhavi family in Buddhist and
Gupta times be admitted, the alliance of the Gupta kings with that
family is another indication that their capital was at or near Patna. I
may note in passing that the alliance is also a proof that the Guptas were
a Kshatriya family, and not either S^iidras or foreigners. The narrative
of I-tsing (circa 690-700 A. D.) shows that the dominions of STi Gupta,
the founder of the dynasty, were situated in Magadha, *and included Bud¬
dha Gaya. He says, “ All parts of the world have their appropriate tem¬
ples, except China, so that priests from that country have many hard¬
ships to endure. Eastward, about forty stages (scil. yoj anas'] following
the course of the Ganges, we come to the Mrigasikavana Temple. Not
far from this is a ruined establishment called the Tchina Temple. The
old tradition says that formerly a Maharaja called S'ri Gupta built this
for the priests of China. At this time some Chinese priests, some twenty
men or so came from Sz’chuan to the Mahabodhi Temple to pay worship
to it, on which the king, seeing their piety, gave them as a gift this plot
of land. The land now belongs to the king of Eastern India, whose name
is Deva Varmma.” (J. B. A. 8. Fok XIII, N. S. pp. 57i, 572J. This
putra was the city referred to. If that supposition be correct, Pataliputra must
have been the Gupta capital, at the period indicated, for at that period it was cer¬
tainly under Gupta rule.
* Cunningham, Arch. Rep. X, pp. 51, 52.
f Cunningham, Arch. Rep. Ill, 57.
1884.] Y. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 161
passage appears to me to be strong evidence that the Gupta dynasty took
its rise in Magadha, and that its capital 'svas, consequently, in all pro¬
bability, Pataliputra, the leading city of Magadha.
The well-known passages in the Puranas, which mention the Gupta
dynasty, also point to the fact that the centre of gravity of their empire
lay east of Kanauj. The Vishnu Purana states that the Guptas of Maga-
dha reigned along the Ganges to Prayaga ” (Allahabad), and the Vayu
Purana (which is supposed to be more ancient) adds that, besides the
regions so specified, Saketa was included in their dominions."^ The ex¬
pression “ along the Ganges to Prayaga ” evidently refers to the course
of the river from Magadha {i. e., the country around Pataliputra) on the
east, to Prayaga on the west.
I was at one time inclined to suppose that the Pauranic texts referred
to the later Guptas of Magadha mentioned in the Aphsar inscription, f
but I now prefer to accept the general opinion which interprets the texts
as referring to the imperial dynasty. Mr. A. Grant’s gold Gupta coins
were all (except one) obtained in Oudh, and mostly in the neighbour¬
hood of Saketa ( = Ayodhya, near Faizabad), and Mr. Hooper’s were
likewise found in Eastern Oudh, which facts are some confirmation of the
statement in the Vayu Purana, if referred to the earlier dynasty. There
is, moreover, no proof that the small territory of the later Guptas
extended so far west as Saketa, which may have declined before their
time, as in A. D. 400 the famous neighbouring city of STavasti had
descended to the rank of a petty village, and in A. D. 632 was com¬
pletely deserted. J
The distribution of the architectural and sculptural remains of the
Gupta dynasty supplies another argument to prove that the capital of
the dominions of the dynasty in Northern India lay further east than is
commonly supposed.
If the remains in Central India and Guzerat be excluded, which
mark the extent of the western conquests of the later members of the
family, § I think that the only records in stone of the Guptas yet dis¬
covered west of Allahabad are the broken inscription at Mathura, which
gives the genealogy of Samudra Gupta, |j and the dedicatory inscrip-
* Wilson’s Vishnn Pnrana (quarto edition), p. 479.
t Cunningham, Arch. Rep. Ill, 136, and XVI, p. 79. A dynasty, with the family
name of Gupta, reigned in Orissa probably as late as the tenth century A. D. {Ind.
Antiquary, Vol. V, pp. 55 seqq.)
J Cunningham, Arch. Rep. I, 333, referring to Fa-Hian and Hwen Thsang.
§ I concur with Prof. Oldenberg in regarding as a forgery the so-called Junagarh
tradition published by Major Watson (Ind. Ant. II, 312).
II Cunn. Arch. Rep. I, 237 and III, 36.
1G2 V. A. Smith — Gold Coi^is of the Tmjjerial Gupta Dynasty. [J^o. 2,
tions at Bilsar (20 miles N. E. of Eta) containing the genealogy of
Kumara Gupta.'* * * § A copper-plate grant dated in the reign of Skanda
Gupta has been found at Indor Khera, eight miles S. S. W. of Anup-
shahr.f This is a meagre list when compared with the catalogue of
inscribed pillars and ruined edifices which are known to exist eastward.
Allahabad (Pray aga) possesses the great inscription containing the
history of Samudra Gupta, engraved after his death on the pillar set up
by the great Maurya emperor of Pataliputra,;]; and in the neighbourhood
of Allahabad numerous ruins and inscriptions of the Gupta period are
found at Kosambi (Kosam),§ Garhwa or Bhafgarh, || and Bitha-
Deoriya.^ Going further east, we find at Bhitari in the Ghazipur district,
between Benares and Ghazipur, the celebrated inscribed pillar giving the
history of Skanda Gupta, associated with the ruins of extensive brick
buildings belonging to the reign of his predecessor Kumara.** * * §§ The
uninscribed pillar at Zamania in the same district appears to be of about
the same date ;tt still further east, Bihar has pillars to show, which
were inscribed in the reigns of Kumara and Skanda, J;]] and in the
Gorakhpur district, north of Ghazipur, is to be seen the Jain pillar at
Kahaon dedicated in the reign of Skanda Gupta. §§
The distribution of the architectural and sculptural remains, there¬
fore, closely coincides with that of the gold and copper coins, and is
equally adverse to the claim of Kanauj to the honour of having been the
Gupta capital.
There is no reason to suppose that the sway of the Guptas extended
over Lower Bengal, and it seems probable that the coins found in that
province came there in the course of trade and travel,* and mark the line
of a trade route which led to Tamralipti or some other ancient port at
the mouths of the Ganges. ||j|
Sir E. C. Bayley has been good enough to favour me with his criti¬
cism on the views above enunciated, the outline of which was submitted
* lUd. XI, 17.
t Ihid. XII, 38.
J Prinsep’s Essays, Vol. I, p. 233.
§ Cunningham Arch. Rep X, 3 seqq.
II Ihid., Ill, 53 seqq. and X, 10, seqq.
^ Ihid. Ill, 48 and X, 7, 8.
** Ihid. I. 97 seqq., etc. The second vowel in Bhitari is not long as it is gen¬
erally marked.
ft Ihid. Ill, 62.
XX Ihid. 1, 36.
§§ The corrected facsimile and translation with notes are given in Ind. Antiquary
for 1881, pp. 124-126.
III! The Chinese account above referred to proves that the Indian capital in the
middle of the third century A. D. was a place of active trade.
1884.] V. A. Smith. — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta By^iasty. 163
to him. He urges that “ gold, which in old Indian times, was not the
current circulation of every day transactions, would collect, not at seats
of Government, but round centres of commerce, such as Allahabad,
Benares, and Faizabad always have been, and they are also centres of
pilgrimage, which attract much gold and silver.
“ It is almost an infallible indication of the neighbourhood of a
sovereign’s capital when his coins of very minute value are found in large
numbers. It is only in the markets of large towns or cities that such a
coinage was of use in India, owing to the social habits of the country,
but such cities rarely existed except at the head-quarters of Government.
The minute coins of the Pathan kings abound within twenty miles of
Delhi, but are very rare elsewhere. Their gold coins are as common
elsewhere as at Delhi. The copper coins of the Guptas are so rare, how¬
ever, that no deduction can be drawn from them.”
These remarks show the importance of tracing the provenance of the
Gupta copper coins, which, as already observed, do not appear to be so
rare as Sir E. 0. Bayley supposes.
His remark that such “ markets of large towns or cities ” as Allaha¬
bad, Benares, and Faizabad were in the Gupta period, “ rarely existed
except at the head- quarters of Government ” appears to me to lend much
support to the inference which I have drawn from the recorded find-spots
of the Gupta coins, especially the large hoards. However, the reader has
now both views before him, and can judge for himself.
Section VII.
Conclusion.
I must now bring to a close this long but imperfect introductory
essay, and invite the patient reader to enter upon the dry details of the
Catalogue. My general description of the Gupta gold coins is specially
deficient in two respects, namely, in omitting all systematic discussion
of the fabric and of the palaeography of the coins.
The details occasionally given in the Catalogue are sufficient to indi¬
cate that the standard of purity of metal was not always uniform, but I
have not had an opportunity for procuring analyses of any of the coins,
and must content myself with remarking that this subject should not be
overlooked.
Circumstances have not permitted me to study the original coins
sufficiently at leisure in order to work out the palaeography of the legends,
but I am convinced that the detailed study of this subject would not be
barren of result. The alphabetical characters on the coins do not vary
very much, but the variations are sufficient to deserve attention and
164 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
investiofation.* * * § It seems to me that in the voluminous discussions re <
specting the date of the Guptas sufficient stress has not been laid on the
paleeography of their lapidary and numismatic inscriptions. A good
book on the Elements of the Paleeography of Northern India is badly
wanted.
A minute study of the epigraphy of the coins might perhaps lead to
a more satisfactory chronological arrangement of the several types of
each reign than I have been able to make. The types are arranged in my
Catalogue in an order which seemed to be not inconsistent with chrono¬
logical succession, but the arrangement does not profess to be satis¬
factory, and in many respects is arbitrary, and open to correction.
The materials used in the compilation of my Catalogue are detailed
below : —
I. Published Coins, vi^. : —
1. Col. Tod’s paper in Trans. Poy. As. Soc. (1827), Yol. I. p. 340,
and PI. XII, 4th series. f
2. H. H. Wilson’s paper in Asiatic Researches, Yol. XYII, and
PL l.t
3. Marsden’s Numismata Orientalia, Nos. ML-MLIX inclusive. §
4. Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua, PI. XYIII.||
* Some desultory observations concerning the palaeography of the Gupta coins
generally will be found in Mr. Thomas’s essay on the Coins of the Gupta Dynasty
(J. A. 8. B. XXIV, pp. 491, 505, 510 ; 512 and 517), and concerning that of the silver
coins in Cunningham’s Arch. Rep. IX, 21-26. In one corner of India, the Punjab
hills between the Indus and the Jumna, the Gupta alphabet has^ never been changed,
and “ the Baniyas of the hills still keep their accounts in Gupta characters.” {Gunn.
Arch. Rep. XIV, p. 121). This very remarkable fact should be borne in mind by all
palasographers.
f Fig. 1, Kumara Gupta Mahendra (Archer, class I a) ; fig. 2, Chandra Gupta
II (Archer, class II a ) ; fig. 3, Chandra Gupta II, (Lion-Trampler, var. a ) ; fig. 4,
ditto (ditto, var. y ).
if Fig. 5, Samudra Gupta (Javelin, var. 1 ) ; fig. 7, ditto, (ditto, var. 2 ) ; fig. 12,
Skanda Gupta (King and Queen, = P. B. XXIII, 24) ; fig. 13, Chandra Gupta II
(Archer, class II a) ; fig. 17, Prakasaditya. (Lion and Horseman) ; fig. 18, Kumara
Gupta Mahendra (Horseman to Left) ; fig. 19, Samudra Gupta, (Lyrist).
§ ML, Chandra Gupta II (Archer, class II a) ; MLI and MLYI, Chandra
Gupta ? (Archer, barbarous ) ; MLII and MLIII, Kumara Gupta ? (Archer, bar¬
barous) ; MLIV, Kara Gupta, (Archer, barbarous) ; MLV, Skanda Gupta ?, (Archer,
barbarous) ; MLVII, Chandra Gupta II (Archer, class I ^8 ) ; MLYIII, Chandra
Gupta I (King and Queen) ; MLIX, Kumara Gupta Mahendra, (Horseman to Right,
var. 7.)
II Fig. 1, Chandra Gupta II, (Swordsman and Umbrella) ; fig. 2, Samudra
Gupta (Aswamedha) ; fig. 3, Chandra Gupta I, (King and Queen) ; fig. 4, Chandra
Gupta II (Archer, class II ) ; fig. 5, Chandra Gupta II, (Lion-Trampler, var. o ) ;
1884,] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 165
5. Memo, on ancient gold coins found at Bharsar, near Benares ; by
Major Kittoe and Mr. E. C. Bayley ; 32 coins described. (J. A. S. B.
XXI (1852) pp. 390-400 and PI. XII, figs 1-9.)
6. Prinsep’s Essays and Plates, The plates of Gupta gold coins
in Thomas’s edition are,
PI.
XXII,
figs. 16 and 17 = J.
A. S. B. lY,
PI.
XXXYIII.
JJ
XXIII,
„ 18 to 32 =
55
55
XXXIX.
J J
XXIX,
„ 11 „ 20 =
55 V5
55
XXXYI.
J J
XXX,
„ 1 „ 10 =
55 55
55
XXXYIII.
(The engravings of Gupta gold coins in J. B. A. S. Vol. XII, 0. S.
(1850) are reproductions of Prinsep’s plates, and Plates X and XI of
H. T. Prinsep’s Xote on the Historical discoveries deducible from the
Recent discoveries in Afghanistan {Bond. 1844) are equivalent respec¬
tively to Pis. XXII and XXIX in Thomas’s edition of Prinsep’s Essays.)
7. E. Thomas’s original Catalogue of Gupta Gold Coins in J. A. S.
B. XXIV (1855), pp. 487-502.
8. E. Thomas’s Revised Catalogue of Gupta Gold Coins in his
edition of Prinsep’s Essays, (1858), Yol. I, pp. 377-387.
9. E. Thomas’s Records of the Gupta Dynasty, (Triibner, 1876), pp.
21-24, and Autotype PI. figs 1-5, (This work is a reprint of Chapter III
in Burgess’ Archseol. Rep. for Western India, for the year 1874-5).
10. Sundry miscellaneous notices, as cited in the Catalogue.*
II. British Museum Collection. f
III. India Office Collection, now in B. M.f
lY. Cabinet of Sir E. C. Bayley, K. C. S. I., and other coins com¬
municated by him.J
figs. 6 and 9, Sanmdra Gnpta (Javelin, var. 1) ; figs. 7 and 8, ditto, (Archer, var. a) ;
fig. 10, ditto, (Boy and Battle-axe, var. 7) ; fig. 11, Kumara Gnpta Mahendra,
(Archer, class II) ; fig. 12, ditto, (ditto, class la); fig. 13, ditto (Peacock var, a) ;
fig. 14, Ghatot Kacha, ( Solar Standard) ; [fig. 15, Chandra Gupta II, copper] ; fig,
16, Knmara Gnpta Mahendra, (Horseman to Right, var. a ) ; fig, 17, Chandra Gnpta
II, (Lancer, var. j8) ; figs. 18 and 19, Prakasaditya, (Lion and Horseman) ; fig. 20.
“of doubtful authenticity ” ; fig. 21, Chandra Gupta ? , (Archer, barbarous) ; fig. 22,
Nara Gupta (Archer, barbarous) ; fig. 23, Kumara Gupta ? (ditto, ditto) ; fig. 24,
Vishnu Gupta (ditto, ditto) ; figs. 25-28, rude medieeval imitations of Gupta type.
* I believe that I have seen all descriptions of Gupta gold coins in English pub¬
lications, but, if any should have escaped my notice, I hope that some critic will
rectify the omission. I am not aware of any foreign publications on the subject.
t I am very specially indebted to Prof. Percy Gardner for the trouble he took
in weighing for me all the specimens in the British Museum and India Office collec¬
tions, and for much kind assistance in other ways. My acknowledgments are also
due to Mr. R, S. Poole and the other officials in the Coin Room of the British
Museum for their courteous aid.
J Sir E. C. Bayley generously lent me his coins for examination, and has
166 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
V. Cabinet of A. Geant, Esq.,* C. I. E.
VI. Cabinet of W. Theobald, EsQ.f
VII. Collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. {
VIII. The Hugli hoard.
IX. Cabinet of Major-General Cunningham, C. S. I., Director Genl. of
the Archasological Survey of India. §
X. Bodleian collection. II
XI. Cabinet of J. Hooper, Esq., B. C. S.*|[
XII. Cabinet of H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., C. S., C. I. E.
favoured me with, several valuable communications. While these sheets are passing
through the press the melancholy news of his death has reached me.
* Mr. A. Grant, 0. I. E. was also good enough to lend me his valuable collection
of Gupta gold coins, and to give me all the information he could on the subject.
t Mr. W. Theobald has kindly favoured me with full particulars of the specimens
in his possession.
X I am indebted to Dr. Hoernle for a list of the Gupta gold coins in the cabinet
of the A. S. B., and of those comprised in the Hugli hoard.
§ General Cunningham has favoured me with a rough list of the Gupta gold
and silver coins in his cabinet, and with sundry valuable notes.
II Mr. W. S. W. Vaux, F. E. S. has kindly given me information about some of
the Gupta coins in the Bodleian collection.
^ Mr. Hooper has been good enough to let me examine his coins.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gu^ta Dynasty. 167
TABLE OF WEIGHTS.^
Keign.
Type.
Variety.
Nnmber of Coins
weighed.
Lowest weight.
Highest weight.
Average weight.
Bemarks.
Ghatot Kacha.
Solar standard
4
111-0
118-0
114-95
Chandra Gnpta I.
King & Qneen
4
113-0
123-8
117-57
Samndra Gnpta.
Javelin
1. Genl. type.
12
113-4
118-6
115-85
Bxclnding W.
33
33
2.
» • •
• a «
T., 106, and
I. 0., 108-2.
33
35
3.
1
. > •
. a •
119-2
33
) j
4.
2
114-0
119-3
116-65
33
Archer.
l.Apratiratha
5
117-1
120-0
118-34
33
33
2. Parakrama
3
110-0
114-0
111-33
33
Lyrist.
5
111-0
122-0
118-12
33
Aswamedha.
• a t • • •
6
113-2
117-7
116-18
33
Tiger.
1
. . •
* . .
116-6
Uniqne.
33
Boy and Bat-
4
116-7
123-4
118-7
All varieties ;
Chandra Gnpta II.
tie -axe.
Conch.
1
114-7
viz., 3 of a,
and 1 of /3.
Uniqne.
33
Archer.
Class I, a.
1
• . *
. . .
113-2
33
33
55 /3.
2
118-0
120-9
119-45
33
33
Class II, a.
17
119-2
127-6
123-04
Exclnding
33
33
5?
8
126-6
132-5
129-77
Ho. 5 Bhar*
sar, 112-0.
' 33
33
» 7-
2
126-0
126-0
126-0
33
53
„ 5.
2
112-0
118-4
115-2
33
33
1
« . •
. a a
122.3
33
Lancer.
a
2
118-6
119-7
119-15
33
33
/3
. . .
. • •
. . .
• a e
33
Horseman to
3
122-0
124-0
122-66
33
Left.
Lion- Trampler
a
G
115-4
122“0
118-52
33
33
53
33
7
13
...
5)
33
5
...
. . •
...
...
* The weights of twelve coins belonging to Mr. H. B,ivett-Carnac, C. I. E. were
received too late for insertion in the Table. They are as follows : —
Chandra Gnpta I. King and Qneen type
Samndra Gnpta. Javelin ,,
„ Aswamedha ,,
Chandra Gnpta II. Archer
3)
3)
33
3)
33
5, (Class I)
„ ( „ n)
Lion-Trampler ,,
Combatant Lion
33
119- 00 and 119-50.
117-65.
117- 00.
118- 90.
118-60.
120- 45 and 122-00.
118-60.
Knmara Gnpta
Mahendra.
35
33
33
126- 75.
127- 50 and 127-60.
Archer
Peacock
The weight of the nniqne coin of Knmara Gnpta Mahendra of the Two Queens
type is not stated.
Y
168 V. A, Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Keign.
Type.
Variety.
Number ot Coins
weighed.
Lowest weight.
Highest weight.
1
Average weight.
Remarks.
Chandra Gupta II.
Combatant
3
111-4
120-9
116-56
j)
Lion.
Eetreating
1
• • •
• • «
123-0
Unique.
Lion,
Swordsman &
4
117'6
121-0
119-7
Knmara Gupta
Umbrella.
Swordsman
1
• • •
124-2
Unique.
Mahendra.
Archer.
Class I, a.
3
123
124-7
124-06
Excluding B,
55
55
1
,3 A
• • •
M. Prinsep,
worn, weight
106-7
55
55
33 7-
1
. • •
125-0
55
55
„ 5.
1
• • •
125-0
>5
55
33 e.
1
* « «
126-0
jj
55
33 r.
• > •
. . .
• • •
Av. of class, G
55
55
Class II.
3
119-5
123-5
121-46
coins, 124-7.
3)
Horseman to
a.
2
124-5
125-0
124-75
35
Right.
55
1
• » »
126-5
33
55
7*
11
124-0
12f2
125-3
B. M., E. T.,
53
Horseman to
5
123-2
126-0
124-2
worn, w t,
117-3, ex¬
cluded.
33
Left.
Peacock.
a.
3
126-5
128-6
127-83
33
55
)8.
5
124-0
128-2
126-72
33
Lion-Trampler
a.
» • •
. . ■
• • k
• » •
55
55
i3.
1
• » 1
k « •
127-2
55
Combatant
2
124-5
126-1
125-3
Skanda Gupta.
Lion.
Archer.
Siu Skanda
9
125-0
132-5
129-21
33
King & Queen.
Gupta.
1
...
128-8
Supplement.
Chandra Gupta
(barbarous).
Archer.
3
144-5
148
145-66
Kumara Gupta
33
4
143
148-7
146-3
(ditto).
Skanda Gupta
33
Kramaditya.
1
• • •
1 • •
141-4
(ditto).
Nara Gupta.
55
5
143-5
148-7
145-66
Prakasaditya.
Lion and
Horseman.
5
145-0
146-2
145-6
Excluding B;
M. Pringle,
worn, 136-0.
Grand Total,...
165
110
148-7
« t •
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Corns of the Imperial Oupta Dynasty. 169
CLASSIFIED AND DETAILED CATALOGUE.
A. A.
A. C.
A. G.
A. S. B.
As. Res.
B.
B. M.
C.
E. C. B.
H.
I. 0.
J. A. S. B.
J. R. A. S.
1.
Marsden.
Mon.
P. E.
r.
Records.
Rev. Catal.
Wt.
W. T.
Abbreviations.
... Wilson’s Ariana Antiqna.
... Cabinet of Major Gen. Cunningham, C.S. I.,
C. 1. E.
... Cabinet of Alexander Grant, Esq., C. I.E.^
... Asiatic Society of Bengal.
... Asiatic Researches.
Bodleian collection.
... British Mnsenm collection.
Cabinet of H.Rivett-Carnac,Esq.,C.S.,C.I.E.
Cabinet of the late Sir E.C.Bayley,K.C.S.I.
... ,, ,, J. Hooper, Esq., B. C. S.
India Office collection (now in B. M.)
... Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Journal of Royal Asiatic Society.
Left (of reader) .
... Marsden’s Numismata Orientalia.
Monogram.
Prinsep’s Essays, ed. Thomas.
Right (of reader).
Records of Gupta Dynasty (Thomas, 1876).
Thomas’ Revised Catalogue of Gupta Gold
Coins in P. E. Vol. I, pp. 377-387.
... Weight in English grains.
Cabinet of W. Theobald, Esq.
GHATOT KACHA.
Solar Standard Type.
{J. A. S. B. XXIV, pp. 487-491, class A; Eev. Catal. class A.,')
Ohv. King, standing, with head to 1. ; he wears close cap, tailed
coat, and leggings, of Indo- Scythian style with some modifi¬
cation ; his 1. hand either grasps, or extends across, a stan¬
dard bearing a symbol of the rayed sun ; his r. hand casts
incense on a small altar. Under 1. arm ^ Kacha,’ which
is sometimes read as _ ‘ Kacha.’
* Mr. A. Grant’s Gupta gold coins are now in the Ermitage Imperial at St.
Petersburg, the Director of which institution, M. Tiesenhausen, obligingly supplied
me with impressions of the coins.
170 V. A. Sinitli — Oold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Marginal legend, as restored by Thomas, is
^ [or ^], which, after needfnl corrections, is
rendered ‘ Kacha, having subdued the earth, secures victory
by excellent deeds ’ ; but qucere ? Prinsep read
^ and interpreted ‘ Kacha, son of an excellent man resem¬
bling Kama’, ‘ Gha ’ — standing for ‘ Ghatot.’
Dev. Goddess, standing to 1., holding lotus-flower in r. hand, and
grasping cornucopia in 1. arm. Legend in r. field distinct
‘ exterminator of all rajas.’ Mon.^
P. E. XXIX, 12 ; mon. 1 ; wt. not stated ; legend described as be¬
ing in tbe “ most unequivocal and well-formed
Nagari” ; from Tregear collection.
B. M. Prinsep ; mon. 2 ; wt. 115’2 ; tbe B. M. label may be wrong,
for Thomas (J. A. 8. B. XXIV, p. 491) ascribes
mon. 2 to a coin in Preeling collection. {PL I.
fig- !•)
A. A. XVIII, 4 ; mon. 4a ; wt. not stated. This figure purports to
be a copy of P. E. XXIX, 12, but there is some
mistake, for the mens, differ. Pennons attached
to shaft of standard. Ohv. marginal legend mis¬
read by Wilson.
B. M., Eden, two specimens ; mon. in both 4a, as in A. A. XVIII,
4 ; wts. Ill and 115'6 respectively. The latter coin
is figured in Kecords, autotype PI. fig. 1, and des¬
cribed ibid, p. 21, where the wt. is stated to be 116.
W. T. ; mon. imperfect ; wt. 118. *
A. S. B. ; one specimen, no details stated.
B. ditto , ditto.
A. C. ; three specimens, no details stated.
Mr. Thomas (/. A. S. B. XXIV, p. 490) notes the existence of a
specimen in the Stacy collection, and another in the Bush cabinet, both
with the same mon. as A. A. XVIII, 4. He observes that the letter m
in the Preeling and Tregear coins is of more ancient form than that in
the Stacy, Bush, and A. A. specimens, in which latter the form of the
letter resembles that used in the Gupta lapidary inscriptions.
The epithet ‘ exterminator of all rajas ’ occurs in the Bhitari Pillar
inscription.
A solar standard “ exactly similar ” to that on these gold coins is
inserted below the middle of the Tusham inscription, which is supposed
to record the conquest of Ghatot Kacha by the Tushara king Vishnu, but
* Throughout the series the obv. king and rev. goddess have almost always a
nimbus round the head, and the rev. margin is generally surrounded by a more or
less perfect dotted circle. I have not thought it necessary to note these items in
the detailed descriptions.
Deferences
and
Demarhs.
1884.] V. A. Smith. — Qold Coins of the Imperial Gnpta Dynasty, 171
unfortunately the published translation of that inscription is not to be
depended on. (/See Cunningham, Arch. Hep. V, p. 140, PI. XL.)
CHANDRA GUPTA I.
King and Queen Type.
(/. A. 8. B. XXIV, p. 493, class B ; Bev. Catal. class G.)
Ohv. King, wearing tailed coat and close-fitting cap, standing to 1.^
facing queen, who looks to r. King’s 1. arm resting on spear^
his r. hand raised.
Under kinsr’s 1. arm ^
^ ‘ Chandra Gupta or ^
Cl 3^
Chandra.
Bev.
Beferences
and
BemarJcs.
Behind queen ‘ Kumari Devi Shi.’
Goddess, holding fillet in r. hand, and cornucopia in 1. arm,
seated on couchant lion, which faces r., except in two coins.
Legend in field to r., ‘ Lichchhavayah.’ Mon.
Marsden ML VIII. B. M. brouglit from India by Lord Valentin©
(Monntmorris) j mon. 5, wt. 115'3.
Under king’s larms
3T
vj
If
‘ Cbandra Gupta.’
Condition inferior, and Queen’s name illegible.
In Marsden’s text rev. lion erroneously describ¬
ed as ‘a throne’.
P. E. Vol. I, p. 369, PI. XXIX, 15. Under king’s arms
JT
¥
‘ Chandra Gupta.’ Queen’s name illegible ;
mon. 8d ; wt. not stated. The coin figured
was in Stacy collection, and a duplicate in Tre-
gear’s.
B. M., purchased from a dealer in 1878. Under king’s arm
31
‘ Chandra Gupta’ ; diameter 8 ; mon. 3a ; wt.
123‘8 ; condition very fine, and queen’s name
plainly legible. (PL I fig. 2.)
A. A. XVIII. 3 5 B. M., Swiney ; under king’s arm
%
Chandra'
spear tipped with crescent ; queen’s name
mostly legible ; diameter ’8 ; mon. 46 j wt.
118-2.
W. T. ; rev. lion facing 1. ; mon. 226 ; wt. 113 ; bought at Benares.
B. ; rev. lion to 1. ; king raises open hand in front of queen’s face.
C. ; two specimens, viz., one obtained at Ghazipur, wt. 119 j and
one obtained at Benares, wt. 119-5.
Queen’s name and rev. legend read correctly for first time by Cun¬
ningham {Arch. Bep., Vol. I, Introd. p. xxxiv), who possesses three
coins of this type, in two of which the legends are distinct.
172 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Oiipta Dynasty. [No. 2,.
The attribution of this type is certain, because we know from the
Bhitari and Bilsar Pillar inscriptions that Kumari Devi was the queen of
Chandra Gupta I, whereas the consort of Chandra Gupta II was named
ya Diiruva Devi. No other type of the coinage of Chandra Gupta I, is
known. The Swordsman and Umbrella coins are sometimes attributed
to him, but should, almost certainly, be assigned to Chandra Gupta II.
The late Sir E. C. Bayley possessed two coins of Indo-Scythian style,
which, in his opinion, may possibly have been struck by Chandra Gupta I
(wt. I20‘3, and II8‘3). The name under the king’s arm is doubtfully
read as ‘ Chandra.’
The B. M. collection contains two coins, which are nearly, though
not quite, identical with Sir E. C. Bay ley’s. The B. M. coins have a
legend behind the spear, which is wanting in the others. I give a figure
N# of one of the B. M. specimens, wt. II9’2 (PZ. IV, fig. 6) to illustrate
■ the style, and for comparison with the undoubted Gupta series. Mr.
Thomas reads the name under the king’s arm on the coin figured as
either ‘ Chandra ’ or ‘ Bhadri,’ and the legend behind the spear as
‘ Shandhi,’ a Scythian tribal name. (^Gf. Indo-Scythian Goins with Hindi
Legends, Nos. 10 and II^ Sir E. C. Bayley concurred with Mr. Thomas in
classing this piece as Indo-Scythian, and believed that it was minted by
one of the Indo-Scythian princes in the Punjab, contemporary with the
earlier Gupta kings. The specimens in Sir E. C. Bayley’s cabinet, above
referred to, resemble the coin figured so closely in style, in spite of the
want of legend behind the spear, that I do not think they can be attri¬
buted to Chandra Gupta I. They seem to me to belong to the same
class as the ‘ Shandhi ’ coin.
SAMUDRA GUPTA.
Javelin Type.
(J. A. S. B. XXIV, pp. 493-495, class G; Bev. Gatal., D, 2 D, and 3 D.)
Ohv. King standing, generally to 1., dressed nearly same as king
in coins of Ghatot Kacha, casting incense with r. hand on small
altar in 1. field, and leaning with 1. arm on spear or javelin ;
behind r. arm the bird standard.
31
\3
Samudra
Under 1. arm 33 ‘ Samudra or in var. 4,
sf
Gupta.’ In var. 2, king to r., mth javelin in r. hand, name
under r. arm. Legend (as restored by Thomas, but in parts
doubtful) '3i_, which, when corrected
into grammatical Sanskrit, is rendered ‘ Overcoming hostile
kings in triumphant victory (over those) opposing in a hun¬
dred battles.’ This legend follows margin, except in var. 3.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Goins of the Imperial Oupta Dynasty. 173
Dev. In all var. ; goddess, facing front, seated on raised throne
with four lathe-tnrned legs, her feet resting on a footstool,
r. hand holding fillet, 1. arm grasping cornucopia. Legend,
near r. margin, ‘ the hero.’ Mon.
Deferences
and
Demarhs.
Var. i, general type, as described above, {class D. of Rev. Catal.')
A. A. XVIII, 6 ; mon. 3a; wt. not stated ; perhaps same as B. M.
coin without label, and with same mon. ; wt. 1I7'8.
ib. ib., 9 ; mon. 20a ; wt. not stated ; perhaps same as B. M.
Twisden coin with same mon. ; wt. II7'4.
As. Res. XYII, PL I, 7 ; engraved from a drawing ; mon. 3a ; wt.
not stated.
P. E. XXII, 16 ; from Gen. Ventura’s coll. ; mon. 9 ; wt. not stated.
ib., ib., 17 ; from cabinet of Col. Smith of Patna; seems to be the
B. M. Prinsep coin, with mon. 3a. ; wt. 114.
found at Gaya ; mon. 20b ; wt. not stated,
mon. 8a ; wt. 117-8. (Plate II, fig. 3.)
mon. 8a nearly ; wt. 114‘5 ; obv. legend .
^ [^] ; from Oudh.
mon. 4b ; wt. 116’ 5 ; obv. legend ;
from Oudh ; in fine condition.
mon. 6b ; wt. 114 ; of pale gold ; bought at Ma¬
thura.
mon. indistinct ; wt. 106.
two specimens ; wts. not stated ; mon. of one is 19a.
one specimen ; no details stated.
ib. XXIX, 14
B. M. Prinsep
A. G. ;
ibid ;
W. T. ;
ibid ;
A. S. B. ;
Hugh hoard
I. 0., No. 1
mon. 3a ; wt. 114’4 ; in poor condition.
ib.
No. 2;
mon. 3a ;
wt. 108’2 ;
ditto.
ib.
No. 3 ;
mon. 4c ;
wt. 113’4 ;
ditto.
ib.
No. 4 ;
ditto, ditto ;
wt. 114‘8 ;
ditto.
ib.
No. 5;
mon. 22 ;
wt. 118’6 ;
ditto.
Bharsar hoard, No. 4 of Samudra ; mon. 3a ; wt. 117 ; “ a small
dumpy coin, gold pale.” (J. A. 8. B. XXI, 396.)
A. C. ; 4 specimens, apparently of this variety, but details are want¬
ing.
B.
H.
one specimen.
two specimens, part of considerable find from ancient mound
on the Rapti river in pargana Utraula of Gonda district in
Oudh. Mr. H. S. Boys, C. S. also has a specimen from the
same find.
Far. 2 ; ling to r., javelin in r. hand, name under r. arm.
As. Res. XVII, PI. I, 5 ; mon. imperfect ; wt. not stated.
Far. 3 ; hing to 1., obv. legend parallel to javelin (class 2D of Rev Catal.).
B, M., Eden ; obv. legend ? ; “ion. 4c ; wt. 119’2
(PI. II, fig. 4) ; in fine condition.
^ ?r
. . '>»
Far. 4 ; name on both sides of javelin ‘Jf
174 V, A. Smith — Oold Goins of the Imperial Oujpta Dynasty, [No. 2,
B. M., Bush ; mou. 4c ; wt. 119’3 ; in fine condition (Plate II, fig, 5).
Bharsar hoard, No. 5 of Samndra ; mon. 3a j wt. 114 (J, A. 8. B. XXI,
396).
A. C. ; one specimen, no details stated.
C. j obtained at Mathura ; wt. 117'65.
SAMUDRA GUPTA.
Archee Type.
(Ji A. S. B. XXIV, 496, class G ; Bev. Catal., class U.)
Ohv. King standing to 1. arm resting on bow, and r. hand either
holding arrow (var. a), or offering incense on altar (var. /?).
Bird- standard adorned with pennons behind r. arm ; mar¬
ginal legend imperfect ; see details below ; under 1. arm
‘ Samndra.’
Bev. Throned goddess with fillet and cornucopia, as in Javelin
type. Legend in var. a is ‘ invincible in his war-
chariot,’ and in var. iS is ‘ the hero,’ as in Javelin
type. Mon.
Beferences
and
Bemarks.
Var. a ; no altar on ohv. ; rev. legend
A. A. XVIII, 7 ; from Swiney coll. ; mon. 19a ; wt. not stated.
%b., ih., 8 ;
P.E. XXIII, 19;
B. M. Eden
A. G.
ibid
A. C. ;
B. ;
Far. ;
Bharsar hoard.
in I. O. ; mon. 22, irregular ; wt. 120.
in B. M. ; dug up at Jaunpur by Tregear along
with Chandra Gupta the Second’s coin of Archer
type, class I a ; mon. 21, irregular ; wt. 117-4.
mon. 4c ; wt. 118 ; in fine condition ; ohv. legend
[^] [^]
(Plate II, fig. 6.)
mon. indistinct ; wt. 117-1 ; o6r. legend ...
as in I. 0. coin ; from Oudh.
mon. indistinct ; wt. 119-2 ; ohv. legend on 1. margin
and on r. margin [or
?rj 5 from Oudh.
1 specimen, no details stated.
ditto , ditto.
altar on ohv. ; rev. legend
Nos. 1 and 3 of Samudra, with duplicate of No. 1 ;
wt. of Nos. 1 and 3, 110 each ; wt. of duplicate 114.
Apparently no marginal ohv. legend on No. 1 ; that
of No. 3 “ very imperfect the gold of No. 3
“ pale and alloyed.” (J. A. 8. B. XXI, pp. 395, 396,
400.)
V". A. Slnith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty, 175
1881]
Refere^nces
and
Remarhs,
B. M. Eden.
SAMUDRA GUPTA.
Lyrist Type.
(/. A. 8. B. XXIV, 498, class D ; Rev. Oatal, class G.)
Ohv. King, wearing close cap and tight drawers, to front, with
head turned to 1. seated on high-hacked conch, over edge of
which his feet are dangling. He is playing an Indian lyre
{vino), which rests on his lap.
On footstool # ‘ Se,’ as under horse in Aswamedha type.
Marginal legend ^ ‘ the supreme
king of kings, Samudra Gupta.’
Rev. Female figure, turned to 1. seated on Indian wicker stool
(ynorhd), holding in r. hand fillet, and in 1. cornucopia. Be*
tween figure and legend a vertical line or mace.
Legend ‘ Samudra Gupta^.’
Mon. sometimes wanting*.
O
P. E. XXIII, 26. From Stacy coll.; no mon. ; wt. not stated; is
probably the B. M. Prinsep coin, wt. 119'5, which
is a fine broad, thin coin ; design in very low relief.
A similar coin in fine condition in A. G. coll. ; wt.
117’4, procured in Ondh.
Broad coin, in good condition as last ; on 6hv. king’s
name is written Sarmndra ’ ; no mon. ; wt.
111. (Plate II, fig. 7.) There is also a specimen of D
this variety in A. S. B. ; wt. not stated.
Coin of smaller diameter, and thicker ; ohv. legend
imperfect ; rev. legend as usual ; mon. 11 ; wt. yL,
120-7. (Plate II, fig. 8.)
As. Res. XVII, PL I, 19. From a drawing of a coin said to belong to
Mrs. White of Fatehgarh ; seems to be a duplicate
of P. E. XXIII, 26 ; no mon. ; wt. not stated. Wilson
mistook the lyre for a pillow.
of Samudra from Bharsar hoard ; ohv. legend mostly illegible ;
“ a fine specimen and in high relief mon. 8a ;
wt. 122. (J. A. 8. B. XXI, pp. 892, 396, and Plate
XII, 5. The description is not quite accurate, and
the engraving is very had.)
; 3 specimens, no details stated.
1 specimen from pargana Nawabganj in Gonda district
opposite Ayodhya.
SAMUDRA GUPTA.
Aswamedha Type.
(/. A. 8. B. XXIV, 498, class D ; Rev. Catal., class I.)
Ohv. Horse, standing to 1. unattended, occupying most of field.
In front of horse an altar, from top of which springs a bent pole,
I. O.
No. 2
A.
H.
C.
17G V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
carrying three long streamers (described as ‘ waving flame ’
by Wilson), which occupy top of fleld. Between horse’s legs
t ‘ Se,’ of which meaning is not known, but the same charac¬
ter is found on the footstool on ohv. of Samndra’s Lyrist
coins. Marginal legend imperfect ; as restored by Thomas
it reads ‘ King of kings,
having conquered the earth ; the first word appears cor¬
rupt.
Rev. Female, standing to 1. holding in r. hand handle of yak’s tail
fly-whisk (chaurt), which rests on her r. shoulder. In front
of her a spear or standard, adorned with pennons ; her 1.
hand hangs empty by her side. Legend in r. field
^ hero of the Aswamedha.’
No monogram.
References
and
Remarks.
P. E. XXIII, 31 ; in B. M. and labelled as from Kanauj, collected
by Conolly, bnt Prinsep says it was given to him
by Miss Watson. No ohv. legend, except the
character ^ under the horse.
Wt. 117'7 ; condition fair. Seems to be the coin
described and figured in Records of Gupta Dynasty
p. 22, Autotype PI. fig. 4.
P, E. XXIII, 32 ; from Stacy collection ; “ more perfect ” than pre¬
ceding ; traces of ohv. marginal legend.
Wt. not stated.
B. M. Eden coll. Wt. 117 : condition good : part of marginal legend.
(PL II, fig. 9.)
B. M. Payne Knight coll. ; condition poor ; wf. 113'2.
„ Thomas coll. ; worn, but part of ohv. legend remains ; wt. 117.
This seems to be the coin from Saharanpur figured
in A. A. XVIII, 2.
Freeling coll. ; mentioned in J. A. 8. B. XXIV, 498 ; wt. 115.
B. ; three specimens ; wt. not stated.
E. C. B., in good condition ; ohv. marginal legend seems to read
or one letter, the h at the end ap¬
pears to me distinct ; wt. 117'2.
A. C. ; 1 specimen, no details stated.
Bush coll. ; coin referred to in J. A. 8. B. XXIV, 499, as appearing “ to
vary the ohv. legend, but too much worn to be
satisfactorily deciphered.” Wt. not stated.
C. ; obtained at Lucknow ; ohv. legend very imperfect ; wt. 117.
Thomas describes the horse as ‘ richly bedecked,’ or ‘ decked for the
Aswamedha sacrifice,’ but in reality the animal wears nothing but a collar,
and in the poorer specimens that has disappeared. The coins of this type
are referred with confidence to the reign of Samudra, because (1) the
obverse legend ‘ i3rit}iivi{_m'] jiyatya’ recalls the phrase ‘ sarvva pritliivi
ISSi.J V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 177
vijayanitoduya ’ of Samudra’s Allahabad Pillar inscription, (2) the ^
under the horse is found on the footstool on the obverse of the same prince’s
Lyrist coins, (3) the epithet ‘ pardJcrama ’ on the reverse is found on his
Javelin and Archer coins and not on those of any other Gupta king, and
(4) Samudra is known to have enjoyed power sufficient to warrant him
in celebrating an Aswamedha sacrifice.
QucBre, is the standard in front of the horse the standard of Indra ?
SAMUDRA GUPTA.
Tiger Type.
{Class H. of Devised Catalogue.)
Obv. King standing to r. wearing tight Indian waistcloth, turban,
necklace, armlets, and large earrings, trampling on body of
tiger, which is falling backwards, while he shoots it in the
mouth. Bow in king’s r. hand, his 1. is raised above shoulder.
Between k-ing’s feet a letter (?)
Legend on r. margin . . . ‘ the tiger ’ . . . Thomas completes
it with the word ‘ hero,’ but the letters are really
very imperfect and dubious.
Dev. Goddess to 1. standing on a dragon or marine monster which
faces 1. grasping in her r. hand a crescent-tipped standard
adorned with pennons, resembling that on obv. of Boy and
Battle-axe coins, of Samudra, and in 1. hand an expanded
lotus- flower.
In field to r. ‘ Raja Samudra Guptah.’ Ko
monogram. Wt. of one coin 1I6‘6.
Deferences B. M. unique ; described in Eev. Catal. ; described and figured in
and Records, p. 21, and Autotype Plate, fig. 2. {Plate II, fig. 10.) In
Demarlcs. Hindu mytbology tlie dragon {malar a) is the vehicle both of
Varuna, the god of the waters, and of Kama Deva, the Indian
Cupid. Perhaps the goddess on this coin represents Rati, the wife
of Kama Deva, or, more probably she may be intended as the consort
of Varuna, with reference to the name of the king, Samudra, which
means ‘ the ocean.’* Thomas notes that a similar monster is to be
seen under the feet of a statue found at Nongarh, and made of Ma¬
thura sandstone.
SAMUDRA GUPTA.
Boy and Battle-Axe Type.
{J. A. 8. B. XXIV, pp. 496-7, class G 2 : Dev. Catal. classes F and 2 F.)
Obv. King standing, usually to 1., with r. hand on hip, and 1. rest¬
ing on battle-axe. In 1. field a boy holds in front of king a
* Cf. the ititroduction of Demeter in the coins of Demetrius of Syria. The form
of the creature on which the reverse goddess stands is not very distinct, and Prof.
Gardner thinks it more like the head of an elephant than anything else.
178 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
standard bearing device of crescent moon. Under king’s 1.
arm ?? , ‘ Samndra. In var. y, king is to r., and boy in r. field
Marginal legend in vars. a and y, as “ obtained from several
specimens, and determined by Major Bnsh’s coin,” is ‘SirJT^
“ King of kings, whose battle-axe is like that
of Yama ” ; bnt in var. /5 legend is different.
Dev. Throned goddess, facing front, with feet on lotns flower as
footstool ; fillet in r. hand, cornncopia in 1. arm. Legend
‘ the battle-axe of Tama.’ Mon.
Deferences
and
Demarks.
P. E. XXIX, 11
B
B
M., Thomas
M., Bush ;
Var. a ; usual type, as described above.
P. E. XXIII, 23 ; B. M., Prinsep ; obtained by Conolly at Kananj ;
above crescent standard a star ; on rev. an axe-
head attached to back of throne ; mon. 6a ; wt.
116-7.
one of two specimens obtained by Cunningham at
Benares, Prinsep had a third similar ; mon. 6a.
nearly ; wt, not stated.
no rev. battle-axe, throne indistinct ; mon. as in
P. E. XXIX, 11 ; wt. 117-0.
rev. as in B. M. Thomas, but legend distinct ; mon.
6a; wt. 123‘4, {Plate II, fig. 11.)
no details stated, and the coin onay belong to
another variety.
A. C. ; 1 specimen, seemingly of this var., but no details stated.
Var. 13, class 2 F of Rev. Catal. ; unique.
B. M., Eden ; obv. legend on 1. margin and on r. margin
; under arm ^ ‘ Kri ’ ; mon. 3a ; wt. 117‘7.
{Plate II, fig. 12.)
Var. 7 ; unique ; King to r.
A. A. XVIII 10 ; from Swiney coll. ; king to r., boy in r. field ; no
rev. battle-axe ; mon. 3a ; wt. not stated.
A. S. B.
Thomas suggests that the miniature figure, which for convenience I
call a boy, may be intended for the son of Samndra Gupta, alluded to
in the Allahabad Pillar inscription, but the figure is probably only that of
an attendant designed on a small scale in contrast with that of the divi¬
nized king. The ohv. crescent moon standard is found on rev. of Samu-
dra’s Tiger type. In v. 13 of the Allahabad Pillar inscription the king
is declared to be comparable with Dhanada (Kuvera), Varuna, Indra,
and Antaka (Yama). These Boy and Battle-axe coins seem to express
the comparison with Yama, as the Tiger coin perhaps expresses the
comparison with Varuna. In the northern Bilsar inscription {Gunning-
ham Arch. Dep. ATI, 20), Kumara Gupta is compared with the same four
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Im])erial Gupta Dynasty. 179
gods to whom Samiidra Gupta is likened in the Allahabad inscription,
and he is given the title of “ wielder of the battle-axe of death.” The
use of this epithet convinces me that in the Boy and Battle-axe coins
Samudra Gupta is presented as the incarnation or representative on earth
of Yama or Kritanta, the god of Death, who was also regarded as the
‘ king of justice, {dharmmardjaf In order of time this type should,
perhaps, be placed before the Aswamedha and Tiger types, which are
more distinctively Hindu.
CHAHDEA GUPTA II.
Couch Type.
(Bev. Catal., class D a.)
Ohv. King seated on couch, with r. leg tucked up ; attitude nearly
the same as in Lyrist type of Samudra, but there is no lyre ;
king’s 1. hand rests on couch, r. hand upraised, empty ;
marginal legend (a few letters being indistinct),
^ ‘ [coin of the divine king of
kings, Chandra Gupta.’] Of. legend of Archer type.
Itev. Goddess seated on throne, holding fillet in r. and flower in 1 •
hand. Monogram. Legend ‘ Sri Yikrama.’
B. M. j coin nniqne, so far as is known ; worn, wt. 114'7; mon. (3a)
{FLIP jig. 13).
Assigned to Chandra Gupta II on account of rev. legend, and the
title of ‘ Deva probably belongs to an early period of his reign.
The Sanchi inscription (P. E. I, 246 ; etc.) states that Chandra Gupta
II was ‘ known among his subjects ’ as Deva Eaja ; his son Kumara
in a Horseman to Eight coin {A. A. XVIII, 16) describes himself as
‘ Devajanita,’ the son of Deva, or ‘ the divine,’ and himself assumes
the title of ‘ Deva ’ in an unpublished gold Archer coin {Rev. Catal.,
class 6 E h), and in some of his silver ‘peacock’ coins.
Genl. Cunningham informs me that this coin, or one like it, is
figured in a book entitled Oriental Collections (4to.), Yol. 2, p. 425,
PI. A. fig. 2,) but I have not seen the book referred to.
CHAKDRA GUPTA II.
Archer Type.
(J. A. S. B. XXIV, p. 499, class C I ; Bev. Catal., class E and 2 E.)
Ohv. King standing, wearing tailed coat, ordinarily turned to 1.,
his 1. hand grasps and rests on bow, of which the string is
ordinarily turned inwards ; arrow in r. hand, and bird-stand-
ard behind r. arm. Under 1. arm ^ ‘ Chandra.’
^References
and
Bemarhs.
180 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
In var. 8 of Class II, king faces r., with how in r. hand, and
name under r. arm ; in var. e, he faces r., with bow in 1,
hand.
In var. (3 either a wheel or uncertain object over king’s r.
shoulder. Marginal legend, restored, ^
^ 31-h: ‘ the divine king of kings, Chandra Gupta.’ Cf.
legend of Couch type.
Eev. Goddess, facing front, and seated either on throne (Class J),
or cross-legged on lotus-flower (Glass II), holding in r. hand
a fillet, and in 1. either a cornucopia or lotus-flower. Legend
the hero ’ ; the SR is sometimes doubled. Mon.
Class I. — Throne Lev.
Deferences
and
Remarks.
A. G.;
A. C.;
P. E. XXIX, 13 ;
Far. a ; how-string inwards.
P. E. XXIII, 18 ; dug up at Jaichandra’s Mahal, Jaunpur, by Tre-
gear, along with Samudra’s Archer coin. (P. E.
XXIII, 19) ; cornucopia in 1. hand of rev. god¬
dess ; mon. 21 ; wt. not stated,
mon. 16 ; wt. 113'2 ; from Oudh.
1 specimen, seemingly of thisvar.,no details stated.
“ a very perfect example from Cunningham’s
cabinet, procured at Mirzapur flower in 1.
hand of rev. goddess ; mon. 3a ; wt. not stated.
The B. M. Prinsep coin belongs to Class II.
from Cawnpore (P) ; wt. 118‘90.
how-string outwards. (Class 2 E of Rev. Gatal.)
rev. goddess holds cornucopia ; mon. 23 ; wt. 118.
corresponds closely with Marsden’s coin, but mon.
4c ; ohv. legend ^ ^IXT^fV^T^ ; wt.
120'9. This is probably the coin from Barhal in
Gorakhpur, with same ohv. legend. (See J. A.
S. B. XXIV, 499.) Plate II, fig. 14.
Class II. — Lotus-flower seat Lev.
C.;
Far.
Marsden, MLYII ;
I. 0., No. 8;
Far. a ; usual type, as described above ; Icing to 1.
P. E. XXX, 9 ; from Tregear coll. ; flower in 1. hand of rev. god¬
dess ; mon. 22 ; wt. not stated.
No. 2 of Tod’s 4th series ,* as above ; mon. 86 ; wt. not stated. (Tr.
B. A. 8. I. PI. XII.)
Bharsar hoard. No. I of of Chandra Gupta ; as above ; mon. 8a ; wt.
124 ; a duplicate weighed 126. (J. A. S. B. XXI,
394-5, 400.)
ditto. No. 5 ditto ; mon. 8a ; wt. 112.
As. lies. XVII, PI. I, 13 ; from drawing of a coin belonging to Col.
Willoughby of Patna ; mon. 86 ; wt. not stated.
Marsden, ML ; mon. 20a ; wt. 124’5 ; two Ics in rev. legend.
B. M., Brind ; mon. 10a j wt. 117‘8.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 181
B. M., Prinsep ;
mon. 3b ; wt. 121*7.
T.
mon. 8b ; wt. 126*3.
B. M.,
Yeames 4 ;
mon. 8b ; wt. 124*7.
» 5 ;
mon. lb ; wt. 119*2.
55
„ 6 ;
mon. 10a ; wt. 121*8.
55
Eden ;
mon. 7a j wt. 124*3 ; two ^s in rev. legend ; a fine
specimen. {PI. Ill, jig. 1.)
55
Swiney ;
mon. 10b ; wt. 124*6 ; two Ics ; fine condition.
I. 0.
No. 3 ;
mon. 24 ; wt. 125*5.
55
» 4 ;
mon. 3b ; wt. 123 ; two Jcs ; fine condition ; is
probably the coin figured in A. A. XVIII, 4.
55
» 5 ;
mon. 24 ; wt. 127*6 ; two ha.
55
6 ;
mon. 8a ; wt. 119*7 ; ditto.
55
» 1 ;
mon. I7a ; wt. 126*5 ; ditto.
W. T. ; mon. imperfect ; wt. 120.
A. S. B. ; 8 specimens ; mon. of all seems to be 8b ; wts. not stated.
In 3 coins the 1. band of rev. goddess is described
as being upraised, and in 5 coins as resting on her
hip ; probably the lotus-flower is obliterated. A
ninth specimen is said to be of base metal, and is
probably one of the barbarous coins.
A. C. ; 5 specimens, seemingly of this var., no details stated.
Hugli hoard ; 4 coins seem to belong to this variety ; of three the
mon. is 19b, and of one, 19a ; wts. not stated.
Coin from Eewa treasury ; apparently of this variety, with two S:s.
{Proc. A. S. B. Aug. 1880.)
H. ; 1 specimen, from ancient mound in Barabanki district.
C. ; from Ghazipur ; wt. 118'60.
This variety of Chandra Gupta’s coinage is the commonest of all the
Gupta gold coins, and was the model followed by the princes who imita¬
ted the Gupta style after the fall of the imperial dynasty. The abun¬
dance and variety of the coins of Chandra Gupta II prove that his reign
was a long one.
Far. $ ; as var. a, hut with wheel {or sometimes another object) over
hinges r. shoulder ; weight heavier.
Bharsar hoard, No. 2 of Chandra Gupta ; mon. 15 ; wt. 130 ; a
duplicate weighed same. (J. A. S. B. XXI,
p. 894, PI. XII. 1.)
1. 0.,
No.
9;
mon. 18 ; wt. 132*5 ; {Plate III, jig,
55
55
10;
mon. I7b ; wt. 132*5.
55
55
11 ;
mon. 8a ; 126*6 ; worn.
55
55
12;
mon. 8b ; wt. 126*7 ; ditto.
55
55
13 ;
mon. 8a ; wt. 129*5 ; ditto.
A. G. ; uncertain object instead of wheel ; mon. cut away ; wt.
130*4 ; h in rev. legend seems doable ; oval and
rather rude coin j from Oudh.
182 V, A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Perhaps A. A. XVIII, 21, from Kalighat hoard should he placed
here, but the wt. is not stated. A coin from the Hiigli hoard with un¬
certain object on ohv., and a peculiar mon. on rev. may also belong to this
var., but without knowledge of the wt., it is impossible to decide. Kittoe
interprets the wheel on the Bharsar coin as the “wheel or discus emblem of
universal sovereignty,” but I prefer to regard it as a solar emblem ; it
much resembles the head of Ghatot Kacha’s solar standard. I should
think that this variety belongs to a late period of Chandra Gupta’s long
reign, and it may possibly be posthumous. The weight separates it
sharply from all his other issues, except the next following variety.
Far. 7 ; as var. )8 , hut wheel is replaced hy crescent.
Bharsar hoard ; No. 3 of Chandra Gupta ; mon. 8a ; wt. 126 ; a
duplicate weighed the same ; coin small ; gold
pale and alloyed ; {J. A. 8. B. XXI, PI. XII, 2.)
Var. 5 ; Icing to r., how in r. hand, name under r. arm.
Bharsar hoard ; No. 4 of Chandra Gupta ; mon. 8a ; wt 112 ;
small coin, gold pale. {J. A. 8. B. XXI, PI. XII, 3.)
I. 0. , No. 1 ; mon. 8a ; wt. 118'4 ; worn. {Plate III, fig. 5.)
Var. 6 ; hing to r., how in 1. hand, name under 1. arm.
I. O., No. 2 ; mon 4c ; wt. 122’3.
Coin from Bulandshahr ; mon. and wt. not stated (Proc. A. 8. B.
April, 1879). A coin in the A. S. B. cabinet
seems to belong to this var., and may be the
Bulandshahr specimen.
For the heavy ‘ barbarous ’ coins of Archer type, see Supplement.
CHANDRA GUPTA II.
Lancer Type.
{J. A. S. D. JUZJU, 499, class F ; Fev. Catal., class J.)
Ohv. King on prancing horse, proceeding to r., with lance at
charge, either helmeted, and without nimbus, or bareheaded
with curly hair, and nimbus ; sometimes a crescent behind
his head.
Legend, as read by Thomas, ifTi? VJT ^ ‘ parama
bhaga[vato ra]ja Sri Chandra Gupta but in the B. M.
specimens the 3T and are very doubtful.
Bev. Goddess, to 1., seated upright on Indian wicker stool {morhd') ,
with fillet in r. and either lotus-flower, or bird-headed sceptre
in 1. hand. Legend always ‘ the unconquered
Vikrama,’ or ‘ champion.
No mon., except in one coin.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 183
Heferences
and
^Remarks.
Variettj a. Rev. goddess with fillet, and floiver ; no mon.
P. E. XXXj 6 ; from Tregear coll. ; king kelmeted ; no nimbus ;
crescent behind his head ; wt. not stated.
B. M. Prinsep, Xo. 1 ; obtained by Bacon at Kanauj ; king seems
to have no helmet, but has curly hair, with a
sort of nimbus behind ; crescent also behind his
head ; wt. 119’7. {Plate III. fig. 4.)
B. M. Prinsep, No. 2 ; resembles No. 1, but find-spot not stated j
wt. 118'6.
A. C. ; 1 specimen, seemingly of this var., but no details stated ;
the coin may be a Horseman to Left piece.
Variety ^ ; Rev. goddess with fillet, and hird-headed sceptre ; mon.
A. A. XVIII, 17 ; Obv. king wears peculiar helmet (“ rayed turban,”
Wilson) ; no nimbus, no crescent ; legend
‘parama [Chajndra Gupta.’ Rev. as in
• P. E. XXX, 6, except that goddess holds bird¬
headed sceptre in 1. hand ; mon. 12, not No. 160
of Wilson = (4b) as stated in text ; between mon.
and goddess’ hand is a crescent, C ; wt. not stated.
This coin is cited by Thomas {Rev. Gatal. and-
Records, p. 23 note) as a variety of his class J a of
Mahendra Gupta, but is plainly a Lancer coin of
Chandra Gupta.
B. ; one fine specimen appears to belong to either variety of the
type, but details not stated.
/K
CHANDRA GUPTA II.
Hoeseman to Left Type.
(Not included in J. A. S. B. XNIV catal. ; nor in Rev. Gatal.)
Ohv. Horseman proceeding to 1. king’s head apparently bare, with
curly hair, no nimbus ; distinct legend
‘ S'ri Chandra Gupta paramabhattaraka.’
Bev. Goddess to 1. seated on Indian wicker stool {morhd), hold¬
ing fillet in r., and lotus flower in 1. hand j legend distinct,
‘ ajita Vikrama ’ ; no mon.
B eferences No. 6 of Chandra Gupta from Bharsar hoard ; “ a very perfect speci-
and men,” legends complete ; wt. 122 {J. A. 8. B.
Bemarks. XXI, 395 ; PI. XII, 4.)
No. 3 of Mahendra (?) ditto ; ohv. legend incomplete, and not deci¬
phered ; rev. legend ‘ ajita ’. This coin
evidently should be assigned to Chandra Gupta ;
in the Horseman to Left coins of Kumara Gupta
Mahendra the rev. goddess is feeding a peacock.
Wt. 124. {J. A. S. B. XXI, 399.)
W. T. ; ohv. legend not read ; rev. legend and device as in J. A. 8. B.
XXI, PI. XII, 4 ; wt. 122.
A A
184 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No, 2,
CHANDRA GUPTA II.
Lion-Trampler Type.
(/. A. S. B. iXXIV, p. 501, class G 2 ; Rev. Catal., class II h.)
Ohv. King, wearing waistcloth, standing in energetic attitude^
shooting in month a lion, which, in vars. a, 8, is falling
backwards with the king’s 1. foot on its belly. In var. y,
the lion is standing with the king’s 1. foot on its back.
In vars. a, /3, y, king is tnrned to r., with bow in 1. hand, but
in var. 8, he faces 1., with bow in r. hand.
Legend not deciphered, but, in var. 8, it inclndes the words
‘ Vikrama ... Gupta.’
Rev. Goddess, seated cross-legged, facing front, on couchant lion,
which faces 1., holding fillet in r., and lotus-flower in 1. hand ;
but, in var. (3, she sits astride, holding lotus-flower in r., while
1. hand is empty.
Legend in all var., ‘ the lion-champion.’ Mon.
generally, except in var. /8.
References
and
Remarks.
Var. a ; Icing to r., how in 1. hand, trampling on lion’s belly ; rev. god¬
dess cross-legged, facing front.
P. E. XXX, 1 ; mon. 8a ; wt. not stated ; from Tregear coll.
No. 3 of Tod’s 4tli series ; mon. 8h ; wt. not stated. (Trans. B. A.
8. I., PI. XII).
A. A. XYIII, 5 = B. M., Swiney 5 ; mon. 10c ; wt. 115’4 ; erro¬
neously described by Wilson. (Plate III, fig. 5.)
W. T. ; mon. 7h ; wt. 122.
A. C. ; 2 specimens, “ king killing lion,” but no details stated, and
tbe coins may not belong to tbis var.
B. ; one specimen, belonging either to this variety, or to P, or 7 ;
details not stated.
Var. )8 ; ohv. as in a ; rev. goddess astride on lion, with lotus-floiver
in r. hand, 1. hand empty.
no mon. ; wt. 118'2 ; worn.
Icing to r. with foot on haclc of lion, which stands
with head tnrned round.
mon. lot ; wt. not stated ; fillet on rev. not
visible ; design spirited, and well executed ; from
Tregear collection.
Icing to 1., with how in r. hand, trampling with r.
foot on lion’s belly.
mon. 4c ; wt. not stated ; ohv. legend, as en¬
graved, and as read by Prinsep, «TO«f W
JITT* ‘ Yikrama narana ma Gupta,’ but there must
be some error. Erroneously described by Prin¬
sep as a “ sorry duplicate ” of P. E. XXIII, 25
(Retreating Lion type), which is a very different
coin. From Stacy collection.
E. C. B ;
Var. 7 ;
P. E. XXX, 2
Var. 8. ;
P. E. XXIII, 27 ;
1884.] V, A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Im^perial Gupta Dynasty. 185
B. ; two specimens.
No. 4 of Tod’s 4tli series ; mon. seems to be 20a ; wt. not stated ; 6bv.
legend includes certainly Vikrama.’
{Trans. R. A. S. I. {1827). PL XII.
C. ; in ohv. legend . . ‘ . . nara ’ . . legible, so far confirming
Prinsep’s reading ; no mon. ; wt. 122'00 ; obtain¬
ed at Benares. Perhaps the true reading is
best of men’ ; cf. Ghatot Kacha. Mr.
Carnac also has a coin obtained at Benares with
. . . . ‘tavasa’ on ohv., and rev. lion to
right ; wt. 120'45. I omitted to note further
particulars, and the coin is perhaps of the com¬
batant Lion type.
Mr-. Thomas (/. A. S. B. XXIV p. 501, class G ; Bev. Catal., class K)
briefly describes as follows a coin in the Stacy collection, which he
regards as being “ a cast from a genuine original. Ohv. king to r.
armed with bow, shooting a lion ; legend
‘ Knmara Gupta, of might like a lion’s, most prosperous.’ Bev.
Parvati seated on a lion, her r. hand extends the fillet, the 1., which
rests upon her knee, holds a flower ; legend 1^=^ ^ Sinha Mahendra
wt. 126 ; type V. E. XXX, 1.” If this cast represents a genuine coin it
is a most important document, as proving that both the titles ‘ Sinha
Mahendra’ and ^ Sinha Vikrama ’ belong to Kumara Gupta. But I
think it probable that the cast is a forgery.* The combination of titles
has no parallel in any authentic coin, and the legend has the appearance
of having been composed to solve the difficulty felt in assigning the
‘ Sinha Vikrama ’ coins. In the genuine Lion-Trampler coin of Kuma-
ra’s (P. D. XXX, 8) the rev. legend is ‘ Sri Mahendra Sinha ;’ in the
cast the word ‘ Sinha ’ is made to precede ^ Mahendra.’ Mr. Thomas,
in his original catalogue (/. A. S. B. XXIV, 501] and in his Revised
Catalogue assigns all the ‘ Sinha Vikrama ’ coins to Kumara Gupta, be¬
ing apparently led to this conclusion by the dubious Stacy cast. In his
Records of the Gupta Dynasty {p. 22J he attributes the B. M. unique
Retreating Lion coin with ‘ Sinha Vikrama ’ legend, (P. B. XXIII, 2d)
to Samudra Gupta. He does not state any reason for this attribution,
* In a letter, Written in May 1883, Mr. W. TbeobaM tells me ; — “ There is a
roaring trade just now doing in forgeries. Just before I left India, two years agoj
I saw upwards of 33 beautifully executed forgeries of gold coins with one man in
Hazara, and, what is more curious, I actually saw forged copper coins, but these
only once in an out-of-the-way village, and the same man had a few forged silver
Sophytes, one of which I bought ; but I have a genuine one also,”
186 V. A. Sinitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gtipta Dynasty. [No.
but it seems to be based on the similarity in design and execution be¬
tween the coin in question, and Samudra’s unique Tiger coin. But this
similarity is not sufficient to outweigh all the other evidence. The Lion-
Trampler coin (P. D. ATXJT, 8) with rev. legend ‘ Sri Mahendra Sinha ’
is undoubtedly Kumara’s, for no one has ever supposed that the title
Mahendra was shared by Samudra with Kumara. The Combatant Lion
coins (P. P. XXIII, 28 etc.), which bear on the reverse the name in full
of Kumara Gupta also resemble in obverse device the Tiger coin of
Samudra, quite as much as the ‘ Sinha Vikrama’ coins do. We know for
certain that ‘ Vikrama.’ was a favourite title of Chandra Gupta II, and,
after full consideration of the problem, I have no hesitation in concluding
that General Cunningham {Arch. Rep. W, IJJ) , is right in assigning all the
‘ Sinha Vikrama’ coins to Chandra Gupta II.* The result is that both
Chandra Gupta II and Kumara Gupta must be credited with having
issued coins both of the Lion-Trampler and Combatant Lion types, while
the unique Betreating Lion coin must be assigned to Chandra Gupta II.
Prinsep, with his usual acuteness, observed on the close similarity be¬
tween the mintages of Kumara Gupta and his father Chandra Gupta II.
CHANDRA GUPTA II.
Combatant Lion Type.
(Not included in either of Mr. Thomases catalogues.)
Ohv. King, standing to r., in attitude less energetic than that of
Lion-Trampler type, bareheaded, with bow in 1. hand, shoot¬
ing lion in mouth, but not trampling on its body. Some¬
times, above king’s 1. arm, and in front of his face, a character
‘h’ ? Legend of about 20 characters, including perhaps, ...
Trf ‘ ... rata Chandra ’ ?
Rev. Goddess, holding fillet in r., and lotus-flower in 1. hand,
seated, facing front, cross-legged on back of lion couchant
to 1. Legend ^ ‘ Sri Vikrama ’ ; the k is sometimes
doubled. Coins poorly designed and executed. Mon.
References E. C. B.; on left ohv. margin 6 or 7 character, not read,
and on r. ‘ rata Chandra’ ? ; character before
Remarks. king’s face ; inon. 86 ; wt. 120'9.
B. M. Swiney 4 ; no character before king’s face ; mon. 10c ; wt^
111-4. (Plate III, fig. 6)
A. G. ; ohv. legend of about 20 characters j mon. 10c ; wt. 117*4 5
from Oudh.
* In his latest publication on the subject (Epoch of the Guptas, p. 24, from J. B,
A. 8. for 1880) Mr. Thomas refers to the reign of Chandra Gupta II both the Sinha
Vikrama and the Vikramaditya coins. The late Sir E. C. Bayley concurred in this
assignment.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gnpta Dynasty. 187
The same character, in the same position before the king’s face, is
fonnd in Knmara Gupta’s Archer type, class 1, var. /3 ; its meaning is
not known.
CHANDRA GUPTA II.
Reteeating Lion Type.
(/. A. 8. D. -AXJF, 501, class S, 1 ; Dev. Catal., class L.)
Ohv. King standing to front, head turned to 1. wearing tight
waistcloth, armlets, large earrings, and necklace ; hair braid¬
ed or curled, perhaps covered by a close cap. He holds in
r. hand bow, and in 1. an arrow pointed downwards, having
just discharged arrow at retreating lion, which occupies 1.
margin, and in whose snout the arrow-head is sticking.
Legend on r. margin ‘ Maharajadhiraja Sri.’
Dev. Goddess (Durga ?) seated on couchant lion, which faces 1. ;
in her r. hand fillet, and in 1. which rests on her hip, a lotus-
flower. Her r. leg is tucked up under her, the 1. hangs down
behind the lion’s rump. Legend ^ lioii
champion’ ; vertical line between device and legend. Mon.
Unique coin ; P. E. XXII, 25, and Yol. I. pp. 27 and 280 ; Eecords.
p. 22 and Autotype PI. fig. 8 ; in B. M. ; ob¬
tained at Kanauj by Lieut. Oonolly ; mon. 4c ;
wt. 123. A broad coin of artistic design, and
spirited execution. (Plate III, fig. 7.) For discus- X
sion of question of attribution see remarks under
Lion-Trampler type of Chandra Gupta II.
CHANDRA GUPTA II.
SWOEDSMAN AND UmBEELLA TtPE.
(J. A. 8. B. XXIV, 492, class A 1 ; Dev. Catal., classes B and 2 B.)
Ohv. King standing, facing 1., bareheaded, with long curly hair,
with 1. hand resting on short sword (khanda), and with r.
hand casting incense on small altar, which is, however,
sometimes wanting. Beside king’s 1. arm a miniature figure
holding handle of state -umbrella, which shades the king.
Marginal legend, restored from comparison of specimens,
‘ Vikramaditya, having con¬
quered the earth, prospers.’
Dev. Standing female figure (? Victory, Wilson), either full
front, or facing 1. with fillet in r. hand, and sometimes a
flower in 1. : her dress slightly varies in different coins.
Deferences
and
Demarks.
188 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [Ko.
Legend ‘ Vikramaditya,’ sometimes spelled with
two Is. Monogram sometimes wanting.
Meferences
and
UemarJcs.
P. E. Vol. I, 372, PI. XXX, 7 ; from Tregear coll., and at that time
unique ; no altar on ohv. ; one h in rev. legend ;
no mon. ; wt. not stated.
A. A. XVIII, 1 ; from E. I. 0. coll, but not now in I. 0. ; no obv.
altar ; no flower in 1. hand of rev. goddess, but a
knobbed staff behind her ; double h in rev.
legend ; no mon. ; wt. not stated j more Indian
in style than Prinsep’s coin.
B. M., EdenXo. 1 ; ohv. altar partly visible, with incense falling
on it ; rev. in flne condition ; open lotus-flower
in goddess’ left hand ; no staff between her and
legend, which has only one h ; mon. apparently
8b ; wt. 119'3. {Plate III, jig. 8.)
ditto, ditto, Xo. 2 ; poorer specimen ; umbrella cut away j mon. im¬
perfect ; wt. 117'5.
B. ; three specimens.
Freeling No. 1 ; ohv. altar ; rev. goddess holds flower in left hand ?
mon. No. 159 A. A., viz. Ba ; two M in rev.
legend ; wt. 121. {J. A. S. B. XXIV, 492.)
ihid, No. 2 ; rev. goddess full front, with transparent dra¬
pery ; mon. resembling that of Ghatot Kacha’s
coin, P. E. XXIX, 12, but with double crossbar ;
one h in rev. legend ; wt. 121. {ihid, class 2 B.)
These coins are ascribed by Thomas to Chandra Gnpta I, and are so
classed in B. M., but are ascribed by Cunningham to Chandra Gnpta IT,
and in this attribution the late Sir E. C. Bayley concurred. The design
of the rev. rather favours the former supposition, but the king’s curly hair,
and the obv. legend, which is nearly identical with that on Kumara’s
unique Swordsman coin, are in favour of the latter. The reduplication of
the I in the rev. legend of some of the coins in question is also found in
Chandra Gupta II’s Archer coins. The average weight is consistent
with the attribution of these coins to either prince. Considering the
fact that Chandra Gupta II in his silver coins used the titles Yikramah-
ka and Vikramarka as well as Vikramaditya, I have no doubt that these
gold coins with the title of Vikramaditya should be referred to him.
This title is also found on one of the heavy coins of barbarous execution,
bearing the name of Chandra, which is described in the Supplement.
Mr. Theobald has a large copper coin (a duplicate of P. E. XXX, II)
with legend ‘ Maharaja Sri Chandra Gupta,’ the obverse of which seems
to be a rude imitation of these gold coins ; wt. 71. Gen. Cunningham
compares the ohv. device with a sculpture, apparently of Gupta age, at
Bhitari in the Ghtizipur district. {Arch. Bep. p. 99.)
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 189
KUMA'RA GUPTA (MAHEUDRA).
Swordsman Type.
(Eev. Catal., class D a.)
Ohv. King, facing front, with long cnrly hair, wearing a cap
or tnrban, short drawers, necklace, and armlets ; with r. hand
casting incense on small altar, which is partly visible ; a short
sword hangs from his waist, and his 1. hand rests on his hip.
Behind r. arm. bird- standard, adorned with pennons. Beside
left elbow ^ ‘ Kn,’ with a crescent over the syllable. Legend
on margin Knmara, having
conquered the earth, prospers.’
Bev. Goddess, seated cross-legged on lotns-flower seat with fillet
in r., and open lotns-flower in 1. hand. Legend ^
‘ Sri Knmara Gnpta.’ Monogram.
Deferences Unique coin in B. M. Prinsep coll. ; described and figured in
and Records, p. 23 and Autotype PI. fig. 5. The first two words are read
Eemarhs. f^cEl by Thomas, which is unintelligible : I read his as a
with one limb a little prolonged — the remains of the are on the
left margin ; a crack crosses the but the letter is quite distinct
the legend thus agrees with that on the Swordsman and Umbrella
coins of Chandra Gupta II, father of Kumara. The crescent over the
obverse ^ is remarkable, because it is generally found only in the
heavy debased coins of the type of Nara Gupta’s coinage. The wt.
124'2 of the present coin indicates that it belongs to the genuine
mintage of the imperial Kumara Gupta. The execution of the coin
is clumsy, but not very barbarous. Mon. 8b {Plate III, fig. 9.)
KUMA'BA GUPTA (MAHEKDBA.)
Archer Type.
(jr ^ XXIV, 500, class G 1, and varieties ; Dev. Catal. classes
b E h, 6 D h, 7 D h, and E c.)
Ohv. King, standing to 1., bead bare, bair cnrly, r. band, exten¬
ded across bird- standard, bolding arrow ; 1. band either rest¬
ing on tip of bow with string turned inwards, or grasping
middle of bow with string outwards.
Sometimes, but not always, ‘ Kn,’ under 1. arm.
Legend on margin, or in field, various, as detailed below.
Bev. In all vars. ; goddess seated cross-legged on lotus-flower
seat ; and bolding fillet in r., and lotus-flower in 1., except in
class II, where her bands are empty.
Legend ^ ^ Sri Mabendra.’ Mon.
Class I. String of bow turned inwards.
190 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of tJte Imperial Gupta Dynasty, [No. 2,
Deferences
and
Demarlcs.
Var. a ; 6bv. legend ' Mahendra conquers.*
P. E. XXIX, 20 ; from Cunningliam’s coll. ; obtained at Gaya ;
Tinder king’s arm ‘ Ku,’ apparently with cres¬
cent over it ; remains of a letter before his face ;
mon. 25, slightly modified ; wt. not stated.
A. A. Xyill, 12 ; duplicate of above ; wt. not stated.
Bharsar hoard. No. 2 of Kumara Gupta ; as above ; mon. 25 ; wt. 123.
ditto. No. 4 of Kumara Gupta ; as No. 2, but no oiv. legend
except ‘ Ku ’ 5 mon. 25 ; wt. 124’5. (J. A. 8. B.
XXI, 397.)
No. 1 of Tod’s 4th Series ; as P. E. XXIX, 20, but legends on ohv.
indistinct ; mon. 20 a ; wt. not stated. (Trans
R. A. 8. I, PI. XII.)
B. M., Eden ; ohv. legend not read ; mon. 8b ; wt. 124’7.
(Plate III, fig. 10.)
„ Prinsep ; ditto ; worn ; wt. 106'7.
Communicated by E. 0. B. ; two specimens found at Jhusi near Allaha¬
bad along with eight of Peacock type of Kumara
Gupta.
C. ; one specimen dug up near Allahabad along with a Peacock coin ;
probably part of the Jhilsi find.
A. S. B. ; 3 specimens perhaps belong to this variety, but
details are wanting ; one seems to have no. ohv
legend, two have ‘ Ku ’ under arm.
Var. )8 ; ohv. legend as stated helow ; a character, seemingly, ‘ h,’ before
Icing’s face.
A. S. B. ; figured in P. E. XXXIX, 19, and As. Ees. XYII
PI. I, 14 ; a character between king’s feet ; ohv.
legend, as read by Dr. Hoernle, ‘ Parama raja-
dhiraja Sri [Kumara Gupta Mahen]dra,’ but of
the words in brackets only the lower portion is
legible, and the restoration is conjectural ; wt.
not stated.
For the character before the king’s face, cf. the Combatant Lion
type of Chandra Gnpta II, this character seems to me to be ‘ h,’ and not
‘ Gn.’ The word ‘ parama ’ in the legend also recalls Chandra Gupta’s
Lancer and Horseman to Left types, but the ‘ Mahendra ’ of the rev.
legend proves this coin to belong to Knmara Gnpta.
Var. 7 ; under Icing’s arm ‘ Ku ’ ? ohv. legend, as stated helow.
A. G. ; mon. 8b ; wt. 125 ; from Oudh. The ohv. legend includes
the letters ... ... ‘ jatara.’
Var. 5 ; class 6 E h of Rev. Catal. ; ohv. legend as helow.
Freeling coll. ; unpublished, briefly referred to by Thomas in his
catalogues and in Eecords, p. 50 ; wt. 125. Ohv.
legend
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the h]iperial Gupta Dynasty . 191
‘ the divine (or Deva) Kuniara Gupta, lord of the
earth, who has conquered the earth.’ Some of
the peacock type of the silver coins have the
same legend, with the word ‘ conquers,’
inserted after ‘ Deva.’
Var. e; 6hv. legends as stated helow ; class 7 E h of Rev. Catal.
Stacy colL j unpublished ; briefly noticed by Thomas in his cata¬
logues ; wt. 126 ; no initial under king’s arm ; 1.
marginal legend ‘ Kumara Gupta.’
Var. ^ ’ ohv. legends as stated helow.
Coin from Mahanada ; ‘Ku’ under king’s arm; ohv. legend
^ ^ ‘ Sri Maharaja-
dhiraja Siu Kumara Gupta ;’ further details
wanting. {Proc. A. 8. B. Ma%j, 1882, p. 91.)
In J. A. S. B. XXI Y, 500, Thomas refers to a cast coin in Freeling
coll., which partially agrees with the Mahanada
coin, but it is useless to discuss specimens of
doubtful genuineness.
Class II. — String of bow turned outwards.
P. E. XXIX, 16 ;
A, A. XYIII, 11 ;
B. M. ;
ditto ;
I. O. ;
A. S. B. ;
Three coins from the Hugli hoard, with the several mens. 8b, Vic,
and I7d, belong to the Archer type of Kumara Gupta, but, in the
absence of details, I cannot classify them more exactly. A. C. has one
specimen, which, for the same reason, cannot be placed. The variety in
the imperfectly deciphered obverse legends of this type is remarkable ;
the Horseman coins of the same king exhibit a similar variety.
For heavy barbarous coins of Archer type see Supplement.
KUMARA GUPTA MAHENDRA.
Horseman to Right Type.
{J. A. 8. B. AkZJF, 502, class F 2 ; Bev. Catal., class J a.)
Ohv. Horseman proceeding to r., bare-headed, with curly hair ;
no lance j in some cases an obscure character over horse’s
Cunningbam coll., from Gaya ; no initial under
king’s arm ; ' Kumara’ outside bow-string ;
marginal legend goddess with both
hands turned up, and elbows resting on knees ;
mon. 8c ; wt. not stated ; rude coin of irregular
outline.
nearly identical with above ; mon. 8t ; wt. not
stated ; “a very rude coin.”
mon. 19h ; wt. 121'4.
mon. 10c ; wt. 119*5.
mon. 10c ; wt. 123*5. {Plate III, fig. 11.) -.J
one coin seems to belong to this variety. ''
B B
192 V, A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
head ; sometimes a character, apparently ‘ vi,’ between
horse’s legs ; marginal legend, various, as detailed below,
and generally imperfect.
Dev. Female seated to 1,, on Indian wicker stool (morha) and (a)
holding fillet in r. hand, and lotus-flower in 1., behind her
back ; (/8) holding in r. hand, a lotus-flower, springing from
a curious undefined object, her left hand resting empty on
hip ; (y) offering fruit to a peacock with r. hand, and hold¬
ing lotus-flower in 1.
Legend always ‘ the unconquered Mahendra.’’
Monogram generally wanting.
Deferences Var. a ; Reverse goddess sitting upright, holding fillet and fiower.
from Lt. Burf^s coll. ; obscure character, perhaps
meaning ‘ S'ri ’ over horse’s head ; traces of let¬
ter between horse’s legs ; ohv. legend illegible ;
wt. not stated.
as above coin; on r. ohv. margin ... ...
‘ta vi,’ legible ; wt. not stated,
closely resembles P. E. XXIII, 26, but, as Thomas
points out (Records, p. 23 note) the ohv. marginal
legend ends with ... ‘Gupta of
divine origin,^ or ‘ the son of Deva ’ ; a character
over horse’s head ; wt. not stated, ‘ Deva ’ was
a title of Chandra Gupta II. A. A. XVIII, 17
cited by Thomas fut supra) as a variant, is really
a Lancer coin of Chandra Gupta II, q. v.
Xo. 5 of Kumara from Bharsar hoard ; fillet not visible, coin being
“ much worn ” ; a character over horse’s head ;
wt. 124‘5 ; a duplicate weighed 125. (J. A. S. B.
XXI, pp. 398, 400 ; Plate XII, 8.)
Hugh hoard ; one specimen ; ohv. legend, as read by Dr. Hoernle ,
‘ Parama bhagavata ... dhi raja Guptah rev.
‘ Ajita Mahendra ’ ; mon. 86. Cf. var. y.
Variety j8 ; Reverse goddess, sto'oping, holding in r. hand an openfiowery
sfallc of which springs from an unlcnown object;
her 1. hand rests on hip.
P. E. XXX, 3; ohv. legend ^ ’ST] ... ?f ;
‘ ajita pu [or pra] ... ta vikra[ma] ’ ; from Tre-
gear colL ; wt. not stated.
E. C. B. ; ohv. legend illegible; horseman seems to wear
armour ; wt. 126‘5.
Variety y ; Reverse goddess feeding peacoch with right hand, holding
lotus-fiower with left.
P. E. XXIII, 30 ; B. M. ; ohv. legend ... rf JITf ^-iid 8 or 9
letters, ‘ [aji]ta Mahendra Gupta . ’ ; between
horse’s legs ‘ vi ’ ; given to Prinsep by Miss
Watson ; wt. 124'5 ; worn.
and P. B. XXIII, 29 ;
Demarks.
P, E. XXX, 4 ;
A. A. XVIII, 16 ;
1S84,] V, A. Smith — Gold Corns of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 193
Marsden, MLIX ; B. M. ; closely resembles above coin ; ohv. legend
[?j ‘ Mahendra Gnpta’ ; traces of
letter between horse’s legs ; king has not “ long-
flowing ” carls as stated in Eecords, p. 23 ; wt,
125-5.
P. E. XXX, 5 ; resembles last, bat Prinsep read two letters of
ohv. legend as ‘ haya ’ ; wt. not stated.
A. G. ; from Oadh ; worn ; over horse’s head a character, ‘ Sri’? ;
between horse’s legs ‘ vi ’ P ; legend on right
B. M., Eden ;
B. M., Bash ;
B. M., Yeames ;
B. M., - ;
B. M., E. T. ;
B- M., Yeames ;
I. 0., No. 1 ;
„ No. 2;
margin of ten characters, viz., *1^
• being part of the legend on the Midnapar
Horseman to Left coin ; wt. 124.
character ‘ Sri ’ ? over horse ; ohv. legend
‘vijaya’ on 1. margin, and ... ^ or ?n:
‘ ta ba [or pa] ta ra ’ on r. margin, seemingly a
part of the Midnapar Horseman to Left coin
legend ; wt. 124’8.
character over horse’s head ; in ohv. legend
‘ Leva ’ legible ; cf. A. A. XYIII, 16 ; con¬
dition fine ; wt. 127-2. {Plate III. fig. 12.)
character over horse’s head ; wt. 126-7.
do. do. ; wt. 125-9.
worn, in poor condition ; no character over horse ;
wt. 117-3.
character over horse’s head ; wt. 124’7.
character over horse’s head ; worn ; wt. 124.
character over horse’s head ; ander horse
‘ vi ’ ? ; wt. 125-8.
,, No. 3 ; character over horse’s head ; no letter ander
horse ; wt. 125-3.
A coin in A. S. B. cabinet with ohv. legend ‘ SM Maharajadhiraj ’ is
isaid to belong to this type, but details are wanting.
Hagli hoard, one specimen ; ohv. legend, as read by Dr. Hoernle,
‘ Parama bhagavata ... Sri Ma[hendra Ga]pta ;
rev. ‘ Ajita Mahendra.’ Cf. var. a.
H. ; 1 specimen from a place in pargana NawabganJ of Gonda dis¬
trict opposite Ayodhya ; ohv. legend ‘ Ajita Ma¬
hendra Gapta,’
KUMARA GUPTA MAHEhTDRA.
Horseman to Lett Type.
(/. A. S. B. XXIV, 502, class F, 3 ; Bev. Gatal. class J h.)
Ohv. Horseman, bareheaded, with curly hair, proceeding to 1.,
no lance ; sometimes a character (W ‘ Kn ’ ?) over horse’s
head, or between its legs ; marginal legend imperfect and
various, see details below.
194 V, A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [Na. 2,'
llev. Goddess seated, facing 1. on wicker stool (morha), with r.
hand feeding peacock, and with 1. hand holding flower behind,
her back. Legend ‘ the nnconqiiered Mahendra.
No monogram.
Meferences As'. Res, Vol. XVII, PI. I, 18. Ohv., legend- illegible, between horse’s
and legs ‘ Kn ’ ? ; wt. not stated ; engraved “ from
Memarh^s. a drawing of a coin said to belong to Mrs. White
of Fatehgarh.”
Freeling coll. ; unpublished coin, briefly alluded to in Rev. Catal. j
wt. not stated.
No. 1 of Mahendra from Bharsar hoard ; ohv. legend indistinct, but
read by Kittoe as ‘ Mahendra Gupta ’ ; wt. 124.
No. 2, ditto, ditto ; nearly identical with No. 1 but ‘Ku’ ? over
horse’s headj and long ohv. legend, illegible ; wt,
124 (J. A. 8. B. XXI, 399.)
B. M. No, 1 ; wt. 126 {Plate III, fig. 13.)
„ >j 2 ; wt. 123'8.
„ „ 3, Enniskillen ; wt. 123’2. These B. M. coins read on
obv., ... Cf. Hugh coin below.
A-. S, B. No. 1 ; from Shaurpur in Midnapur District, Bengal ;
ohv. legend IWK
according to Cunningham, who compared with
three specimens in his own possession, the
being written fcj. Dr. Hoemle reads fV
Either
reading means ‘ the victorious lord Kumara Gupta
rules.’ The words ^^6 between the
horse’s legs, and the word read or
or is round the horse’s head
and preceded by three letters, the last of which
is distinctly of. {Proc. A. 8. B. August 1882, pp.
111-114). Dr. Hoernle informs me that he now
reads ... XPS? instead of XTW printed,
and that the coin belongs to Horseman to Left
type.*
A. S. B ; No. 2 ; ajDparently similar, but no details stated.
Hugh hoard ; one specimen ; ohv. legend as read by Dr.r
Hoemle ; ‘ Gupta Kshapra maha . . . ma . . . tijita
jayati ’ ; rev. ‘ Ajita Mahendra.’
A. C, ; 3 specimens, details not stated ; see above,
KUMARA GUPTA MAHENDRA.
Peacock Type.
{Omitted loth in J. A. S. B. XXIV, and in Bev. Catal.)
Ohv. King, bareheaded, with curly hair, standing to 1. with r,
hand offering frnit to a peacock, which stands facing r.
The published account does not state whether the horseman is to right or left.
1884.] V. A. Siriitli- — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta By^iasty. 195
Marginal legend of from 10 to 14 characters, not fully de¬
ciphered ; see details below.
In variety a the king stands upright, and the peacock’s
neck is extended full length.
In variety jd the king is stooping, and the peacock’s neck
is not fully extended.
JRev. Goddess, probably Kumari Devi, riding a peacock, holding
mace or sceptre in 1. hand, and sometimes a fillet in r. hand.
Legend, as read by Gen. Cunningham, ‘ Mahendra Kumara’.*
No mon.
In variety a peacock is turned to 1. and shown in half pro¬
file, as is also the goddess ; an altar in front of peacock.
In variety /3 peacock and goddess are facing front, and
expanded tail of peacock fills whole field, as in the silver
coins ; no altar.
References
and
RemarJcs,
B. M., Lind
B. M., Nathan
E. C. B. No. 3
A.
C.
A.
S. B.
Variety a., Icing upright ; rev. profile peacoch, with altar.
A. A. XVIII, 13 ; from S winey coll. ; in rev. legend ^ ‘ Kn ’ . . .
legible ; wt. not stated.
ohv. legend illegible ; on rev. ‘ Sri . . . Kn ... *
seems distinct ; wt. 128'4 ; the execution of this
coin is very fine and delicate {Plate IV, fig. 1). ^
legends not read ; coin in good condition, but not
so fine as the Lind specimen ; wt. I26'5.
found at Jhusi near Allahabad, along with speci¬
mens of variety, and of Kumara’s Archer type ;
in good condition ; obv. both 1. and r. marginal
legend, not read ; rev. legend seems to include
‘ Sri Kum.’ ; wt. I28‘6. No fillet in r. hand of
goddess,
wt. not stated.
; one specimen, ploughed up in a field in Allahabad District, with
coin of Archer type ; wt. 127'60.
C . ; 1 specimen, found at Allahabad ; no further details stated.
Variety 0 ; obv. king stooping ; rev., peacock and goddess facing front ;
no altar.
No. 3 of Kumara from Bharsar hoard ; obv. legend read by Kittoe as
‘ Sri Kumara,’ and rev. as ‘ Srimad Kumara’, but
doubtfully ; goddess holds fillet and sceptre ; wt.
124. (J. A. S. B. IVI, 397, and PI. XII, 1.)
wt. 126. {Plate IV, fig. 2.) yt.
wt. not stated.
obv. marginal legend of 10 or 11 characters, of
which second and fourth seem to be respectively
and ^ ; rev. legend of 5 characters, the
second being ^ • wt. 128*2.
* I am indebted for this reading to a communication from Gen. Cunningham.
I. 0. ;
A. S. B ;
E. C. B. No.
196 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Bijnasty. [No. 2,
E. C. B. No. 2 ; similar to No. 1, and found with it and No. 3 at
Allahabad ; wt. 127’8.
The rev. legend, as in the other specimens of
both varieties, seems to include ‘ Kum ...*
E. 0. B. reads ^jayati^ as the first word
of the ohv. legends.
A. G. olv. legend 14 characters on right margin only,
read doubtfully as . [ oi' ^
1 2 3 4 5 6
«^ [ or Tj-] ^ ; rev. legend illegi-
7'^ 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
ble ; r. hand of goddess empty ; wt. 127'6 ; from
Oudh.
A. C. ; 1 specimen, found at Allahabad ; no further details stated.
C. ; wt. 127'50 ; obtained at Benares.
The prominence of the peacock in the design of these coins wonld
alone be enough to prove that they must be referred to the reign of
Knmara, and this conclusion is amply confirmed by the legends so far as
read. Eight coins of this type, and two of Kumara’s Archer type, were
found together at Jhusi near Allahabad about seven years ago ; three of
this trove, as noted above, are in the E. 0. B. cabinet, and the remaining
7 coins are in the hands of another collector.
A larger hoard found earlier at Allahabad is noticed in the Intro¬
ductory Essay.
KUMARA GUPTA MAHENDRA.
Lion-Teampler Type.
(/. A. S. jB. -ZATJF. 501, class G, var. 1 ; Hev. Catal. class K a).
Ohv. King standing, to r., bareheaded, bow in 1. hand, his 1. foot
trampling on body of lion, which is falling backwards ; no
letter before king’s face ; legend (in one coin) ...?r
[ajijta Mahendra jaya Sri.’
jRev. Goddess seated, facing front, on lion facing r., either hold¬
ing fillet in r. hand with her 1. hand resting empty on hip, or
with her r. hand extended empty, and 1. hand raised above
shoulder, holding lotus-flower ; legend ‘ Sri
Mahendra Sinha,’ or SM Mahendra monogram.
^References Variety a. Rev. goddess with fillet in r. hand, 1. hand resting empty
and on hip.
Remarks. P. E. XXX, 8 ; obtained by Tregear at Jaunpur ; ohv. legend as
given above, the first letter is plainly rf as read
by Prinsep ; rev. legend ‘ Sri Mahendra Sinha ’ ;
moil. 8a ; wt. not stated.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 197
Hugh hoard ; one specimen ; details wanting ; rev. legend Sra
Mahendra Sinha.’
Variety $ ; reverse goddess with r. hand extended open, empty ; 1. hand
raised, holding lotus-flower.
A. G. ; bought in Bombay ; olov. design almost the same as in
P. E. XXX, 8 ; legend illegible ; rev. legend
‘ Sri Ma[hendra ?] ; mon. 86 wt.
127-2.
The title Mahendra on these coins is sufficient to justify their ascrip¬
tion to Kumara Gupta. Two coins in A. S. B. cabinet appear to belong
to this type ; in one the reverse lion faces 1., and in the other r., but, in
the absence of detailed information, I cannot place the coins definitely.
KUMARA GUPTA MAHENDRA.
Combatant Lion Type.
(/. A. S. B. -AXJF, 501, class I ; Bev. Catal., class H a.)
Ohv. King, standing to 1., wearing crested helmet or peaked cap
and Indian waistcloth, one end of which hangs loose between
his legs; his 1. hand uplifted; in r. hand he holds bow,
having discharged arrow into mouth of attacking lion, of
which only the forepart is visible on 1. margin. Under
king’s 1. arm ^ ‘ Ku.’ Marginal legend of 3 characters on 1.
margin, viz., "^[or ‘ ra sa [or sra] ma,’ the if ‘ m ’ being
certain ; and 8 or 9 characters in r. margin ending in ^ or ffT
‘ Ku, or ‘ Kra,’ and beginning with ^ ; Prinsep read
^TT^Tif.*, but this is not tenable ; the letters look like
Rev. Goddess (probably Kumari Devi) standing, slightly stoop¬
ing to L, with right hand feeding a standing peacock, which
faces r., and with 1. hand holding lotus flower. Legend on
r. margin ‘ Kumara Guptadhiraj.’ Mono¬
gram.
References No. 1 of Kumara Gupta from Bharsar hoard ; ohv. legend not read ;
and rev. legend complete j mon. 8a ; wt. 124'5
RemarJcs. (L A. 8. B. XXI, 397.)
P. E. XXIII, 28 ; from Cunningham’s collection at Benares ; mon.
as in Bharsar coin ; rev. legend imperfect ; wt.
not stated.
Coin in Swiney coll. ; of same type as P. E. XXIII, 28 ; ohv. legend
indistinct, but guessed by Wilson to be ‘ Vikrama
Sinha ’ ; rev. legend ‘ Kumara Gupta ’ ; no fur¬
ther particulars stated. (A. A. p. 423.)
Coin exhibited at A. S. B ; of ohv. legend only sra [sri ?] ma on
1. margin j ‘ Sri ’ on r. margin, and ‘ Ku ’ below
198 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Im^jerial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
arm, legible ; rev. legend fairly distinct ; no fur¬
ther particulars stated. {Proc. A. 8. B. Feh. 1881.)
K I. 0. ; wt. 126'1 ; ohv. legend very imperfect. {Plate IV, fig. 3.)
It is to be hoped that some more perfect example of this rare type
may be published, so as to throw light on the obverse legend. If
Wilson’s conjectural reading of ‘ Yikrama Sinha ’ on the Swiney coin
should be confirmed, the use of the title ‘ Yikrama ’ both by Kumara
Gupta and his father would be proved.
SKANDA GUPTA.
Archer Type.
(J. A. S. JB. XAJF, 502, class 01; Dev. Catal. class D h.)
Ohv. King, standing to 1., wearing tailed coat, hair curly ; 1. arm
resting on bow ; r. hand extended across bird-standard, and
holding arrow ; under 1. arm ^ ‘ Skanda.’ Marginal legend
very imperfect, and not deciphered.
Rev. Goddess, seated cross-legged on lotus-seat, holding fillet
in right, and flower in 1. hand. Legend ^ ‘ Shi
Skanda Gupta.’ Monogram.
References
and
Remarhs.
“t
P. E. XXIX, 18; Cunningham coll., dug up at a village four ^os
(8 miles) from Ghazipur ; mon. 3a ; wt. not
stated.
P. E. XXX, 10 ; Tregear coll. ; mon. apparently same as in XXIX,
18 ; wt. not stated. '
No. 1 of Skanda from Bharsar hoard ; mon. Zb ; wt. 129‘25 ; two
duplicates weighed 125 each.
No. 2 ditto, ditto ; mon. either 3b or 4c ; wt. 129-25 ; “ a very
perfect specimen ; gold indifferent.”
No. 3 ditto, ditto ; a smaller coin ; mon. as in No. 2 ; wt. 130 ; a
duplicate weighed the same. {J. A. 8. B. XXI,
398—400.)
I. 0., No. 1 ; mon. imperfect ; wt. 129-5.
ditto, „ 2 ; mon. 8a ; wt. 132-5 ; in ohv. legend the letters
... ‘ jatama ... ’ legible. {Plate IV. fig. 4.)
Coin from Mahanada ; mon. and wt. not stated. {Proc. A. 8. B. May
1882, p. 91.)
A. G. ; in ohv. legend oWcf ‘ jamata ’ seems legible ; a
letter between king’s feet ; mon. 3a ; wt. 132-3 ;
reverse poorly executed, from Oudh.
B. M. Brind ; rev. legend imperfect, but the weight induces me
to place the coin here ; mon. 3b ; wt. 130-1.
For ‘ barbarous ’ coins of Archer type see Supplement.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Corns of the hn'perial Gupta Dynasty. 199
SKANDA GUPTA.
King and Queen Type.
(J. A. S. B. ATXJF, p. 502, class J ; Bev. Oatal. class M.)
Obv. Bird- standard, with pennons, in centre of field ; king, bare¬
headed, with curly hair, standing in 1. field, facing to r. ;
queen standing in r. field, opposite to king. King wears
either a waistcloth {dhoti) or short drawers (janghiyd), and
armlets, and with 1. hand grasps middle of bow, the string of
which is turned towards the standard. Queen wears Indian
woman’s waistcloth {lahangd)^ and in r. hand holds up an
object, probably a flower. Legend very imperfect and ille¬
gible, but probably consisted of names of king and queen.
Bev, Goddess seated cross-legged on lotus-flower seat, holding
lotus-flower in L, and fillet in r. hand.
Legend on r. margin ^ ‘ Shi Skanda Gupta.’
Mon.
References B. M. ; purchased atKanauj by Mr. Bacon, and presented to Prin-
and sep ; mon. 3« ; wt. 128'8. Prinsep erroneously read ‘ Chandra ’ on
Bemarlcs, the reverse. This is the coin engraved in P. E. XXIII, 24 ; and in
As. Res. Vol. XVII, PI. I, 12. (PL IV, fig. 5.)
A. S. B. ; no details stated.
I have identified the obverse figures as those of the king and queen
on the analogy of the King and Queen type of Chandra Gupta I, The
name of Skanda Gupta s queen is not known.
SUPPLEMENT.
Doubtful.
CHANDRA GUPTA II ?
Archer Type.
Obverse and reverse devices as in Archer Type, class II a
of catalogue, but execution debased, and weight exceeding
140.
References
and
Remarks,
Marsden MLI ; in B. M. ; 5^ ‘ Chandra’ under king’s left arm, with
a crescent over the word ; ‘ bhi ’ ? between
his legs ; rev. legend seems to be
‘ Sri Vikramaditya ’ ; mon. 19a ; wt. 148.
Marsden MLVI ; in B. M. ; resembles MLI, but rev. legend seems
to be ^ tW •• S'ri Deva’ ... ; mon. indistinct
wt. 144'5. {Plate IV, fig. 7.)
A. G. ; rev. legend ^ ‘ Sri Vikrama ’ ; mon. im¬
perfect ; wt. 144.5 ; of alloyed metal, from Oudh.
C 0
200 V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Tm^jerial Gupta Dynasty. [No, 2,
KUMARA GUPTA MAHENDRA (?)
Archer Type.
Ohv. and rev. devices nearly the same as in Archer Type,
class I of catalogue, but execution debased. Rev. legend
STi Mahendra ’ ; ^ ‘ Kii ’ under ohv. king’s arm ;
wt. exceeding 140.
References
and
Remarks.
Marsden, MLII ;
ditto, MLIII
B. M., Yeames ;
,, R. P, K.
A. C. XVIII, 23
in B. M. ; mon. 8a ; wt. 147*0.
Hid. ; mon. imperfect ; wt. 146*5.
mon, imperfect ; wt. 143.
ditto, do. ; wt, 148*7. (Plate IV, fig. 8.)
one of tlie Kalighat hoard ; supposed by Cun¬
ningham (Arch, Bep. Ill, 137) to be a coin of
the Kumara Gupta of Magadha mentioned in the
Aphsar inscription.
ten specimens, apparently of base metal, and very coarsely
executed ; av. wt. 148*5 ; the detailed wts. are
- 150*3 ; 150*2 ; 147*8 ; 150*2 ; 150*6 ; 147
146*8; 146; 149*2; 147*2.
A. C. ; 2 specimens, no details stated.
B. M.
Doubtful.
SKANDA GUPTA KRAMA'DITYA.
Archer Type.
(J. A, S. B. XXIV, 502, class (71; Rev. Catal. class E h.)
Obverse and reverse nearly the same as in the Archer Type
of Skanda Gupta already described, but reverse legend is
‘ Kramadityah,’ or ‘the sun of power,’ and wt. seems
to exceed 140.
References
and
Remarks.
P. E. XXIX, 17 ;
P. E. XXIII, 20;
P. E. XXIII, 22;
Marsden MLV ;
obtained by Cunningham from Gaya ; mon, 8a 5
wt. not stated ; king’s body much bent sideways ;
a curved mark in front of his face,
given to Prinsep by a lady ; king wears a sort of
dressing-gown fastened by a sash ; no letter be¬
tween his legs ; no crescent under arm ; no mon. ;
some ill-defined marks in right field ; wt. not
stated ; seemingly a rude coin,
given to Prinsep by Mr, Cracroft ; resembles
XXIII, 20, but the king’s coat is of the usual
shape ; in both these coins the king stands up¬
right ; wt. not stated.
in B. M. ; closely resembles P. E, XXIII, 22 ;
crescent between king’s arm and name ; no letter
between king’s feet ; mon. imperfect ; wt. (in¬
cluding attached ring) 150 ; execution rude.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Goins of the lynperlal Gupta Dynasty. 201
B. M. Prinsep ; resembles Marsden’s MLV ; men. imperfect : wt.
141-4. {Plate IV, jig. 9.)
A. C. ; 2 specimens, no details stated.
The reader may perhaps be surprised at my treating this variety of
coins bearing Skanda’s name as of donbtfnl attribution. My reasons are :
(1) the heavy wt. of the two coins weighed, which is nearly that of the
coins of Nara Gupta and the other imitators of the imperial Gupta coin¬
age ; (2) the rude style of the coins ; (3) the crescent under the king’s
arm in the B. M. specimens, as in Kara Gupta’s coins ; (4) the title
‘ Kramaditya,’ which may be compared with the title Baladitya of hTara
Gupta ; witli Vikramaditya on the rude coin (Marsden MLI) bearing the
name of Chandra, and with ‘ Chandraditya,’ the title of Yishnu Gupta
(^Thomas, Indo- Scythian coins with Hindi Legends.')'^ It is very unfor¬
tunate that we do not know the weights of the coins figured by Prinsep,
and only know those coins through the medium of engravings which do
not appear to be very good. The B. M. Prinsep coin does not exactly
agree with any of the three coins engraved in the Essays. For the
present I am disposed to regard this ‘ Kramaditya ’ variety of the gold
coins bearing Skanda’s name as a posthumous issue. It is quite possible
that the silver coins of Skanda with the Kramaditya legend may also be
posthumous, as some of the silver coins struck in the name of Kumara
Gupta appear to be. {Sir D. G. Bayley in Num. Ghron. for 1882, pp. 155
and 156, with references to opinions of Dr. Bilhler and Gent. Cunningham ,i)
KARA GUPTA BALADITYA.
Archer Type.
{Not included in J. A. S. B. XXIV, catal. ; nor in Rev. Catal.')
Ohv. King to left, bow in 1., arrow in r. hand, and bird- standard,
as in Archer coins of Chandra Gupta II, but very rudely
executed ; a letter, which generally appears to be either
‘ Gu ’ or ‘ S'ri,’ between king’s legs. Under 1. arm T ; no mar¬
ginal legend visible.
Rev. Goddess on lotus-fiower seat, with fillet and flower, very
rudely executed ; mon. sometimes wanting ; legend
‘ Baladitya.’
* The title Vikramaditya is used in the authentic Swordsman and Umbrella gold
coins and in some of the silver coins of Chandra Gupta II, but the titles ending in
dditya appear to have been specially favoured by the princes who issued the rude
coins. Gen. Cunningham has two specimens of Vishnu Gupta’s coinage.
202 V, A, Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
^References A. A. XVIII, 22 ; a coin from the great Kalighat hoard found in
1783. See also Eecords, p. 24.
Marsden, MLIV ; wt. 146" 5 ; probably from Kalighat hoard.
B. M. three specimens in gold ; Yeames, mon. 8e ; ‘ Gn ’ be¬
tween legs ; wt. 148'7 {Plate IV, fig. 10) : — Prin-
sep, mon. etc. as in Yeames ; wt. 144’ 5. — A. New¬
man, as in Yeames ; letter between legs imper¬
fect ; wt. 143’5.
There are 6 other specimens in B. M., bnt of base
metal. The I. O. collection contains 33 coins of
this type, some bearing the name of Nara, and
some other names, and all apparently of base
metal.
A. G. ; from Oudh ; mon. apparently 9a ; wt. 145T ; metal a pale
alloy.
A. S. B. ; details not stated.
A. C. ; 4 specimens ; no details stated.
The historic place of Nara Gupta has not yet been ascertained, but
the fact of his coins having formed part of the Kalighat hoard, which
consisted entirely of coins of rude and debased style is a strong argu¬
ment in favour of assigning him a date not earlier than 400 A. D. The
companion coin to the Nara figured in A. A. XVIII, 22 is the Kumara
coin No. 23 of same plate, which Cunningham attributes to the later
Kumara Gupta of Magadha, circa 400 A. D. (Arch. Rep. Ill, 137).
No. 24 of same plate, from the same hoard is identified by Mr. Thomas
as a coin of Vishnu Gupta Chandraditya,* a prince of uncertain date,
but certainly not included in the list of the imperial Guptas.
Mr. Thomas formerly (/. A. S. B, -WJF, p. 386), denounced Nara
Gupta Baladitya as “ a very ancient myth,” and seemed inclined to re¬
gard him as an alias of Skanda Gupta. In his recent publications, how¬
ever, he has retracted his former opinion, and now fully admits the
separate existence of Nara Gupta, and the reading of his name and title.
Doubtful.
PRAKA'S'ADITYA
Lion and Horseman Type.
(Not included in J. A. S. B. XXIV, catal. ; nor in Rev. Catal.)
Ohv. Horseman wearing cap or helmet, proceeding to r., moun¬
ted on a sorry donkey-like animal, thrusting a weapon (short
spear or sword), into the open jaws of a lion, or dragon,
* Indo-Scytbian coins with Hindi Legends, in Indian Antiquary for Jan. 1883.
Nara Gupta’s type is again described in same paper.
and
Remarks.
1884.] V. A. Smith — Gold Coins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 203
very rudely designed. Under horse ‘ U ; over horse’s
head, a blurred letter, or small bird- standard, or three dots.
Marginal legend imperfect, and not yet deciphered ; it seems
to include ‘ vijasata.’
iRev. Goddess, rudely executed, seated, cross-legged on lotus-
flower seat, with fillet in r. hand, and 1. hand holding scep¬
tre (?) , or empty.
Legend ‘ SVi ’ and name, see below. Monogram.
References
and
Remarks.
A. A. XVIII, 18 ; 6br. arrow in horseman’s 1. hand ; marginal
legend illegible; a character over horse’s head >
rev. sceptre (?) in 1. hand of goddess ; legend
‘ Sri Prakrama Deva ’ ? (Wilson) ; mon. 4 ; wt.
not stated.
ibid, ih., 19 ; in ohv. legend fc|«sr^ or ^ ‘vijaya’ or ‘vijasa’
legible ; rev. nnsymmetrical, fillet and mon.
wanting; wt. not stated.
As. Kes. XVII, PI. I, 17 ; from Kananj ; ohv. lion not recognized by
Wilson ; marginal legend of 7 letters on left mar¬
gin, of which the fourth seems to be ' t ’ ; rev.
as in A. A. XVIII, 18, but mon. wanting ; wt.
not stated. A similar coin, perhaps the same,
is badly figured in J. R. A. S. Ill, 0. S., p. 382.
Nos. 1 and 2 of Sri Prakasa from Bharsar hoard ;
ohv. lion not recognized by Kittoe ; bird-stand¬
ard over horse’s head ; in legend only ‘ j »
legible ; rev. goddess’ 1. hand seems empty ; legend
^ ‘ S'ri Prakasa ’ ? ; mon. of both coins
B. M. Pringle ;
B. M. B. S. ;
I. 0., No. 1;
I. 0. No. 2 ;
8a ; wt. of No. 1, 146 ; of No. 2, 145 ; gold rich,
but workmanship inferior (J. A. S. B. XXI, 400 ;
PI. XII, 9).
legends and mon. illegible ; nothing distinct over
horse’s head ; wt. 136.
ohv. bird-standard over horse’s head ; legend
... ... ‘vaja’ ... ; mon. 10a; wt. 145 ; ex¬
ecution fairly good. (Plate IV, fig. 11.)
ohv., three dots over horse’s head ; legend lost ;
rev. well executed ; legend ‘ Sri Prakapache-
vah ’ ? ; mon. 13 ; wt. 145‘8. {Plate IV, fig. 12.)
ohv. bird-standard over horse’s head; legend
cf or ; rev. legend as in No. 1 ; mon.
three-pronged, imperfect ; wt. 146‘2.
A. C. ; 2 specimens, no details stated.
It is difficult to decide on the attribution of these coins. The Bhar¬
sar specimens formed part of a hoard of exclusively Gupta coins, and
the type resembles the mintages of Chandra Gupta 11 and Kumara
204 V. A. Smith — Oold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [N'o. 2,
Gupta, the only kings of the imperial Gupta line who issued coins with
Horseman obverses. The inferior workmanship of these coins, though
presumptive, is not conclusive evidence of late date, because the un¬
doubted Gupta coins exhibit many degrees of excellence in design and
execution. The title on the reverse has been read by Kittoe as ‘ S'ri
Prakasa,’ and by Wilson as ‘ Sri Prakrama ’ or ‘ Prakirrti b Gen. Cun¬
ningham informs me that he reads the name as ‘ Prakasaditya.’ Ho
name resembling any of these forms is a known title of any of the Gupta
kings, but the coins might, nevertheless, belong to one of them, for there
is no reason to suppose that we have yet discovered all the titles used by
those princes. ‘ S'ri Mahendra ’ was for a long time regarded as a
separate individual, but there is now no doubt that he is the same as
Kumara Gupta ; and it is almost equally certain that the name Bakra
Gupta, which appears on certain silver coins, is intended for Chandra
Gupta Yikramaditya, or Vikrama. The direction in which the horseman
is proceeding gives no clue, for left and right horsemen occur both in
Kumara’s and Chandra Gupta’s coins. The word ‘ vijaya ’ which seems
to form part of the obverse legend of the coins in question is found on
the Midnapur specimen of Kumara’s Horseman to Left type, but does
not occur on any coin of Chandra Gupta II. The average weight, 145*6,
affords the strongest argument for a comparatively late date, inasmuch as
it agrees closely with the weight of the coins of Kara Gupta Baladitya,
and the other imitators of the imperial Gupta coinage. On the whole,
I am disposed to think that these Lion and Horseman coins were struck
during the fourth century A. D. by some prince who ruled in the eastern
dominions of the Guptas not long after the death of Skanda Gupta, but
the question of their proper attribution must remain open pending
fm-ther discoveries and investigation. It is not improbable that Prakasa¬
ditya was one of the dynasty mentioned in the Aphsar inscription, the
princes of which seem to have been descendants of the imperial Gupta
family.
1884.] V. A. Smitli — Gold Corns of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 205
CONTENTS
OF THE
DLATD8 OF COINS.
Plate II.
Ps
Feign.
Type and Variety.
Defer eoice.
1
Ghatotkacha.
Solar Standard
B. M., Prinsep.
2
Chandra Gupta I.
King and Qneen
,, pnrchased.
3
Samudra Gupta.
Javelin, var. 1
„ Prinsep.
4
5) 5J
5 5 55 ^
,, {ohv. only.)
5
5J 5>
55 5 5 ^
,, (ditto.)
6
5?
Archer , „ a
,, Eden.
7
5? 5)
Lyrist
,, ditto
8
55 55
55
1. 0.
9
5 5 55
Aswamedha
B. M., Eden.
10
5 5 5 5
Tiger.
55
11
55 5 5
B oy and Battle - axe var. a
,, Bnsh.
12
55 55
55 55 55 55 55
,, (ohv. only.)
13
Chandra Gnpta II.
Conch
55
14
55 55 55
Archer, class I, P
1. 0. No. 8 ; (ohv. only.)
Plate III.
1
Chandra Gnpta II
Archer, class II a
B. M., Eden.
2
55 55 55
55 55 55 ^
I. 0., No. 9.
3
55 55 55
55 55 55 °
,, ,, No.l (ohv. only .)
4
55 55 55
Lancer, var. a
B. M. Prinsep, No. I.
5
55 55 55
Lion-Trampler, var. a
,, ,, Swiney, No. 5.
6
55 55 55
Combatant Lion
55 55 55 No. 4.
7
55 55 55
Retreating Lion
B. M.
8
55 55 55
Swordsman and Um-
hrella
,, ,, Eden.
9
Knmara Gnpta Ma-
hendra
Swordsman
,, ,, Prinsep.
10
55 55 55
Archer, class I a
,, ,, Eden.
11
55 55 55
„ , class II
I. 0. (ohv. 07ily.)
12
55 55 55
Horseman to Right, y
B. M., Bnsh.
13
55 55 55
, 5 5 5 Left.
,, ,, No. 1.
206 V. A. Smith — Gold Goins of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty. [No. 2,
Plate IV.
Fig.
Peign.
Type and Variety.
Peference.
1
Kumara Gupta Ma-
hendra
Peacock, var. a
B. M., Lind.
2
5) 5) 55
55 55
1. 0.
3
55 55 55
Combatant Lion
55 55
4
Skanda Gupta
Archer
55 5 5 No. 2.
6
55 55
King and Queen
B. M.
6
Indo- Scythian
Shandhi branch
55 55
7
Chandra Gupta ?
Archer
,, ,, MarsdenMLVl.
8
Kumara ,, ?
55
,, ,, P. Knight.
9
Skanda ,, ?
55
,, ,, Prinsep.
10
Nara „
55
,, ,, Yeames.
11
Prakasaditya
Lion and Horseman
55 ,, R. S.
12
55
55 55 55
1. 0. No. 1.
ADDENDUM.
Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac’s unique coin of Kumara Gupta Mahendra was
accidentally omitted from the Catalogue. The coin was bought at
Mathura.
Ohv. King standing to front, between two standing females :
bird- standard over king’s right shoulder. To left of king
IWTT ‘ Kumara,’ written vertically ; on right of king General
Cunningham reads ‘ Gupta,’ but the word seemed to me
doubtful. Marginal legend illegible.
Pev. Goddess on lotus-flower seat, as usual. Legend ^ WTR J,
‘ Sri Pratapah.’ The legend seems to me to be perfectly un-
mistakeable ; it is legible even in the poor woodcut of the
coin in Proc. A. S. B. Nov. 1883, p. 144. Monogram.
I regard the two female figures as probably intended for the king’s
consorts, and 1 have therefore called the type the Two Queens. Dr.
Hoernle’s suggestion that the central obverse figure is meant for Buddha
seems to be quite inadmissible.
The weight of the coin is not stated. The title ‘ Pratapa is new.’
207
1834. J J. Gibbs — A JPa^^er on the Medals hnown as Uayntinhis^
A Paper on the Medals hnoum as Jdamtinhis. — JBy J. Gibbs, F. R. G. S.,
M. R. A. S., V. P. B. A. S.
(With Plate No. VI.)
In the note I read before the Society in April last on Ramtinhis,
I intimated my intention of writing at greater length as soon as I could
collect more materials. Since then I have been home and visited the
British Museum and made inquiries there, and also from collectors of
Indian coins, including Sir Walter Elliot, but regret that I have not
been able to add much to the information I already possessed. I unfor¬
tunately missed General Pearce who had been for some time in Southern
India, and who had made a collection of these medals — but from what
I have since heard from Dr. Bidie, I do not think his collection will be
found to differ much from my own. Dr. Da Cunha in Bombay has
obtained some six or eight, but they all, save one, resemble some of my
own specimens, the exception is a small and very much worn specimen
which from the hurried glance I was obliged to be contented with, seemed
different from any I had met with ; it was about an inch or an inch and
an eighth in diameter, cup-shaped, but so rubbed that it was almost
impossible to make out what was on ik I have since then had four sent
me for inspection only, by my friend Rao Bahadur Trimulrao Venktesh
from Dharwar ; one of these is a half and the other three are quarter
Ramtinkis ; they all are of a similar description to the electrotype from
Mysore, No. 5 in plate VI ; the three quarter pieces were all alike, but two
not in such good condition as the third. The following list will show
those I have, together with some other varieties I have met with — their
weights, diameters, and, in the case of those engraved — -the plate and
number.
1 J S
^ 2
.s
1
No.
Descrip¬
tion.
Quality of
Gold.
He verse.
Owner,
Plate.
« .a
•rH
1
Double.
Good.
Plain.
J. P. Watson
21
1
1,485
2
Whole.
Pale, silver
Plain.
J. Gibbs
2
696
alloy.
Hanuman in
3
Very good.
m
690
PI. VI,
a rectangular
space.
No. 2.
4
Half.
Pale, silver
Plain.
P om bay P ranch
I2
364
alloy.
R. Asiatic So¬
ciety
6
Good.
Hanuman near-
Name unknown
I3
349
ly effaced.
6
Quarter.
Pale, silver
Plain. I
J. Gibbs
180
1
nlloy.
I
1) D
208' J. Gibbs — A Paper on the Medals hnown as Ramtinlds. 2^.
No.
Descrip¬
tion.
Quality of
Gold.
Reverse.
Owner.
Diameter
in inches.
W eight
in grains.
Plate,
7
Quarter.
Pale, silyer
alloy.
Plain.
J. Gibbs
160
8
))
Palo.
Hanuman.
5 J
1
166
PI. No. 4.
9
?)
Very good.
Hanuman.
3)
li
160
„ No. 3.
10
Good.
Hanuman.
33
n
196
,, No. 1.
11
5)
Hanuman.
5?
u
193
„ No. 6.
12
j)
Seated Hanu¬
man in double
A in O and
□ with or¬
naments.
N ame unknown
1
159
13
Electrotype.
Hanuman.
Mysore- Mu¬
seum.
...
„ No. 5.
In Sontbern India these medals are thus distinguished —
(1.) The whole, or ‘ Ramtinki Yaraha’, supposed to be 4 tolas:
in weight or 720 grains.
(2.) The half or Ramtinki Pratapa, supposed to be 2 tolas
in weight or 360 grains.
(3.) The quarter or Ramtinki Dharana, supposed to be I tola
in weight or 180 grains.
In the following descriptions ohv. stand for the concave ; rev. for
the convex or back.
No. I. Ohv. Double. Two divisions. Upper. Rama seated with
Sita on his left, umbrella-bearer on his right. Two
figures to Sita’s left ; sun and moon over Rama’s
head ; remains of a figure to umbrella-bearer’s right
and traces of arabesque border.
Below. Hanuman in the middle, facing right, traces
of a figure to his left ; to his right three
monkeys, very indistinct. Very coarse work
and much rubbed.
Bev, Nothing visible. Much worn.
No. 2, Ohv. Whole. Four rows of figures. In uppermost Rama
with Sita to his left. Other figures on both sides
but very indistinct. The three other rows contain
monkeys ; in the centre of the second row Hanu¬
man kneels below Sita.
Bev.- Plain.
This specimen has been much ruhhed and battered about having been used
for many years in temple worship (see below).
No, 3. Obv. Whole. Two- rows of figures. Upper. Rama in
centre, on his left a standing figure which from.
1'3S4.] J. Gibbs — A Paper on the Medals Tcnoivn as Uamtinlcis,
209
tlie dress may be Sita, two more figures, males, to
her left ; on right of Rama umbrella-bearer and
two other figures. Sun, moon and stars above the
figures, an arabesque border and a dotted one
above it. Lower. Hanuman kneeling on right
centre, facing left, a monkey on left centre and
figures of men flanking both.
ivey. Hanuman standing in centre of a circle which is
surrounded with double squares interlaced, which
are again enclosed as a circle. Scroll ornaments
fill in the interstices. (PI. YI, Ho. 2.)
The worTc is rather poor, hut the medal is in good preservation.
Ho. 4. Ohv. Half. Three rows in the style of Ho, 3, but very
indistinct.
Idev. Plain.
This lias been much rubbed. The late Mr. W. E. Frere, G. M. G. procured
it about 35 years ago in the Southern Mahratta country.
Ho. 5. Obv. Half. Two divisions. Tipper. Rama in centre
with Sita on his left knee. Two figures to her left,
the first with a chauri, three figures on the right
of Rama, the nearest holding umbrella. These
^ figures appear as set in a frame with arabesque
border at the top. Lower, parts of four figures on.
right of centre. Two, a monkey and a bear on left.
Rev. The faintest remains of Hanuman, much rubbed.
This was sent me for inspection only from Fharwar.
Ho. 6. Obv. Quarter. Same design as last, but only one row of
figures.
Rev. Plain.
Ho. 7.
Ho. 8.
Very much rubbed; similar in worTc to Nos. 5, 7, 13.
Obv. Quarter. As the last, but position of figures slightly
Rev. different, more like Ho. 13.
Obv. Quarter. Rama and Sita seated on a throne. She
on his left. Three figures to her left and four to
his right, the first on the left has the umbrella
and the first on the right the chowri. Arabesque
ornament on edge. Moon and sun over Rama,
Below them in exergue Hanuman, under Rama>
and apparently 3 Balbodh letters, but not legible.
Rev. Hanuman standing, surrounded by, apparently, an
inscription, but the letters cannot be read.
This is very nearly Jlat — ^(Pl. Yl, Ho. 4).
J. Gibbs — Tafer on the Medals Icnovm as Jdanitinlcis. [Ko. 2,-
No. 9. Ohv. Quarter. Resembles ohv. of No. 3.
Eev. Haiiuman in middle standing in a circle, an inscrip¬
tion round, but not readable.
No. 10. Ohv. Quarter. Upper portion. Rama seated on a throne,
with Sita on his right, he has his right arm raised.
Three monkeys on his left. Four men on right,
the nearest holding the umbrella. Arabesque
border. In exergue 2 lines of apparently Balbodh
letters but imperfectly formed. It has been sug-
gested that they may be intended for
JT
S'ri Ra
ma
pra
sa
nna
e
1
9
I
S'ri Rama prasanna
• « •
I9I
“ May Rama bless ’
’ or be propitious ”
• • •
I9I
Hanuman standing
in a square
within a
circle, holding
a club with its knob downwards, an inscription in
imitation Nagari letters but from which nothing
can be made out. (PI. VI, No. 1.)
No. 11. OhVo Quarter. Similar in style to last, but figures re¬
versed, Sita and four men on Rama’s left who has
his left hand raised. Umbrella as usual, on right
three monkeys. Hanuman very small at Rama’s feet.
In exergue^ bastard Nagari letters not readable.
Eev. Hanuman as in the last, letters on the sides of the
parallelogram and outside the circle, but not read¬
able. (PI. VI, No. 6.)
No. 12. Ohv. Quarter. Rama with Sita on his left knee, three
figures on each side, on Sita’s left, umbrella-bearer,
a man, a monkey ; on Rama’s right the chowri-
bearer, a man, a bear, in exergue 4 letters illegible.
Florid ornamentation over Rama.
Eev. Hanuman seated in middle in a double triangfle in a
circle and that again in squares, ornaments of
dots and marks in the corners all enclosed in an¬
other circle.
No. 13. Ohv. Quarter. Rama and Sita. Three men to his right,
two to her left. Grotesque monkeys below.
Eev. Hanuman with an illegible inscription round him.
Very imperfect. (PI. VI, No. 5.)
This is an electrotype from one in the Mysore Museum.
211
1884.] J. Gibbs — A Paper on the Medals hnoion as Pamtinhis.
The story on them all, illustrated to a greater or less degree, is that
of Rcima and Sita, on their reconciliation and her having proved her purity
after being seized and taken off to Lanka by Havana, and is taken from
the Ramayana. The rows of figures are composed of men and monkeys,
the latter forming part of the army of Hanuman by whose means Sita
was rescued. In all the large ones, Hanuman is represented standing
or kneeling in the centre of the row below Hama and Sita, and
holding up a flower to them : in the smaller, he alone sits just below
Hama and his consort. Sita in some is represented on Hama’s lap, in
others seated by him on the gadi ; the attendants have chowries and
the umbrella. The monkey in the same row with Hama and Sita is
SuGcriva the king of that tribe to whom Hanuman was adviser. In some
the figure of a bear appears ; this is intended to represent Jambavat,
the king of the bears, who with his army also aided Hama in his attack
on Lanka.
As none of these medals have any dates or any legible inscriptions,
the determination of their age becomes a matter of great difficulty.
From all I have been able to learn these pieces were never used as coins.
At first, finding that there were 3 sorts, whole, half, and quarter Ham-
tinkis, and that the weight of each sort was in correct proportion to the
others, I was inclined to think they might have been coins, but I have
now come to the conclusion that they are medals struck apparently for
purely religious purposes. They are highly venerated in Southern
India and most families of respectability there have one or more ; they are
also kept in temples and used in the daily worship. They have been known
for very many years, and in the absence of any actual evidence of their
date I have been led to seek for any traditions which may exist, and the
following has come to me from a trustworthy source.
In about the 9th century A. D., there flourished a famous Refor¬
mer of the S'aiva sect named S'ankaracharya, who travelled about the
country chiefly in Southern India and founded ‘ maths ’ or hermitages
in various places ; amongst others at Sringeri near the source of the
Toombudra river, Koodalji in the Holehonor Taluka of the Seomoga
division, in the Mysore territory, Sunkeshwar in the Chikkodee Taluka
of the Belgaum Oollectorate, Humpi in the Hospet Taluka of the Hel¬
lary District, and some in Gujarat, one of which was I believe in Surat.
In the course of time the subordinate Swamis became independent, and
some of them very rich. The last Swami but one of Koodalji was one
of these, and had a gold throne on which he sat to receive his disciples
and followers. It was customary among these follow^ers to make large
gifts to the shrine, in which were idols, images of Hama, Krishna,
S'iva, &c., which, as well as the apparatus for performing the worsliip, were
212 J. Gibbs — A Paper 07i the Medals Imoivn as Pa^ntmhis. [No. 2,
made of gold or silver — and part of the worship consisted in bathing
the idols daily in milk, curds, ghi, sugar, honey, fruits, and then in water,
after which they were bathed in gold, which is done by pouring over them
handfuls of gold coins such as Hamtinkis, Huns and other Hindu coins ;
these coins are kept specially for this use and are deemed to be sacred,
and although as a favour they may be shown to Europeans, none can
touch them but the priests.
I do not know how it came about, but the later Swamis at Koodalji
lost much of their property, and during the famine of 1876-77 disposed
of the remainder of these treasures, and amongst other things mort¬
gaged three Ramtinkis — which according to tradition had been handed
down from Swami to Swami from the foundation of the ‘ math ’ in the
9th or 10th century A. D. — to a banker, with the stipulation that if not
redeemed within six months they should become his property : the time
elapsed, and a year or so after my old friend Rao Bahadur Trimulrao,
who was connected by marriage with the banker, heard of them and pur¬
chased them for me. They are those numbered 2, 6, 7 in the above list.
They have been much knocked about from temple use, the large one espe¬
cially ; they are highly alloyed with silver, and are in consequence very
pale in colour. The largest is a whole Ramtinki and has rather the look
of having been cast, not struck. Ros. 6 and 7 are quarters and one of
them is almost exactly similar to the electrotype from the Mysore
Museum, specimen Ho. 13.
If we can trust the tradition above alluded to, these medals may be
800 or 900 years old, and the similarity between Ho.* 6 and Ho. 13 would
point to an early date also for the original of the latter.
With regard to the other varieties, I can form no opinion as to their
real age, but I am inclined to consider all but Ho. 8 modern, that is not
over 100 to 150 years ; one exactly resembling Ho. 6 was shown me by a
Brahman in Poona, who said he knew it had been worshipped in his
family for over 70 years, and might have been for a far longer time.
The large double one Ho. 1 is of very coarse work, but of pretty fair
gold, it is much rubbed and belongs to Mr. J. P. Watson in Bombay.
I classify the medals I have met with in 3 descriptions :
a. Those of very pale gold heavily alloyed with silver.
jd. Those of pure gold or nearly so with very fine work.
y. Those of pretty good gold and coarser work.
Under a come Hos. 2, 4, 6, 7
„ /? „ Hos. 3, 9,
,, y ,, Hos. 15, 10, 11, 12
Ho. 8 varies from all, l)eing of pale gold but fine work.
1884.] J. Gibbs — A Papeo^ on the Medals known as liamtinkis, 213
From the many inquiries I have made from natives regarding these
medals, I have invariably found that they consider the paler gold the
more ancient.
When I was in Poona some 6 or 7 years ago, the chief Sankara-
charya passed through on one of his religious tours, and hearing that he
had with him a remarkable Ramtinki I paid him a visit ; he was a par¬
ticularly pleasant spoken gentlemanly person, and had his gold shrine
set with rubies and emeralds valued at 2 lacs of Rupees erected for my
inspection, and also many of the jewels of his ‘ toshakhana ’ ^set out ;
on my asking for the Ramtinki, a priest produced a box wrapped in
several covers, and after opening cover after cover a bundle was taken out
in which on being opened, appeared the Ramtinki ; the priest took
it in his hand and held it for me to look at, and it was very like Ro. 2
in the above list, but I think rather larger, and had 5 rows of figures ;
it was of pale gold and remarkably deeply cup-shaped, it had evidently
been much used and was therefore rubbed and knocked about. I
could not get its weight or its diameter ; so I had to trust to my eye to
assess them.
Dr. Bidie of Madras has sent me drawings of several in the Madras
Museum.
The following is a description of them :
No. 1. Ohv. Whole. Flat. Upper. Rama and Sita seated with
six figures in two rows on each side. Lower.
Hanuman in middle standing, indistinct figures on
each side of him.
2 Interlaced squares with ornaments in the interstices
with a lozenge -shaped centre, round which appear
unformed letters. The subject in the lozenge is
not traceable. Wt. 677'3 grs. Diam. in.
Madras Museum.
Quarter. Flat. Two figures on a platform in the
middle, umbrella over them, a figure on left with
a Lion rampant below it, ornaments and apparently
letters.
Upper. Eight figures in a row, each holding a lance
with a wreath or a torch on it.
Lower. Marks which are said to resemble part of the
Muhammadan creed and the word “ Sindhya.”
Wt. 189'2 grs. Diam. in. Madras Museum.
Very rude work.
Quarter. Flat. Much the same as ohv. of Ro. 2, no
lion but a monkey on left.
Lev.
No. 2. Ohv.
Rev.
No. 3. Ohv.
214
J, Gibbs — ^4 Paper on the Medals hnuWn as Ramtvnkis. [No. 2,
No. 4.
Ohv.
Rev.
No. 5. Ohv.
Rev.
Rev. Four figures on a platform with their left hands raised,
an umbrella in centre, arabesque border. Wt. 160*4
grs. Diam. 1 inch. Madras Museum. J. Gibbs.
Whole. Very similar to that of PL VI, No. 2.
Hanuman standing in a circle which is enclosed in
interlaced squares with ornaments in corners.
Wt. 662*7 grs. Diam. 2yV Madras Museum.
Double (?) Somewhat similar to No. 4, but work
rather more in relief.
5 lines of what appear to be unreadable letters divided
by bands of ornament. This belongs to a banker
at Vellore, who gives its weight at 30 pagodas: a
pagoda is said in the money tables to weigh 52| grs.,
if this is correct the piece must weigh 52| X 30 =
1,575 grs. or more than double a single Pamtinki.
Nos. 2 and 3 of these are not in my opinion Pamtinkis, they are, I
beheve, specimens of the modern medals struck at some of the great places
of pilgrimage in Southern India. One similar to No. 2 was described and
depicted in the Proceedings of this Society for 1882, having been ex¬
hibited by General Pearce. I have one which resembles No. 3, having
only four figures on one side, but having on the other two standing figures
on a sort of dais with a man on the right and a monkey on the left.
I have seen several of this latter description : they are of very infe¬
rior workmanship, and of no pretensions to age. Mr. Scott at Tanjore
showed me one he had, and I have seen another in the possession of a
native gentleman at Calcutta, who looked upon it as an object of great
veneration, and paid a very large sum for it. It has the same device as
No. 3, but was of even rougher work and exactly similar to Mr. Scott’s.
I must not conclude this paper without alluding to Mars den’s notice
of these medals. He appears only to have seen quarter Pamtinkis and
those in the illustration in PI. XL VIII are of the ordinary descriptions.
These, as all his other coins, are now in the British Museum, where, until
the Chief of Vinchore, at my suggestion, sent home a whole Pamtinki,
they had none but quarters in the collection, the one sent home was a
duplicate of No. 2 in Plate VI.
I consider these medals to have been struck as votive offerings, their
weight varying perhaps in accordance with the wealth or status of the
donor or donee. I regret I have not been able to get more accurate
information regarding them, but I trust that this article with its illustra¬
tions may lead to the Society or myself obtaining further information on
the subject.
1884.] J. Beames — On the GeogtapJiy of India in the Reign of Ahhar. 215
On the Geography of India in the Reign of Alcbar. — By John Beames,
B. C. S. (With a Map.)
Ho. I. Subah Avadh (Oudh).
The object of this series of papers is to reconstruct as far as possible
the map of the Mughal empire at the time of the first great settlement of
the financial and political administration effected in A. D. 1582 by Baja
Todar Mai.
The details of this important operation — the basis of all subsequent
settlements— are preserved to us in the Ain-i-Akbari, the Persian text of
which has been fixed and published by the late Professor Blochmann.
He did not live long enough to translate the whole work, and as the
valuable notes which he had collected for the second volume, (in which
the details of Todar Mai’s settlement are given), have been lost; the
greater portion of the work has to be done over again. The continuation
of the translation has been entrusted by the Society to other hands, and
I therefore refrain from encroaching on that ground. But I presume
there is no objection to my extracting from the Persian text such details
as are necessary for my purpose and supplying such comments as may be
required for their elucidation. There is room for many workers in the
vast and as yet imperfectly explored mine of the Ain. On the present
occasion I shall confine myself to geography, reserving for a larger work
on which I am engaged references to the Muhammadan historians and
other authorities.
The dominions which Akbar either ruled, or claimed to rule, were
divided, as we learn from the Ain, into twelve provinces, to which His
Majesty gave the name of Subahs. These were
Ilahabad. Ajmir. Bangalah. Labor.
Agrah. Ahmadabad. Dihli. Multan.
Avadh. Bihar. Kabul. Malwah,
to which were subsequently added three more, riz. : —
Birar. Khandesh. Ahmadnagar.
makiiio; a total of fifteen.
Abul Puzl gives a chapter to each Subah, and takes them in geogra¬
phical order, beginning with Bangalah (Bengal) in the extreme east, and
going westwards. I have departed from this order for the following
reasons.
The Subah of Bangalah is by far the largest of all, and as it was not
at the time of Todar Mai’s settlement actually under the sway of the
E E
21G J. Eeames — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Ahhar. [Ko. 2,
Uebli emperor, tlie details given in the Ain are less fnll than those of
other Snbahs. Moreover, owing to various causes which I need not ex¬
plain in this place, the changes that have occurred since the sixteenth
century are more numerous and perplexing than in any part of India*
For Bengal we have some of Blochmann’s work, a general sketch of the
extent and position of the nineteen sarkars, and detailed identification of
two or three of them."^ I am now engaged in working out the rest, hut
I am not yet quite ready with Bengal, and though I have received much
assistance from the Collectors of the various districts — which I take this
opportunity of gratefnlly acknowledging — I fear some time must elapse
before the whole sarkar will be fully reconstructed.
Bihar was not undertaken by Blochmann, but I have nearly finished
my identification, and hope to publish it shortly.
Ilahabad, Agrah, Dihli and all those parts of Snbahs which were
included in the North West Provinces in 1844 have been worked out by
Sir H. Elliot and may be found at Yol. II, p. 82 of his Races of the
N. W. P. (my edition) and those parts left untouched by him I am now
working out.
Under these circumstances I have thought it better to begin with
Oudh, as I have been able to complete my work on that Subah. Oudh
was not British territory when Elliot wrote, and he has therefore omitted
it from his lists, with the exception of Gorakhpur, which has all along
formed part of the N. W. P.
The materials which I have used are chiefly the reports of the recent
settlements of the various districts, supplemented by* much valuable in¬
formation scattered here and there in the Oudh Gazetteer. The settle¬
ment reports being official publications are not generally accessible to the
learned public either in India or Europe, they contain much curious and
useful information, and in respect of the old names of estates and par-
ganahs give data not usually procurable, being derived from local tradi¬
tion, the histories of the great families, and the records preserved by the
Kanungoes or fiscal recorders, an office founded by the Mughal Emperors
and which has survived to our own times. I have thought it might be
serviceable to students to publish in the Society’s Journal material at
present virtually buried in the Settlement Reports, and to bring together
into one general view the scattered notices to be found in the Gazetteer.
The accompanying map is an attempt at making our knowledge of the
subject precise and definite.
* See liis articles on the Geography and History of Bengal in J. A. S. B.
Vol. XLIT, p. 209 ; Vol. XLIII, p. 280 ; Vol. XLIV, p. 275 and in Appendix to Hun¬
ter’s Statistical Account of the 24 Parganas District.
1884.] J. Beamcs — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Ahhar. 217
I. Sarkar Avadh.*
21 mahals. Area 2,796,206 bighas 19 biswas. Revenue 40,956,347
dams nakdi, 1,680,247 dams sayurghal.
Castes various. 1,340 cavalry, 23 elepbauts,
31,700 infantry.
1. Avadb ba haveli. 6 mabals. 38,249&. 17&. 2,008, 366(^. 1,58,7415.
Brahmans and Knnbis. 50 horse, 500 foot.
2. Ambodha. Has a fort of burnt brick 2,82,097 bighas, 1,298,724(^.
7,3185. Bais. 30 horse, 700 foot.
3. Ibrahimabad. 19,338&. 8h. 445,417d. 103,8065. Ansaris.
4. Inhona. Has a fort of burnt brick. 74,0906. 126,847d. Chau-
hans recently converted to Islam (nan mus-
lim) . 100 horse, 2000 foot.
5. Pachchhimrath. 289,0856. 4,247,104(6. 38,8855. Rajputs of the
Bachhil and Cahlot clans 20 horse, 500 foot.
6. Bilahri. Has a fort of burnt brick. 15,8596. 815,831(6. Bach-
gotis. 50 horse, 2000 foot.
7. Basodhi. 31,1886. 505,473(6. 1,5005. Bachgotis. 20 horse, 500
foot.
8. Thana Bhadanw. 8,7036. 26. 427,509(6. 36,1725. Bachgotis.
1000 foot.
9. Baktaha. 44,4016. 385,008(6. 3,9605. Bachgotis. 500 foot.
10. Daryabad. Has a fort of burnt brick. 487,0146. 5,369,521(6.
226,8715. Rajputs of the Chauhan and
Raikwar clans. 100 horse. 2000 foot.
11. Rudauli. Port of burnt brick. 351,5336. 3,248,680(6. 249,0835.
Chauhan and Bais Rajputs. 50 horse, 2000
foot.
12. Sailak. Fort of burnt brick. 571,0716. 4,723,209(6. 200,9455.
Raikwar Rajputs. 100 horse, 2000 foot.
13. Sultanpur. Fort of buimt brick. 75,8936. 3,832,530(6. 98,9675.
Bachgotis. 300 horse, 8 elephants, 7000
foot.
14. Satanpur. Fort of burnt brick. 80,1546. 1,600,741(6. 109,7885.
Bais converted to Islam Bachgotis, Joshis
(?). 300 horse, 4000 foot.
15. Sabihah. 104,7806. 1,609,293d. 87,2005. Rajputs. 30 horse,
1000 foot.
16. Sarwapali. 58,1706.1,210,335(6.48,1075. Bachgotis. 1000foot_
* Translated from the Persian text of the Am-i-Akbari, Blochmann’s Ed. Yol,
II, p. 435.
218 J. Beames— Oil the Geography of hidia in the Reign of Ahhar. [No, 2,
17. Satrikh. 37,0416. 11,26,295(^. 92,6955. Ansans. 20 horse, 1000
foot.
18. Giiarichh. 79,1586. 3,773,417c?. 3,7825. Eaikwars. 50 horse,
1,070, foot.
19. Kishiii. Fort of burnt brick, 25,6746. 1,339,286(6. 123,8475.
Rajputs, 3 elephants. 1,500 foot.
20. Mangalsi. 116,4016.1,360,753(6.86,5045. Sombansis. 20 horse,
1000 foot.
21. Naipur. 5,9976. 308,788(6. 2,9455. Castes various. 500 foot.
[Note. In the above list the name of the mahal (6. g. parganah)
comes first, then the cultivated area in bighas and biswas. Next the
revenue in dams (40 = 1 akbarshahi rupee) then the “ sayurghal” or
rent-free lands then the prevailing caste or clan of the inhabitants, and
the contingent of troops both horse and foot. The abbreviations are
explained by this note.]
Of these 21 mahals those numbered 1, 4, 5, 7, 10, 15, 17, 18, 20,
are still in existence under the same names and probably with nearly the
same boundaries as in Akbar’s time.
The following require some explanation.
2. Ambodha, now written Amorha, is on the left bank of the
Gfhogra and is now in the district of Basti in the N. W. Provinces. In
tho Gonda S. R.f p- H it is said to have included Bamhanipair, but this
is a mistake as “ Bambhanparah” occurs in the Ain as one of the mahals
of Sarkar Gorakhpur. Ambodha, however, appears to have included the
southern part of the present parganah of Nawabgaiij on the left bank of
the Ghogra facing the city of Ajodhya.
3. Ibrahimabad is now only a village in parganah Satrikh. 0. G. ii.
85.
6. Bilahri is now the northern portion of parganah Sultanpur and
is called Baraunsa, see below No. 13.
8. Appears to be now known as Tappah Asl. O. G. iii. 457 where
there is a partial reconstruction of this and some other sarkars taken
from the Sultanpiir S. B. by Mr. A. F. Millett, C. S. I have followed
this officer’s guidance almost entirely, as far as it goes.
9. Baktaha is not traceable. Mr. Millett says it is now Baksaha in
Bara Banki district, but this latter is not mentioned either in the Bara
Banki S. R. (which is meagre on this subject) or in the 0. G.
II. Rudauli is still in existence but is smaller than in Akbar’s time,
when it included the present Khandansa parganah to the south-east.
* See Bloclimann’s Translation of the Am, p. 268.
t S. E. stands for Settlement Eeport, 0. G. for Oudh Gazetteer.
1884.] J. Beames — On the Geography of hidia in the Beign of Ahhar. 219
12. Sailak presents some difficulty. In O. Gr. i. 92, it is said to have
comprised the present parganahs of Bado Sarai, Bamnagar and Muham-
madpnr, as well as a tract described as Lalpur-Bampur- Mathura, which
probably is on the tongue of land at the junction of the Grhogra and Chauka
rivers now in South Kundri parganah. But if this is correct it is difficult
to understand where to put the Bhitauli parganah of Sarkar Lakhnau.
Either Sailak must have consisted of two parts, one (Bado Sarai) lying
to the south of Bhitauli, and another consisting of the remaining par¬
ganahs to the north of it, or else Bhitauli must have been cut in two by
Sailak. In the map I have adopted the latter supposition which seems
more in accordance with the history. The two parganahs of Bhitauli
and Sailak are, however, very much mixed up throughout the Muham¬
madan period, indeed they are occasionally spoken of as identical, and I
shall be glad if any local officer will throw some light on the subject.
Unfortunately the author of the Bara Banki S. R. omits all historical
and geographical details, and the Gazetteer does not supply the omission.
The portion of this Suhah which is included in Bara Banki is conse¬
quently the most difficult of all to restore.
13. Sultanpur was that part of the present parganah of that name
which lies on the right hank of the Gumti, that part which is on the left
bank was formerly known as Bilahri (see No. 6) a name which includes
also Baraunsa. The southern portion is known as Sultanpur Miranpur
or Kathot, a name not found in the Ain.
14. Satanpur and Kishni (No. 19) now compose parganah Jagdispur
in Sultanpur district.
16. Sarwapali is now Amsin in Faizahad district.
19. See No. 14.
21. I cannot find this place. Mr. Millett in his valuable reconstruc¬
tion of this Sarkar has omitted Nos. 20 and 21. In O. G. i. 462 it is said
to be the same as Iltifatganj, hut the position of this place is not indicated.
Three modern parganahs in this part of the country (Bara Banki
again !) are obscure.
i. Mawffi Maholara. This seems from 0. G. ii. 494 to have been
created out of parts of Rudauli and Basorhi, and I have accordingly m
the map divided it between them.
ii. Surajpiir. Lies between Daryabad of Sarkar Audh and Sid-
dhaur of Sarkar Lakhnau. In the O. G. in two places (iii. 332, and iii
447) it is said to have been in existence under that name in the time of
Akbar, but it does not occur in the Ain. It appears to have been in¬
cluded under Daryabad and I have while waiting for further information
shewn it so in the map.
iii. Partahganj, This is admittedly a modern parganah, and I have
220 J. Beames — On the Geography of India in the Ueign of AJchar. [No. 2,
included it under Satrikh, the area of wkich seems to be considerably
smaller now tban it was under Akbar.
The Sarkar of Avadb or Audb, as tbus reconstructed, was a tolerably
compact tract of about 90 miles in length lying principally on the right
bank of the Chauka and Ghogra, but including also a strip of varying
width on the left or northern bank of the latter. The breadth varies
very much, and owing to the want of details for Bara Banki cannot be
exactly stated. At its north-western end it is much mixed up with parts
of Sarkars Lakhnau and Bahraich, and two detached portions of the former
Sarkar, one consisting of parganah Siddhaur, the other of parganahs
Isauli and Garh Amethi, are included in it on its south-western side.
On the south it marches with Sarkars Manikpur and Jaunpur of the
Subah of Ilahabad.
In the endeavour to depict accurately the exterior and interior
boundaries I have felt this difficulty that though parganahs bearing the
same names as these in the Ain are still extant, it is far from certain that
the boundaries were the same as now. The areas given in the Ain only
refer to cultivated land, and the exact size of Akbar’s bigha is somewhat
uncertain. The map can therefore only claim to be an approximation,
though probably a very close approximation, to the actual facts of A. D.
1582.
II. Sarka'r Gorakhpu'r.
Twenty-four mahals. 244,2835. 135. 11,926,790^. 51,2355. Castes
various. 1,010 horse, 22,000 foot.
1. Atraula. Fort of burnt brick. 32,0525.1,397,367(5.6,9355. Af¬
ghan Mianas. 50 horse, 1,500 foot.
2. Anhaula. 4,1145.175.201,120(5.2,1705. Bisens, horse. 400 foot.
3. Binaikpur. Fort of burnt brick. 13,8575. 75. 6,00,000(5. Su-
rajbansi Rajputs. 400 horse, 3000 foot.
4. Bambhanparah. 6,6885. 414,194(5. Rajputs. 2000 foot.
5. Bhanwaparah. 3,1055. 155. 155,900(5. Bisens. 200 foot.
6. Tilpur. Fort of burnt brick. 9,0055. 175. 4,00,000(5. Suraj-
bansi Rajputs. 100 horse, 2000 foot.
7. Chiluparah. Fort of burnt brick. 6,0365. 145. 289,302(5. Raj¬
puts. 2000 foot.
8. Daryaparah. Fort of burnt brick. 31,3575. 195. 1,517,078(5.
5,0675. Bisens. 60 horse, 400 foot.
9. Dewaparah and Kotlah. 2 mahals. 16,1945. 175. 717,840(5.
Bisens. 20 horse, 2000 foot.
Rihli. 33,1835. 195. 1,618,074(5. 20,8735. Bisen Rajputs. 1000
foot.
10.
1884.] J. Beanies — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Akhar. 221
11. Rasiilpur and Ghansi. 2 mahals. 4,200&. 622,030(1 Sombansis.
500 foot.
12. Bamgarh and Gauri. 2 mabals. 10,7266. 485,943d. Somban-
sis. Included in Binaikpur.
13. Gorakhpur ba haveli. Has a fort of burnt brick, on] the banks
of the river Rapti. 12,6566. 567,385d.
39105. Surajbansis. 40 horse, 200 foot.
14. Katihla. Fort of burnt brick. 9006. 126. 40,000d. Bisens.
30u horse, 200. foot.
15. Kihlaparah. Fort of burnt brick. 16,0126. 425,845d. Bansis
(?) 20 horse, 300 foot.
16. Mahauli. Fort of burnt brick. 2,5236. 617,256d. Bisens. 2000
foot.
17. Mandwah. 1,9096. 196. 452,321d. Sombansis. 20 horse, 500
foot.
18. Mandlah. 1,2526. 66. 51,100d.
19. Maghar and Ratanpur. 2 mahals. Fort of burnt brick. 26,0626.
l,352,585d. 16,7715. Bisen and Bais. 2000
foot.
The above list is taken from the Persian text, and differs in some
particulars from Elliot’s (Races of H. W. P. Vol. II, p. 119). It also
gives the area and revenue and other details omitted by Elliot. The fol¬
lowing remarks are necessary for its elucidation.
1. Atraula. The correct name is Utraula or perhaps strictly Utta-
raula. Akbar’s parganah includes the modern parganahs of Utraula,
Sadullahnagar and Biirhaparah on the eastern frontier of the Gonda
district (Gonda S. R. p. 11, O. G. s. r. Utraula, iii. 574).
8. Daryaparah is the spelling in the text and no variants are given
by Blochmann. The parganah which is still extant is, however, now called
Uhuriaparah. In the map I have given the name as it is in the Persian
text, which of course might also read Duryaparah as no vowels are given,
9. Dewaparah and Kotlah. So in the text, but Kotlah is an
easy and probable mistake for Kohanah The real name appears
to be Dewaparah Kuhanah which I have shewn on the map after Elliot’s
explanation. It covers all the east of the Gorakhpur district.
10. Rihli comprises the northern parganahs of Mankapur, Maha-
dewa and Hawabganj. Probably, as suggested under Amorha in Sarkar
Audh, a portion of Hawabganj belonged to that parganah. See Gonda
S. R. p. 11.
12. Ramgarh and Gauri appear to have included all the forest tract
north of the Rapti, the northern parganahs of Balrampur and Tulsipur.
15. Kihlaparah may be, as Elliot suggests, a mistake for Rihlaj^arah,
222 J. Beames — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Ahhar. [No. 2,
an extant parganali. It is no argument against this that to read Rihla-
parah would disturb the alphabetical order in which the mahals are
given ; for I have found a considerable number of such errors in other
Subah lists in the Ain.
18. Mandlah cannot be traced.
The remaining mahals of this Sarkar are still extant.
Sarkar Gorakhpur thus stretches from the Gandak to the Ghogra,
and includes the modern Districts of Gorakhpur and Basti in the W.
Provinces and the greater part of Gonda in Audh. The western bound¬
ary where it marches with Sarkar Bahraich is however extremely in¬
definite, and the same may be said of the northern boundary. Even in
the present day a very large portion of this tract is covered by dense
forests, and this must have been the case to a much greater extent in the
sixteenth century. The very small areas given for parganahs which
stretch for scores and scores of miles prove this, and historical proofs are
not wanting to confirm the impression. Consequently the boundaries
of the different mahals in the north of this Sarkar cannot be restored
with any approach to accuracy, and I have therefore not attempted to lay
them down on the map ; this omission is less to be regretted when it is
considered that there were certainly no definite boundaries in Todar
Mai’s time. There were clearings in the forest here and there, which
were loosely grouped together under some local name taken from the
residence of the Hindu chief or Afghan adventurer who was powerful in
those parts. The dominions (if we may use the term) of these chiefs
varied constantly as mahals or towns were taken and retaken by con¬
tending forces in the petty wars and raids that were constantly going on.
III. Sarka'r Bahraich.
11 Mahals. Area 18,23,235&. 8&. 2,41,20,525c?. 466,4825. Castes
various. 1170 horse, 14,000 foot.
1. Bahraich ba haveli. Port of burnt brick on the banks of the
river Sarau. 697,2315.9,139,141(^.402,1115. Rajputs.
600 horse 4,500 foot.
2. Bahrah. 9265. 37,135(5. Kahnah. 500 foot.
3. Husampur. Fort of burnt brick. 157,4155. 3,707,035(5. 1,6015.
Raikwars, Bhales and a sept of Bisens. 70 horse,
900 foot.
4. Dankcion. 84,4365. 440,562(5. Janwars. 2,000 foot.
5. Rajhat. 4,0645. 115. 166,780(5. Janwars. 1000 foot.
6. Sanjhauli. 124,8105. 877,007(5. Janwar Rajputs.
7. Sultanpur. 58,1465. 166,001. Janwars. 7U0 foot.
1884.] J. Beames — On the Oeograjjhy of India in the Reign of AJchar. 223
8. Faklirpiir. Fort of burnt brick. 191,720&. 3,157,876(i.
56,0355. Raikwars, 150 horse, 2,000 foot.
9. Firozabad. Fort of burnt brick. 108,6015. l,933,079d. 4,1075.
Tunwar Rajputs. 200 horse, 8,000 foot.
10. Kila’ Nawagarh. 417,6016. 2,140,757d. Various castes.
50 horse, 1,000 foot.
11. Kahronsa. Fort of burnt brick. 28,4896. 176. l,315,051d.
2,6285. Bais. 100 horse, 1,000 foot.
All the mahals of this Sarkar are either still extant under their old
names, or distinctly traceable. The Settlement Officer of this district
Mr. H. S. Boys, 0. S. has effected a very complete reconstruction of the
Sarkar accompanied by a clear map. I have filled in the boundaries on
my own map from those given by Mr. Boys. One or two points, however,
call for notice.
1. The figures for area and revenue given in the S. R. do not agree
with those in Blochmann’s text. Mr. Boys probably worked on Glad¬
win’s translation which is not always correct. I have given the correct
figures above. The mahal of Bahraich included the modern parganah of
that name, and Akona (except a small portion north-east of the Rapti)
all but 133 villages of Naupara, all but the trans -Rapti portion of Char-
da and Bhinga this side of the Rapti.
2. Bahrah included the rest of Bhinga and 77 villages now in Mpal,
3. Husampiir now known as Hisampur is still extant, but it was
larger formerly, including a considerable tract to the south-east now in
the Gonda district, while on the north it included some estates now in
Fakhrpur,
4. Dankdon now called Dangdoi (for which in Blochmann’s
text is possibly a copyist’s error) comprised the rest of Akona, the rest of
Bhinga, and the northern part of Tulsipur. Its boundaries were probably
never very clearly defined.
5. Rajhat is, all but a few villages, now in the Vipal tarai.
6. Sanjhauli, written by Boys Sijauli, contained some villages now
in Nipal.
7. Sultanpur is an enclave in Bahraich and also included a few
villages now belonging to Nipal.
10. Kila’ Kawagarh, This comprised the modern parganahs of
Tambiir, north and south Kundri in Sitapiir and apparently parts of
Dhaurahra and Firozabad in Kheri, but its boundaries are not very clear.
It seems generally speaking to have occupied the whole Doab between
the Kauriala and Chauka rivers, except a small portion at the extreme
south wliich belonged to Sailak or Bhitauli,
11. Kahronsa is a difficult mahal to restore. The local settlement
IT F
224 J. Beames — Oti the Geography of India in the Reign of Ahhar. [No. 2,
officers who have had the advantage of consulting the Kanmigos, the
records of the great families, and other local sources of information have
been followed in my map, but the exact boundaries for this, as for all
parganahs beyond the Ghogra are probably now not determinable.
The Sarkar appears to have occupied all the western portion of the
trans-Ghogra country; its boundaries on the Gorakhpur side are very un¬
certain. An immense proportion of it was jungle with scattered set¬
tlements of Junwar, Baikwar and other Rajput clans here and there. It
stretched far up into the Nipal Tarai and much of it was only nominally
under Musalman sway, the revenue derived from the northern mahals
was very small, and the hill chieftains appear constantly to have levied
even that. There was also, however, a long narrow slip on the right bank
of the Chauka which 3n.elded a much better revenue and was much prized
as is shewn by the frequency with which it changed hands under royal
grants.
IV. Sarka'r Khaira'ba'd.
22 mahals. 1,987,7005. 65. 43,644,381d. 171,3425. Castes various.
1,160 horse, 27,800 foot.
1. Barwar Anjanah. 79,6705. 75. 4,325,237A 107,0795. Rajputs
and Brahmans. 50 horse, 2,000 foot.
2. Biswah. Fort of burnt brick. 135,1195. 3,545,643(7. 107,9165.
Bachhil Rajputs. 30 horse, 1000 foot.
3. Pali. 144,6275. 1,849,270(7. 37,9455. Asanin (?). 30 horse,
1000 foot.
4. Bawan. 56,1565. 1,161,235(7. 62,4885. 'Asanin (?). 20 horse,
1000 foot.
5. Basrah. 60,0635. Castes various. 300 foot.
6. Bhurwarah. Fort of burnt brick. 8,9715. 185. 435,430(7.
Ahanin (?). 50 horse, 2,500 foot.
7. Bisara. 21,7405. 676,066(7. Bachhils, 200 foot.
8. PaiM. 9815. 145. 48,202(7. Ahanin (?) 200 foot.
9. Chhitiapiir. 64,7065. 1,765,641(7. 41,0945, Gaur Rajputs. 50
horse, 700 foot.
10. Khairabad ba Haveli. 2 mahals. Fort of burnt brick.
159,0725. 6,161,234(7. 174,1915. Brahmans, 50
horse, 2000 foot.
11. Sandi. Fort of burnt brick. 211,8045. 3,055,339(7. 195,1065,
Sombansis. 20 horse 2000 foot.
12. Sarah. 28,8325. 2,091,983(7. 8,6665. Chauhans. 60 horse, 500
foot.
Sadrpui-. 120,6985. 831,175(7. 15,5815. Jan wars and Bachhils,
20 horse, 500 foot.
13.
1884. j J. Beames — On the Geography of India in the Reign of AJchar. 225
14. Gopamau. Fort of burnt brick. 1,07,368&. 66. 5,620,466(1.
562, 037^. Bajputs Kunwar (var. lect. Bisen and
Kunwar). 100 horse, 3000 foot.
15. Klieri. Fort of burnt brick. 260,1686. 3,250,522d. 50,5225.
Bisen Rajputs and Janwars. 60 horse, 1,500 foot.
16. Khairigarh. One of the strongest forts in Hindustan, and it
has six forts of brick plastered with lime at a
short distance from it. 43,0526. 76. 1,829,327(1.
Bais, Bisen, and Bachhil and Kahanah (.P). 300
horse, 1,500 foot.
17. Kharkhila. 15,8156. 166. 473, 727(^. A'sm(?). 20 horse, 500
foot.
18. Khankatmau. 3,0576.116.235,656(1. Castes various. 400 foot.
19. Laharpur. 208,2886. 3,029,479(1. 209,0795. Brahmans. 50
horse, 1000 foot.
20. Machhrahtah. 71,0696. 2,112,176(1. 2,4305. Bachhil Rajpiits.
30 horse, 2000 foot.
21. Mmkhar. Fort of burnt brick. 58,7756. 186. 3,566,055(1.
66,055(1. Ahirs. 100 horse, 1,500 foot.
22. Harganw. 66,9526 . 200,000(1. 26,3855. Brahmans. 20 horse,
500 foot.
In this sarkar all the mahals have been identified by the settlement
officers of the Hardoi, Sitapur, and Kheri districts, but nearly all of them
call for some explanation.
1. Barwar Anjanah was a large tract of mostly uninhabited forest
country which included the present parganahs of Alamnagar, Pihani-
Padarua in the Hardoi district and Pasganw, Muhamdi, Magdapur, Auran¬
gabad, and Atwa-Piparia in Kheri. It is said that the second name is
properly Anjanah “ unknown ” so-called from the wild nature of the
country, but this is doubtful. It was one large estate held by the Sayyids
of Barwar. [In tracing the divisions of Akbar through the pages of the
Settlement reports and the Gazetteer I have been much impeded by the
fact that the writers are all deeply interested in the history of the great
proprietary clans and only give geographical notices under those heads, so
that one has to hunt up a parganah through a dozen notices.]
3. Pali included the present parganahs of Shahabad and Pachhoha
and part of Saromannagar and Katiari.
5. Basrah, was apparently a very small parganah and it is re¬
markable that no revenue is assigned to it in the text. It is not to be
found on the map nor is it mentioned in the 0. G.
6. Bhurvvarah, a vast and undefined mahal which appears to have
included the present parganahs of Bhur, Haidarabad, Aliganj and per-
226 J. Beames — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Akbar. [No. 2^
haps also Palia across the Chauka or so much of it as was inhabited at
that time. In the north of the Kheri district we get into the jungles
again as in Bahraich and exact boundaries are not to be expected.
7. Bisara, there is a small parganah of this name west of parganah
Kheri, there is no notice of it in the O. G. unless perhaps it may be
alluded to casually in some of the long accounts of Kajput and other
clans of which that work is full, to the exclusion of more precise infor¬
mation.
8. Paila still extant, it included also Karanpiir to the north.
9. Chhitiapur is the old name of Sitapiir.
11. Saudi appears to have included so much of Katiari as was not
in Pali, but where the line is to be drawn is not known.
17. Kharkhila, The spelling is that of Blochmann’s text, but it
appears it should be Karkliila and not Khar. The modern name is
Karaona, and the first syllable is said to be the Sanskrit Jcara — a hand ;
there is a legend about a Kaja who lost his hands and had them restored
by bathing in a sacred tank at this place.
18. Khankhatmau is now in the Parukhabad district of the N. W. P.
21. Nimkhar. There is now no parganah of this name though the
ancient and sacred town of Nimkhar or Nimsar is still in existence.
This large estate comprised the modern parganahs of Aurangabad, Misrikh,
Maholi, Kasta-Abganw, and Sikandarabad forming a long narrow strip
running from north to south in the Sitapur and Kheri districts.
The remaining parganahs are still extant and probably very nearly
their former extent, though there have been here and there a few trans¬
fers of villages from one to another.
In Nos. 3, 4, 6, and 17, the ruling clan is given as Asanin or Ahanin
with variants Asin and Ahin. I would read in all these cases Ahbans.
In the Persian character or is very like and may
easily have been mistaken for it. The Ahbans were a powerful pro¬
prietary tribe in western Oudh for many centuries. I am in doubt as to
the name in No. 16. It may be for Khumbi. There are one
*«
or two parganahs unaccounted for in the Ain. These are :
I. Barwan, between Pali and Sandi. In the Hardoi S. R. p. 95
it is said that Barwan is mentioned in the Ain and the writer gives its
area and revenue. I do not know where he got this information as there
is no mention of Barwan in Blochmann’s text, nor is there any mahal
having the area or revenue quoted in the S. R.
II. Chandra. In the Sitapur S. R. p. 85 it is stated that the old
name of this parganah was Haveli. But the Haveli or home county of
this Sarkar is Khairabad which is separated from Chandra by Nimkhar
and Sitapur. Some changes of villages from one parganah to another
1884.] J. Beanies — On the Geography of India- in the Reign of xilchar. 227
have occurred since Akbar’s time, and it is possible that Chandra may
have formed part of the Haveli mahal of Khairabad. I have shewn it in
the map as uncertain.
IV. Gnndlamau. This parganah is not in the Ain and my author¬
ities give no information on the subject. I presume it was part of the
great Nimkhar estate but have shewn it in the map as uncertain.
This Sarkar it will be seen includes the whole of western Oudh. In
the southern part the mahals are generally clearly traceable and well
defined, but in the north the great submontane forest appears to have
been only sparsely peopled and to lay down definite boundary lines on
the map would not only be impossible, but would convey an erroneous im¬
pression by making precise divisions which were not in existence in the
time of Akbar. Kheri on its northern side, Khairigarh and Bhurwara
have therefore been left unmarked by boundary lines and I am very
doubtful about the northern boundary of Killa Hawagarh and Firozabad
which adjoin them.
It only remains to observe that special interest attaches to Laharpur
in this Sarkar from its being the birthplace of the illustrious financier
Raja Todar Mai, the author of the great revenue settlement whose features
we are now endeavouring to restore.
V. Sarkar Lakknau.
55 mahals. 3,307,4265. 25. 80,7I6,I60d. 4,572,5265. Castes various,
2,680 horse, 36 elephants, 83,450 foot.
1. Abethi. Fort of burnt brick. 117,3815. 3,076,480d. 3,002,175.
Ansaris. 300 horse, 20 elephants, 2,000 foot.
2. Unam. Has a brick fort. 61,0455. 2,0I2,372(^. 2,537,4755.
Sayyids. 50 horse, 4,000 foot.
3. Isauli. Fort of burnt brick on the banks of the river Gudi.
1,670,0935. 4,208,046d. 240,8465. Bachgoti
Rajputs. 50 horse, 2,000 foot.
4. Asewan. 57,7265. 830,625d. 63,4215. Bais and Chandel,
10 horse, 500 foot.
5. Asoha. 25,0275. 509,901d. Ahanin (?). 400 foot.
6. Unchhganw. 33,1225. 417,957d. Bais. 100 horse, 2,000 foot.
7. Bilgranw. Fort of burnt brick. 5,124,1135. 356,892d. Sayyids
and Bais. 20 horse, 1,000 foot.
8. Bangarmau. Brick fort. 242,2915. 3,802, 122d. 151,4815,
Galliot Rajputs. 2,000 foot.
9. Bijlor. 80,5815. 2,505,047d. 193,9615. Chauhans. 30 horse,
1,000 foot.
Bari. 70,5905. l,284,799d. 51,5605. Bais. 30 horse, 1,000 foot.
10.
228 J. Beames — On the Geography of India in the Ueign of Ahhar, [N’o. 2,
11. Bahrimau. 19,409&. 36. 591,406c?. Bais. 20 horse, 500 foot.
12. Pingwan. 34,7276. 420,832(?. 12,7305. Bais. 500 foot.
13. Bithauli. 8,7366. 8,194s. 340,191c?. Rajputs and Jats. 200
foot.
14. Panhan. 8,9456. 267,809(?. Bais. 300 foot.
15. Parsandan. 9,1116. 237,537c?. Rajputs and Khumhis. 200
foot.
16. Patan. 5,6216. 214,255(?. Brahmans and Khumhis. 400 foot.
17. Tara Shikaur. 9,3576. 123,534c?. Brahmans. 300 foot.
18. Jhalotar. 61,7746. 1,123,176(?. 21,441s. Chandels. 20 horse,
2,000 foot.
19. Dewe. Port of burnt brick. 88,6386. 1,933,837c?. 174,207s.
Rajputs. 30 horse, 2,000 foot.
20. Deorakh. 13,3406. 96. 689,536c?. Bais. 100 horse, 1,500 foot.
21. Dadrah. 10,7966. 73,737c?. Rajputs. 50 foot.
22. Rambharpur. Port of burnt brick. 75,4906. 2,425,775c?.
79,225s. Bais and Brahmans. 100 horse,
2,000 foot.
23. Ramkot. Port of burnt brick. 9,7906. 267,099c?. Rajputs.
200 foot.
24. Sandilah. Port of burnt brick. 3,937,2006. 10,623,901c?.
837,245s. Gahlots and Bachils. 100 horse,
5,000 foot.
25. Saipiir. 39,0836. 156. 2,625,388c?. 27,736s. Chandel Rajputs.
40 horse, 1,000 foot.
26. Sarosi. 25,7106. 1,239,767c?. 1,567s. Chandel Rajputs. 20
horse, 1,000 foot.
27. Satanpur. 60,6006.1,028,800c?. 10,192s. Bais and Brahmans.
50 horse, 2,000 foot.
28. Sihali. 13,0656. 694,707c?. 130,216s. Rajputs. 10 horse, 500
foot.
29. Sidhaur. 35,7946. 1,692,281c?. 313,022s. Afghans (?) and
Rajputs. 100 horse, 1,000 foot.
30. Sidhupiir. 9,3716. 46. 505,018c?. Bais. 150 horse, 1,500 foot.
31. Sandi. 7,8526. 96. 392,313c?'. 13,792s. Rajputs. 1,000 foot.
32. Saron. 5,5766. 210,316c?. 2,858s. Rajputs and Khumhis.
100 foot.
33. Patihpur. Port of burnt brick. 19,8306. 3,161,440c?. Shekh-
zadas and Rajputs. 200 horse, 5 elephants,
2,000 foot.
34. Patihpur Chaurasi. 105,9526. 909,176c?. 6,594s. Rajputs and
(!) Chandels. 10 horse, 500 foot.
1884.] J. Beanies — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Ahhar. 229
35. Garh Ambithi. Fort of burnt brick. 47,3566. l,800,000c^^
Babmanffoti Raiputs. 250 borse, 8 elephants,
5,500 foot.
36. Kursi. Fort of burnt brick. 80,8176. 1,693,844(6. 62,9105.
Rajputs. 60 borse, 3 elephant, 2,000 foot.
37. Kakori. Fort of burnt brick. 31,5746. 1,134,432(6. 14,4305.
Bisen Rajputs. 30 borse, 500 foot.
38. Kabanjarab. 22,3006. 818,472(6. Bais. 100 borse, 2,000 foot.
39. Gbatampiir. 27,3906. 552,561(6. Brahmans. 500 foot.
40. Kacbb Ando. 22,0666. 430,596(6. 4,4605. Cbandels. 500 foot,
41. Garanda. 4,8036. 334,769(6.
42. Kumbbi. 5,9406. 267,089(6. Rajputs. 400 foot.
43. Lakbnau ba Haveli. 91,7226. 1,746,771(6. 241,1955. Sbekb-
zadabs. Brahmans, and Kayaths. 200 horse,
3,000 foot.
44. Lasbkar. 16,7946. 167,529. Bais. 4,000 foot.
45. Malibabad. Fort of burnt brick. 169,2696. 4,479,250(6.
108,5455. Bais. 30 borse, 2,000 foot.
46. Malawab. 83,0226. 3,598,713(6. 222,0385. Bais. 30 borse,
2,000 foot.
47. Mohan. Fort of burnt brick. 60,9906. 1,996,673(6. 198,4845,
Bais Rajputs. 30 horse, 2,000 foot.
48. Moranw. Brick fort. 68,8476. 1,698,444(6. 4,8065. Bais Raj¬
puts. 150 borse, 2,000 foot.
49. Madianw. 49,4226. 1,136,613(6. 32,9005. Baswar and Bar-
kala (?). 30 borse, 500 foot.
50. Mabonah. 50,8956. 977,860(6. 8,8055. Rajputs. 50 borse, 2000
foot.
51. Manwi. Fort of burnt brick. 29,5006. 771,372(6. 13,7675.
Musalmans and Rajputs. 2,000 foot.
52. Makraid. 17,9596 . 576,200(6. 5,2475. Bais Rajputs. 1,000
foot.
53. Hadbah. Brick fort. 11,7346. 359,748(6. 6,0265. Brahmans.
300 foot.
54. Haihar. 13,1096. 329,735(6. Bais. 30 borse, 500 foot.
The erreater number of the mahals in this sarkar are still extant and
have been identified by Mr. Millett in the Sultanpiir S. R. Those portions
wbicb lie in the Bara Banki district present some difficulties owing to
the absence of all historical data from the S. R. of that district ; the
writer of wbicb says be leaves such matters to the compiler of the Oudh
Gazetteer. The O. G., however, merely copies the scanty notes of the
S. R., so we are left in the dark.
230 J. Beames — On the Geography of India in the Ueign of Ahhar. [No. 2,
1. Abethi is now spelt Ametlii. The original word appears to
have been Ambishthi which would give either spelling in its Prakrit
form. The parganah is now known as Mohanlalganj, the town retains
the old name.
5. Asoha is now combined into one parganah with Parsandan
No. 15.
6. Unchhganw. This mahal with Tara Singhanr (which appears
to be the true reading for Bara Shikaur of Blochmann’s text) No. 17
and Sidhuphr No. 30, has since Akbar’s time been made into the one
parganah of Danndia Khera.
7. BilOTanw or -oram is the site of the famous battle in A. D. 1540
O &
where Humayun was defeated by Slier Shah. The mahal included the
modern parganah of Bangar. 0. G. I. 223.
9. Bijlor is now written Bijnor. The I, however, is right, as the
original word seems to have been Bijlipiir.
11. Bahrimau or Pahrimau was the old name of Pirnagar.
12. Pingwan or Bang wan I cannot find anywhere. Perhaps the
local officers can enlighten me.
13. Bithauli. Spelt in the 0. G. Bhitauli. The town is on the
Doab between the Gogra and Chauka but it is difficult to define the boun¬
daries of this mahal and Sailak in Sarkar Avadh (vide supra) .
20. Deorakh. This mahal also I cannot find.
21. Dadrah appears to account for a portion of the blank space in
the Bara Banki district not covered (as far as can be seen) by any name
in the Ain. This space is now divided betweeen the Nawabganj and
Partabganj parganahs both of which, however, are of very recent crea¬
tion.
22. Bambhirpur is now called Purwa, the last half of the old name
Bambhirpurwa with the Eastern Hindi lengthened nominative.
23. Ramkot lies all by itself in the middle of Khairabad. This
Sarkar has several detached portions besides Ramkot, viz., Garh Ametlii
and Isauli in S. Avadh, Hardoi in S. Manikpur and perhaps Bithauli in
Bahraich.
24. Sandila appears to have included Balamau. 0. G. I. 209.
25. Saipur is also known as Safipur.
26. Saron the old name of Sikandarpur near Unao.
27. Satanpur the old name of Khiron.
28. Sihali, still a town in parganah Eattihpur of Bara Banki.
31. Sandi, now called Sissaindi, this is proliably the proper name
for which Sandi is a copyist’s error.
38. Kahanjarah, not traceable.
41. Garanda, probably the same as Cmndwa or Gonda. The text
may be an error for
1884.] J. Beanies — On the Geography of India in the Reign of Akhar. 231
42. Knmbhi, not traceable.
44. Laslikar said to be for Nisgarh, wliicb is said to be a well-known
village (Snltanpnr S. R. s. v.) the position, however, is not stated.
48. Moranw is now spelt Manranwan, an B. Hindi dialectic form.
49. Madianw now Madianwan. This is now included in Mahona.
54. Haihar is not traceable.
All the others are still extant. Modern parganahs not in the Ain,
and not clearly identifiable are Hawabganj, Partabganj, Surajpnr and
Mawai Maholara, the last of which, however, probably belonged to Sarkar
Avadh.
This Sarkar, the richest and most cultivated of the whole, occupies
the south-west portion of the Subah with certain outlying patches, and
includes within its boundaries the enclave of Satrikh.
The Dasturs, which appear to have been somewhat similar to modern
Districts (see Elliot, Races of H. W. P., Vol. II, p. 201) are as follows :
(Ain, Text, Vol. I, p. 352.)
Sarkar Avadh. 19 mahals, 2 of which are included in Khairabad.
These two, however, are not specified. All the
mahals of the Sarkar except two form the 1st
dastiir. Ibrahimabad alone forms the 2nd das-
tur, and Kishni alone the 3rd.
Sarkar Bahraich. Eirozabad and Sultanpfir 1st dastiir. Kahronsa,
2nd dastiir, and all the rest the 3rd.
Sarkar Khairabad. 1st d. Haveli, Bisara, Biswah, Basrah, Chitia-
piir, Khairigarh, Sadupiir, Kheri, Karkhila,
Laharpur, Machhrahta, and Hargaon.
2nd d. Pali, Barwar-Anjana, Bawan, Sandi,
Sarah, Gopamau, and Kimkar.
3rd d. Bhurwarah and Paila.
Sarkar Gorakhpur. Constituted one dastiir.
Sarkar Lakhnau. 2 dastiirs. Unam, Bilgram, Bangarmau, Hardoi,
Sultanpiir, Eatihpur-Chaurasi, Kachhand and
Malawah form one dastiir, and all the rest the
other.
I have excluded from this review all those portions of the present
province of Oudh which did not lie within the Subah of that name.
These will be dealt with under Subah Ilahabas. They are parts of Rai
Bareli, Partabgarh (nearly the whole), Sultanpiir and Eaizabad. It will
be seen that there are a good number of uncertain points, and my map
cannot be accepted as anything but a first attempt. I trust, however,
that it will be useful in one way ; it is not until you come to construct a
G G
J. N* iiae — Baisivdri Folk Sojigs,
[No. 2,
0‘»->
Map, and find yourself forced to account for every incli of the tract in¬
cluded, that you find out the gaps in your information. These I have now
indicated, and 1 conclude with again expressing a hope that local officers
interested in the history of the province will come forward with in¬
formation which may clear up all the doubtful points.
Baiswari Folic Songs collected hy Babu Jogendra Nath Bae, GJidzljmr,
(Contributed by W. Irvine, Esq., 0. S.)
[The following songs are composed in the Baiswari dialect, with a
slight admixture of Western Bhojpuri. They were collected by Babu
J. N. Bae in the town of Ghazipiir. He says that he took them down,
exactly as repeated, from the mouths of women of the lower castes, such
as Kahars, etc. Some songs were obtained from Gathaks or male pro¬
fessional singers, who recited them, and whose words were taken down.
The Bharthari song was obtained from the dictation of a Gosain mendi¬
cant. — The text has been edited by Mr. G. A. Grierson^ 0. S., who has
added a few notes, distinguished by his initials (G. A. G.). The
translations have also been amended in several places, where they re¬
presented the original either incorrectly or too freely. — -Ed.]
II \ II I
5JJi^ irt-f% isut
W33T %T %T
=55151 #^5T %T ^
5i55if =a^5r %
%r %T JTigTf^
Note. is more u.sually Ht=33J, and is possibly incorrect. ia
a dialectic form of G. A. G.
Translation.
1, 0 sister-in-law, dress me in a bordered garment.
My brother did not even utter a word [lit, speak wdth his mouth],
1884.]
J. iST. Rae — Baisivdrt Folk Songs.
233
My sister-in-law with pouting lips
And a proud face moved away and sat on the doorway, (saying :)
“ Lo ! sister-in-law is here to rob me.”
0 sister-in-law, dress me, etc.
2, I shall take a plate as a present for the Ghliatli,^
A cup for holding lamp-black for the eyes (of thy babe),
I shall take a waiting-maid to laugh and play with thy child,
I shall take a horse for thy husband to ride upon,
0 sister-in-law, dress me, etc.f
II ^ II ntfl I
?;T^t 5I?IHcT 5ft %T 7151 ^Tfli^ft
Note. ffT^T, ‘ a little child’, is generally used affectionately to
mean ‘ a dear little child’. Gr. A. G.
Translation.
Birth-music is being sounded in the house of Nand.
At Mathura Krish’n is born
And birth-music is sounded at Gokul.
To Queen Jasmat (Jasoda) a son is born.
All the attendant ladies sing songs of jubilee.
Birth-music is being sounded, etc.
The legend of the birth of Shi Krish’n is so well-known that it re¬
quires no notes to describe how he was born at Mathura and thence
* A ceremony held in honour of the goddess Chhath a month after the birth of a
child. It is on this day that the mother leaves the room where she was confined for
the period ; she is thenceforth considered as j}ure and capable of performing all the
household duties and mixing freely with the inmates of the house. [The ceremony
was originally performed on the sixth day after birth, hence its name. G. A. G.]
t [Bhdiij sister-in-law, i. e., brother’s wife ; but nanad sister-in-law, i. e., husband’s
sister. The idea of the piece is this : nanad goes to visit hhdiij on the sixth day after
the birth of the latter’s son. Bhduj is sulky and says, “ nanad has come to rob
me of my child”. Nanad remonstrates and says, she is come to make presents.
There is a reference to the proverbial jealousy between sisters-in-law. Each is much
displeased when the other has a child, but at the same time she is l)ound to give
the mother handsome presents, in order that when her turn comes, she may get still
liandsomer ones. — Ed.]
234
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
transported secretly to Gokul to the house of Nand, how this precaution
was taken in order to save the child from falling into the hands of Kans,
the wicked uncle and king of Mathura, and how his real parents were con¬
fined in a black dingy den where the future hero was horn.
Sohars are songs that are sung on the occasion of a birth. The
women of the neighbourhood all muster together and make themselves
jubilant over the interesting occasion. There is no end of dholalcs
(drums) being beaten with all the might of their bravery.
II ^ II ’hfT I
\ UtlT, ft
^II<T
*
s»
cTif %t
^ ^T5cf ^JTcr
Note, here = ‘severe’, of a wound &c. Gr. A. G.
Translation.
1, Why dost thou spurt with a syringe ? Ho Lala !
It strikes hard against me — the liquid red.
Why dost thou spurt, etc.
2, The full syringe thou dost pour on my face —
My entire bodice and body have got wet, Ho Lala !
Why dost thou spurt, etc.
Holi songs are peculiar songs that are sung on the occasion of the
celebrated festival known as the Holi which, as is well-known, is solem¬
nized in honour of Krish’nji. [It is rather the festival in honour of the
Uttar ay ana or Vernal Equinox. G. A. G.]
II 8 II I
\ ’’^KcT
^ «!: vrk,
?;Tm IT,
^ ^ At %TA '^5^
a; ^ %T
ATflT tr, '55:3 53ITf5
235
1884.] J. N, Rae — Baiswari Folic Songs.
Note. ^ is an interjection only used in addressing females.
The mascnline form is t?: ^ . The chahor, is the Greek partridge
(Perdix rufa), which is said to he enamoured of the moon, and to exist
on moonbeams and ambrosia. G. A. G.
Translation.
1, Gazing at the moonlit night of (the month of) Chait,
It has become well-nigh dawn ;
O my Rama, gazing at the moonlit night, etc.
2, Lo, my husband has become the moon.
And lo, I have become the chahor.
O my Rama, gazing at the moonlit night, etc.
\\%\\ I
^ ifT Bura
?;wT %T, cf’ff
15 t: i
?;tut %t, cif'
Note. «rTW^ is the Persian and^r^^ is ubb. Q. A, G.
Translation.
1, Lo, my bodice has become tight, O Rama,
It does not fit my tender arms ;
O my Rama, my bodice, etc.
2, Hark, son of the tailor.
Thou art excessively foolish !
O my Rama, my bodice, etc.
II ^ II rf I
\ ^Ttf %T 51T?I
* sj
ilTJT
giT'l %ifi: ^
5^ ^Ttf %T Sim gsrt
^ NJ
f gwT?;
giif %it5: xcgtxfg
236
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folic Songs.
Translation.
[No. 2,
O my beloved, wliy dost tliou forget me in tlie foreign land ?
1, Tlion hadst gone and settled in Bindraban,
And from time to time sendedst letters oi jog from the foreign land.
0 my beloved, wliy dost thon forget me, etc.
2, But now tlion hast gone and residest in Dwarika,
And makest love with the hnnch-backed woman in the foreign land.
O my beloved, why dost thon forget me, etc.
When Krish’nji left Radhikaji he went over to Dwarika and there
assumed the title of a king ; there he is said to have fallen in love with
a certain hnnch-backed woman known in Hindu mythology as Kubja or
Knbri. There is a legend to this effect that by the touch of the divine
hands of Krish’nji this ugly creature was transformed into a most beauti¬
ful woman of graceful form and figure. In this song Radhika alludes
to this awkward intrigue of her lover and twits him with his faith¬
lessness.*
II ^ II ^51^ »ft«i I
Sff^5JT
^JT^IT ?;T«T
nuft ^
* [‘ Letters of jog ’ apparently means letters on the subject of practising asceti¬
cism. Mr. Grierson points out a parallel passage in a song of Sur Das, in which
that poet recounts a number of beneficent acts traditionally ascribed to Krish’n,
such as his assistance to the Pandavas, his jirotection of Draupadi, the destruction of
Hiranyakasipu, etc. Among them the poet adds : dpu jdl Divdnkd haithe likhi liTchi
jog pathdi. The same statement also occurs in another of Sur Das’ songs, in which
Radha is represented as complaining about Krish’n that while he himself is in¬
dulging in amorous intercourse with Kubri and the Gopis, he exhorts her to devote
herself to the practice of asceticism : ap ne jdi prem ras chdkhe ham ko likhi likhi
jog pathdwe, i. e., ‘ while he himself is gone (to Gokul) to enjoy the sweets of love,
he writes to mo to recommend asceticism.’ — Ed.]
1884*]
J. Rae — Baisivari Folic Songs.
237
Note. is long form of ‘ a mercliant’. I would prefer
to consider in the fifth line, as the 2nd singular imperative.
is long form of which literally means ‘a granary.’ G. A. G.
Translation.
From the eastern land came a merchant, 0 Rama.
He took up his lodgings in Sundar’s yard, 0 Hari.
The merchant has filled up the entire yard, 0 Rama.
How shall I sweep the dust of the yard with my broom, 0 Hari ?
I will push away the trappings of the oxen and cast away the sacks,
0 Rama.
And I shall sweep the yard bending myself down, 0 Hari.
While sweeping the yard the skirts of my cloth flew away, 0 Rama.
And my wicked brother-in-law began to gaze on my breast, 0 Hari.
I would get such a brother-in-law killed, 0 Rama.
If my “ knife -thrusting ” were at home, 0 Hari.
“ Knife-thrusting ” here refers to her husband, because he is her
natural protector and as such could deal vengeance.*
The Kajaris are sung during the rainy season. They were formerly
indigenous to Mirzapur but are now spreading far and wide over the
land. The airs of these songs are rather melancholy, though they are
tuned to express different feelings and sentiments.
[The name of the song is probably derived from the darkness of
the clouds at this season, which are considered to resemble Jcdjar or
lamp-black collyrium. The well-known author of the treatise called
Hvndi BJidkhd, — Babii Harischandra — gives a different account. He
says that there was in Central India a famous Rajput prince named
Dadu Ray, in whose time no Musalman dared touch the Ganges. On
a famine occurring in his dominions, he brought rain by the ardour
of his devotions. This made him so popular that when he died and
his Queen Nag’mati became sati with his corpse, the women of the
country invented a new melody which was named Kajali to express their
sorrow. The author concludes “ there are two reasons for the name
Kajali ; — one, that the king owned a forest called Kajali loan., and the
other, that the third of the month on which this song is most sung is
called in the Furcms, the Kajjali tij. G. A. G.]
II c II 5Tt?r I
^ jit
* \iChhilrt-'baftod is the long form of chhuribdj, a compound of chhdn ‘ knife ’
and hdj (Persian jb) ‘ one who is practised in something.’ — En,]
238
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — Tjctistudri Folk Songs.
^ WT WT ^
3i\f%5^T iw^ %T 5IT
^ flJiT %T w ^nft ?;WT
8 fqift ftfir?: ^
'J 's*
?r^fi ^Ts:^ Tt *ir
1 50^*1 ^ f^?T
’a3R% f3i5ia;i fliT Tt ’ll
Note. is tlie Arabic G-
Translation.
1, The girl Maina is of twelve years,
Her lover Gobinda is of thirteen.
2, In her parlour Maina combs her long hair,
Gobinda adjusts his slanting turban.
3, When Maina was going to her father-in-law’s house, 0 Rama,
The lover Gobinda followed close behind her.
4, “ Go back, go back, my beloved Gobinda.
“ I shall return in Sawan or Bhado.
5, “ The nights of Sawan and Bhado are dark,
“ The lightning flashes, and it pierces my, heart.”
In order to lighten the labour caused by incessant grinding of mill¬
stones, the women of these parts sing songs in a concert. Two women
sit face to face with their legs spread and their arms holding tight the
fulcrum of the grinding- stone.
ueii I
^5! srff
5:<aTf^
51 %T %Jt ffl^f
Sira ^ =1! ftjir
Note. 3Tf% is dialectic for
♦ •
Translation.
1, 0 my husband, I am standing (waiting) at my door,
The time of meeting with my dear one has come,
I am standing, etc.
1884.]
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
239
2, Until I am immediately united with my beloved,
My soul is on the point of forsaking me, 0 my dear one !
I am standing, etc.
« II »rlrl I
\ KTHT ! ITT f5l5IT n
*fT
5^ 33g 3Tf^ t:
^3cf ff SJT
sir fsisiT n
Note. usually means ‘to sleep.’ is ‘ rest’, ’T^cf is
literally ‘ rest does not fall.’ is an old form of ^rf. VTTcf or more
usually is literally ‘ a lintel.’ is locative. G. A. G.
Translation.
1, O Ram, a disquiet comes over my soul,
When I call to remembrance his words.
A disquiet comes, etc.
2, Every moment I get up to stand by the door.
And a pain rises up in my heart.
A disquiet comes, etc.
II u « ^ ‘
^JTil^T
/
ii5i< wjtV
Translatioyi.
1, 0 Ram, have any evil eyes fallen upon me
When I was passing along the yard ?
Have any evil eyes, etc.
2, My bodice has got loose, the cJiuris (hand-bangles) have been
shivered.
The bracelets of my hands have fallen down.
0 Ram, have any evil eyes, etc.
H H
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
II II ^ I
t:t% 3Tf
^ 5R^ sRt
sT^nf^
Translation.
He stands obstructing the steps leading to the waters.
How then, my friend, can I fill my pails ?
He stands obstrncting, etc.
I am already afraid of my mother-in-law and sister-in-law.
Over and above are the other wives of my husband.
He stands obstrncting, etc.
II II ^ I
>J Sj
ftisf HTfil5J
?I3C5jf
Note. fSssi = G. A. G.
Translation.
1, Lo, I have not set eyes on my husband.
And yet full well I remember his promise.
Lo, I have not set eyes, etc.
2, He went away with a promise to come, but up to this day he has
not come.
What evil woman has deprived me of him ?
Lo, I have not set eyes, etc.
1,
2,
1884.]
241
J. N. Rae— Bammn Folk Songs.
II 1% II ’ft?! I
\ % %t%t *lt
3T5!Kt
si
sfft sn^f 3C<!rTf^
5^ gJT TC wrtt
»fiw ^TfJT %T^ *(T
?i5:?if 5iT^f
Translation.
1, O husband I will kill myself, do speak with me.
I passed the whole night in fits and starts.
O husband, I will kill myself, etc.
2, Says Kadarpiya, I am extremely fond of thee.
And I wish to fall on thy neck and hold thee tight.
0 husband, I will kill myself, etc.
II II I
*R iiit % StTcT ’f, SI5I ST5T % CT I
tsi ^51 ^51^51 %fl II
Translation.
The eye goeth to the eye for the sake of the eye.
The eye stealeth the eye and the eye informs the eye.
II II ^'fT I
%i ^5iT ?rr?: i
^ % TIrr^% ? II
Translation.
Thine eyes are already filled with poison, they are decked with lamp¬
black over and above.
0 mad girl, does any one put a weapon into the hands of a drunken
person ?
II II I
S5ITH, %CT, I
flKcf, tRcf, m II
' ^ SJ
242
J. N. Hiie—Baisivdrl Folic Songs.
Translatio7i .
[No. 2,
(Tlie eye is) full of nectar, poison and wine, like unto a black,
wliite and red (lotus).
He lives or dies or falls a-trembling upon whom it glances but
once.
II II ^TfT I
sr%, m 51^ 5ira i
Jl^f H%T, u^cira II
Note. in the first line is superfiuous, and spoils tlie metre.
G. A. G.
Translation.
Being kept in tbe heart, the heart burns ; being uttered by the
mouth, the mouth burns.
It is just the dream of the dumb ; knowing it well, he grieves
(because he cannot express it) .
II II I
SfTitT %r, ctT %T ^f%^TT I
T^^anslation.
I thought thou wert gold, hence I put thee on my ears.
It produced no marks on the touch- stone and became only a heap of
brass.
II II I
^JTT '5’! (g;) cr seirt nm i
Note, in the first line is superfluous and spoils the metre.
G. A. G.
Translation.
(The dead exclaims :)
0 daw, thou might’st peck and eat up the entire flesh of my body ;
But pray leave alone these two eyes of mine, for still I have hopes of
seeing my beloved.
II II I
5t<TJ7 *pff , irsc f\jt i
% 5iinT %T, ^ II
1884.]
J. N. Rae — Baisivdri Folk Songs.
243
Translation.
O my beloved, thou hast not written a (single) letter to me, and
many days have passed.
Henceforth I understand thee, thy love depends on seeing my face.
II II I
! cit'l {^) i
C\ C\
S* •
Note. in the first line is superfluous. There is a syllable short
in the first half of the second line. G. A. G.
Translation.
O eye I shall throw thee down, so that thou mightst crumble into
pieces,
(Because) thou burnest on seeing some, and thou become st soothed
on seeing others.
II II ^rl I
% i;t%i
g; ^isTct?; jit
ftr <1?:
Note. is the Persian ‘a star’. G. A. G.
Translation.
0 CO- wife give me my hediyd.
If thou dost not give me the starry hediyd^
I shall drive a dagger through thy body.
O CO- wife give me my hediyd.
Jhumar songs are sung on the occasion of marriage, in Ganga puja
and on other occasions of joy. Like the Sohar they are sung by the
women. The tikuli is the spot of silver or a piece of glass worn on a
woman’s forehead.
II ^8 II ’ftfT I
t:
lITSit KlfT fNt ^
244
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
[No. 2,
«5:gf JTCT
siT’ff arcr^H^^:
«3r5i! %T %
Note. ^Jir is Persian Kusum is a bright red dye, and dhdni
a pale pink. G. A. G.
Translation.
My husband played me false during the night.
1. Last night my husband said he would dye (my cloth) with
husumi colour,
But he dyed it with dhdni colour.
My husband played me false, etc.
2. Last night my husband said he would make me a pendant for
my nose-ring,
But he did not make it.
My husband played me false during the night.
II II WHT ’itfi I
\ a:T5iT t ^
*tT
Si
9 31^^ aiifi si^
Si ^
*T sfcngr
^inniT % ar<5fTf^
8 ’gif %gi
"s *S -v
?ff5I?IT St ^
*N •v
^ ilf JtT ^an^T
*r s[%raT
^taqjfiT \ ac^Tft
Si
Translation.
Admonish him, oh king, that he converse with me :
1. Yes, converse with me and not chaff with me.
Admonish him, etc.
245
1884.] J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
2. I give him food on a golden dish,
(But) he does not eat, he only chaffs with me.
Admonish him, etc.
3. I give him Ganga water in goblets and jars to drink,
(But) he does not drink, he only chaffs with me.
Admonish him, etc.
4. Selecting the finest blossoms I prepare a bed for him,
(But) he does not lie down, he only chaffs with me.
Admonish him, etc.
5. Selecting the finest cloves I prepare betel for him,
(But) he does not chew them, he only chaffs with me.
Admonish him, oh king, that he converse with me.
II 5?^ II f%TfT I
cTT^
it
^ xf % nirffiiT
$51 TC fif ^ 'f HT?:
Translation.
As the fishes shine in the tank ;
As the sword shines in the battle-field ;
So does the turban of my husband in the midst of many men ;
So does my tiJcuU shine on the bed.*
The Biraha songs are peculiar to the Ahirs (milkmen) of this part
of the country.
«
II II ^ I
■WIT
?;% 5R?rtPp; ^5%
%I5IT $5 «rft ?itfi
JTJrit fl 5f?;r g; i?! stT
• o\ ^
5iT ^
* \_Tikuli, see note to No. 23, Bas pdch, lit. “ten, five,” an indeterminate
number. — Ed,]
246
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
?liT Ic
5tT% sir
ti^; sH>r ftiiTVt ^nrsfi?: %t wt
SRT %t: ctii w hr sit ^
Note. is derived from the Arabic , ‘ a walk for
recreation’. It usually means ‘ walking at random’. ^rcP^ is the Arabic
i^Ssj . is the Arabic |;i. is the Arabic is dialectic
for G. A. G.
m
Translation.
I, bird, am a stranger in a foreign land and travel at random. I
remained in thy town as long as I had occasion to get food and water. I
was as a traveller in thy town, and now I go to my own home. Excuse
me — I will not talk to thee, we cannot meet now even in dreams. (Reply.)
The sky is bedimmed with a cloud of dust — oh soldier, do listen to me a
little. (Mixing) a potion of dire poison, make me quaff it with thy own
hands. If I had learnt the enchantments and witchcrafts of Bengal,*
I would have wrought such a magic that I could stop my lover’s
departure. Do harness the horse, oh soldier, and go to thy campaign.
Draw the dagger from thy belt and drive it through my body.
II II I
C\
KWT ! *IT
^ %KT ^ci€^T
?:TflT ! *IT II
5^ ftiftrax fgft: fgft t
?:mT ! ?iii?; *iT
Translatioyi.
1, 0 Ram, let me make a bridge over the sea.
Lo my foreign beloved is to cross over to me.
O Ram, let me make, etc.
2, I shall get a boat made by reeds cut out.
The other wife of my husband croaks out there shall be no union.
0 Ram, let me make a bridge, etc.
* In Saharanpiir the wandering snake-charmers and conjurors are known as
BangdlU. The allusion may be to this name.
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs. 247
« H »ltfT I
tjre
sj
^51 ^^?;fti?fT
?ii?i ^1^? ^ wrsi
%% JCSTTft
Translation.
1, How shall I come over to thee,
My anklets make a tinkling sound.
How shall 1 come, etc. ?
2, The moonshine illuminates the night, oh Kadarpiya ;
I am ashamed of my mother-in-law and sister-in-law.
How shall I come, etc. ?
II II ’ftrT I
^'ff ^
JT^ ^3}ji *f
5rI ftif
Translation.
My husband has not come, what shall I do now ?
He went away with a promise to come, but up to this day he has not
come.
Shall I take poison and die ?
My husband has not come, etc.
II II »hrr I
*if¥
3Rt 3Tf? 3if%
^31 ^TTSf
?:<5rTr^
I 1
1884.]
248
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — Baisiudri Folic Songs.
Translation.
My Imsband is cruel, lie does not listen to my entreaties ;
From a long time I am standing and begging liim.
Listen to these many entreaties of mine !
My husband is cruel, &c.
II ^5? II ^ I
%T % 505:511 551 w" $lfJt51 5fm 11
55T oRT 1
5fI5J %=ft *tII5t asff 1
<I3I5l 513IT SiTJft % 511^ I
^^JIT ^0 %5t 5151^ n»t ^T%Jn qTO I
gn %I ^511% ltIS5T^ =5 fl ^T%3II 5IT5 I
gr 315; hijtt fn% *r 5T5t i
ifsiT ^ 1% ^3n% iiT5 I
fH^T t ^ur ^H5 fl 5IT51 I
sj
*1 51^ 3?n5)%g 11
%I^ 5T^t ^ 55(151^51 5T5TT ^ ^0 I
^T3Tt fr % 5I55lf 551 SlT^tii '0l'515 0%! %Y 51T^ |!
'0^515 %% 5T0t ^ fra 11
f T5T tir era 5nf f ^ 5110 0 ft II
5^ 0X41 51^ 0T 0^1 0101 f 101 ^10 I
$1 015ft ^0 30151'^ 051 f00 5%T 01 Y n I
$1 0t4t ^0 5150€t gf %01 01 5110 II
0^05 f001 0010 % 515igi0t5 II
0101 f00i 5i0t fra 0 10 0101 g 015010 I
0150 011 01f 0Y ftff 0t 0f?%l 010f % 010 II
Translation.
Rani. Thou art going to wander about, 0 my husband, SiS a Jog i
(hermit). I shall accompany thee as a Jogini.
* [_Na bane rah’nd, lit. ‘ dwelling is not made,’ idiomatic for ‘ it is not possible to
dwell.’ — Ed.]
1884.]
J, N. Kae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
249
lidjd. If a woman go with me, it will be impossible for me to live
in the dreaiy desolate (wilderness) ; for we shall have to walk on and
on, day and night, (and there will be) a double amount of trouble.
When we come across a town and take rest, burning incense around
us, (who knows,) the king of that town might come to (visit) the Jogi ;
he will see thy beautiful ruddy face and will entertain evil thoughts.
He will kill me and make thee his principal queen. So both will come to
grief — earthly joys and heavenly blessings. Worship thou the Protector
of the poor (i. e., God), so that He may vouchsafe to me salvation.^ Call
me thy son, and give me alms, so that my devotions may insure to me
immortality (lit. be immortal). Oh queen Syamdeo, why dost thou not
listen to me ?
Thereupon the queen Syamdeo replied : Listen to me, 0 king ; if
thou wilt be a hermit and wander about, play with me at dice.
Fdjd. Why does the Raiii want me to play at dice, and what am I
to take in my hand as a stake ?
Bdm. If I lose I shall go along with thee, and if I gain I shall not
let thee go.
Bdjd. 0 queen, pray do not lay such a wager that secures both ends
for thyself. (Let it be thus :) If Syamdeo win, I shall stay at home for ten
days more, but if Bhar’thari win, he will not take thee along with him.
Row the prince ordered the dice to be brought, and began to play.
The queen held the dice in her hands and said, “ 0 dice, hear my
entreaties ; give me the reward of my (good) actions and let there be a
cast of 16 and 7.”
This little song describes in a few words the legend of Bhar’thari,
king of Nain’ghar, a place said to have been situate somewhere near
Mirzapur.f The king suddenly became of an ascetic turn of mind, and
was on the point of going to the woods, when the queen interposed with
a view to dissuade him. But all these importunities were of no avail.
The Raja did leave his home for the woods, where he became a disciple
of Gorakh’nath Baba. This accounts for the songs relating to the life of
Raja Bhar’thari being so widely sung by the mendicants belonging to
the order of Gorakh’nath Baba. They sing these songs with a very pathe¬
tic and rueful countenance in accompaniment with the harp (sarang) .
* (Lit., ‘ so that he may ferry me across (the sea of life) in a boat,’ — Ed.]
t [Tliis legend evidently refers to the famous Bhartrihari, said to he a brother
of Vikramaditya of Ujjain, who became an ascetic. — Ed.]
250
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
II II ^ I
I
^Rct ige ^ ^ MTJT ^T5T JVtf^ II
^ JIT^r IJ3T ftjf, ^Ct ST ^ JT^fT BW
BST BST HW fsiTfT^ IKTETfs; <T3, TTTKcT C%T % 5i’*T ^IT lfl%T
mf ug ^ Bitr mf% siiff
c\
Translation.
The boatman took hold of the feet of Ram (who was standing)
before him, — he had seen him coming from afar, — (and said) “ the blessed
Lord has given me good luck to-day ; undismayed in my heart I ha-v e
made a great vow that I will not let Thee get on my boat without wasliin^j;
Thy feet.” Griidiir (the author) exclaims, “ Oh twice blessed is the luck
of the Nishad on the banks of the Sur’sari who has spent his whole life in
killing the fish. Oh Lord ! thon art great, save me as thou hast saved the
outcast fisherman.”
The following history is connected with this song : —
Ahalya was the wife of the venerable sage Gantam. Attracted by
her beauty, Ind’r the god of the heavens and the disciple of Gantam,
impersonated the form of his prece^Dtor and ravished her in his absence.
It was at last discovered and Gantam in his rage cnrsed both, and doomed
*
Ahalya to tnrn into a stone, till she was restored to life by the tonch
of the sacred feet of Ram. The redemption of Ahalya is thns narrated
in the Ramayari : Ram and Lakshman were going to Janak in the
company of the sage Yiswamit’r, and in the way, advised by the sage.
Ram placed his feet on the stone, and Ahalya was immediately restored
to life. This news spread all over the vicinity, and hence when Ram
wanted to cross the river Snr’sari, the fisherman was afraid lest his boat
shonld tnrn into a hnman being, and he be thns deprived of his livelihood.
II ^8 II ’firl I
STT'B ^
STB '91%! cTB m?:
Ov *
^iTcT mi
1884.]
251
J. 'N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
5[r jit^ §?f)-
Note. This song is, in Bihar, attributed to Tnl’si Das, and not
Sur Das. The Bihar version is
vj 'J
tt€^, •if ^fr itT
tfr G. A. G.
Translation.
Who will listen to me bnt Then, 0 God.
If Thon wilt, Thon canst easily take across {the sea of life)
My leaky boat without tackle.
Thou didst save the life of the elephant* who was seized by the
crocodile.*
Thou hastenedst (to do so), oh Lord, nor didst make any delay.
Thou didst multiply the clothes of the chaste Draupadi,t
* There is a mythological legend connected with the elephant and the crocodile.
They were said to he brothers in a former life in the heavens. Both of them were
heroes, and when they fell out with each other, they were enrsed to assume their pre¬
sent form. It is said that one day when the elephant went to bathe in the river, the
crocodile, not forgetting the former fend, seized the elephant by the leg in the river.
When the elephant found that all efforts to extricate himself from the grasp of the
crocodile were vain, he implored the mercy of Narayan and he forthwith saved him.
t Draupadi was the joint wife of the five Pandavs, the heroes of the famous
epic, the Mahabharat. The Kurus, the cousins of the Pandavs, bore enmity with
the latter on account of their both aspiring to the throne of Hastinapur, now called
Delhi, which legally descended to the Pandavs. Sakuni, the maternal uncle of the
Kurus, was a very successful player at dice, and confiding in his success Durjodhan,
the head of the Kurus, invited Judhishthir, the head of the Pandavas to a play at
dice, an offer which the latter could never refuse. S'akuni, on behalf of Durjodhan
began to play with Judhishthir, and the latter lost all the games till he had lost his
whole kingdom and even the freedom of his own person and his brothers. At last
he was compelled to lay his wife Draupadi as a stake for the next game, and he lost
her also. Duhsasan, the wicked brother of Durjodhan, dragged Draupadi into the
assembly and put her to disgrace. At last Durjodhan ordered Duhsasan to strip
her of her clothes. This was actually attempted, when she cried aloud imploring
the help of her god, by whose grace she was supplied with fresh clothes as soon
as the one on her person was snatched away, till a large heap of clothes was
gathered in the assembly. The Kurus, finding their successive attempts to disgrace
her baffled, left her alone. This event is said to have been one of the causes of
the great war of the Mahabharat.
252
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
[No. 2,
(No sooner) tliou lieard’st the crj of the woman’s distress.
Sur’das (exclaims), “ 0 Lord, thou hast saved many a sinner,
Why then dost thou delay in saving me (lit. how much delay is
there in my time or case ?” G. A. G.)
II 11 W5I51 I
g; itw i
'givt RT?; II
srf^JiT sn?: i
^1?; wTt II
SI^ ct^ ^Jn I
jiih ii
trsiT %f ’cmcf 1
C\
II
%T i}T?:g Jif% ?:ngcf i
^?:ci xgti II
TIRT I
*
JfiJitr II
fti WITT frWcITT I
sg lliT SITct S^T II
Translation .
Do not, 0 Lord, take my sins into consideration ;
For thon art called the impartial.
Thon canst save at thy will.
One is called a river, the other (is called) a drain
And is full of dirty water ; but when they join, the}’ become of one
colour.
And the name of Sur’sar (Ganges) they bear.
One piece of iron is used in worship,
Wliereas another piece is used as a weapon of destruction ;
But the philosopher’s stone (Paras) makes no distinction between
the two.
It turns both into pure gold.
1884.]
J. N. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
253
Maya and Bralim are called tlie same,
(But) Sur and Syam (needlessly) dispute about it.
That thou wilt save me,
— oil Lord, do not fail (to fulfil) tliat promise.
II II I
grxg % 5i%T^T %
?:%T sr wf ^ i
55g?i wt *nt% ^ II
% grr fi?: ^ i
jiijft t: II
iif% iXRcT I
JiT^ ’Ti'ft ^Taxt ^ II
5iT?i i 3i%T^Tr5^rfg
Translation.
I will go and report it to J asoda ;
Be good and don’t touch my band with yours ;
Enough has been done, I will not endure any more.
If you put your hand on my Jidr (golden garland),
O beloved, I too shall take hold of your han’mdl (flower garland).
I am prohibiting him, but he will not heed my prohibition.
I shall not cease abusing you.
I will go to Jasoda, etc.
II II I
gify ^ Jt^T iTT^t Sfe! Jim ?
% ’IK it'
'??! 3i^ fltf
^ 3t%T T'WTK
Translation.
O friend, Kandh has gone away chaffing me (I do not know) by
what (right of) relationship
He has taken away my clothes and climbed on the kadam tree ;
* [This appears to allude to the custom, that only certain relations are allowed
to chaff ; thus, a younger brother can laugh with, and chaff, his elder brother’s
wife. — Ed.]
254
[No. 2,
J. N. Rae — BaiswdH Folk Songs.
I am naked in the water.
Kandh has gone away, etc.
II II I
Jrt: ?{fe?lT ?
^fJara!
<T^i?g %
tftcT 51TItT^ H3II
^ fggf^T?: g^ig ^
jcsf
^fisra! 5:isiifk
gftr 5iT^ %,
?i¥iT W %r5a ’^fci
53fTfg
Translation.
My eyelids are trembling.
What has become of my love, where have my friends gone ?
My eyelids, etc.
My body is inflamed and my heart is beating ;
He has made love to me and taken his fill.*
My eyelids, etc.
My lover lives constantly in my eyes.
These eyes of mine are sure tests of my love.
My eyelids, etc.
I entirely resign myself to God,t
May he preserve my honour in the assembly. J
* [Maja is the Persian maza [y/o^ which is pro23erly maso., though it is here
rejieated as fern. ; the phrase literally means : he has sip2)ed the taste ; it is idiomatic
for ‘ he has satisfied himself.’ — Ed.]
t [Lit. ‘ I become a sacrifice to my teacher.’ — Ed.]
X [I. e., among the people. The line alludes to the story of Draupadi ; see
footnote on j). 251. — Ed.]
1884.]
J. N. Rae — Baisiudrt Folk Songs.
255
II II I
Pl^^T WIcf f^gT ^ II
^T^lft 'gff ^ ^31 I
?:fw STTcT II
cTir ’SRWtT t(jr sjiflJiTcr i
sift fajifK;! Ttcl n
IS?: ^stI: Pitos: '3g?;Tl: i
5JR lift %TKt sfif^ Cjfsf^ II
SI" pis ^iT I
ct^srir %i3sr % n
IISST t ^iStK
Translation.
1, Let somebody take me to bim ; tlie desire (lit. the pain) of my heart
will then be satisfied.
Getting upon the roof of a high house I see the cloud ; the lightning
again and again shines and disappears.
My body is shaking and my feet trembling ; my heart, 0 friend, is
beating high.
Let somebody take me to him, etc.
2, O fine Kandha, I have known only a little of thy cunning and cruelty,
With some thou passest day and night, while thou tantalisest others
by only exhibiting thy brilliance.
Let somebody take me to him, etc.
II 8® II %T^ I
5ITcT ^31 s" ^fs
Kl? 'Sit?: ST^ ^
%T
^
Picf ^
256
J. E. Rae — Baisvjdri Folk Songs.
[No. 2,
Translation.
Who will go to Brij to sell curds,
(Seeing that) He (Krish’n) will sprinkle coloured water over one’s
chunar and sdri ?
For (on a previous occasion) Kandha (Krish’n) caught hold of the
skirts of my cloth with one hand,
And with the other my sdri ;
Then I said, O Mohan, I have fallen into thy power ;
But every morning since then I curse him.
II II I
fq iiiq q?; fiTtl
irt ciif ^
^ JT5 i?; gTTO
fq^qiift %
Translation.
1, The Murari (Krish’n) has sprinkled coloured water with his syringe,
A whole syringe full he has thrown on my face.
My entire body has become wet.
2, My entire gown {ghdgrd) has also become wet,
And my sdri (wearing cloth) worth a thousand lacs.
With a syringe, etc.
II 8^ II I
qrafl ?;ra, q^n "qq
qqtqi ciqm! fqq fqqci a”' qsi
fqqi fqq q ^rqqi:
Jifq
Translation.
Come, 0 Balam Raj, whatever I may do, I cannot get peace ;
Come, 0 Balam Raj.
My days pass in anguish.
And at night without my beloved no sleep comes to me.
My heart starts in pain ; do not tantalise me.
Come 0 Bahini Raj.
1884.]
J. E. Rae — Baiswdri Folk So7igs,
257
II 85 II I
ataJT glci gjnl: i^ci ^rcl <t»i
tjn^ % ir*? ?fTCt
fJSTT ?5T Ti^r «T^ sqi^
slew SlcT 5;SfTf?
Translation.
O beloved, having made love to me, why hast thou forgotten (to
pay) attention to me.
In my love of thee, 0 beloved, I have endured all (manner of) pains ;
Broken-hearted I wander about in the forests ; 0 God, relieve me
from (this pain of) separation.
O beloved, etc.
II 88 II I
$cT TITSief irr?t
JITSIcI itr'fl WJJcf STT'ft
srr 5J? l^ciTil fsST ^
f SfTJTcT STT'?l
Translation.
However long you may remonstrate (with me) , my mind ill not
listen,
Oh, it will not listen, my mind will not listen.
My love to my beloved lord (lit. Sultan) is ever coming anew,
But being a simple-minded girl, I know nothing (of what will
be the consequence).
II 8!t II I
fsT5IT 511=51
=5St fsiST
^rfJI ^JIST IJcT ST#
C\
Translation.
I cannot forget the beautiful face (of my love) ;
Oh I cannot forget, it cannot be removed from my mind.
A^vay, friend, do not remonstrate with me ;
The attachment once formed cannot be broken asunder.
258
J. E. Rae — Baiswdri Folk Songs.
[No. 2,
II 8^ II I
^ cTT ^
f ht?:t %Tt ^
?[5:gf ^ ^ ^
'wnl
■sflRT %s:
Translation.
I am young and lovely ; wliat (more) can any one do (for me) ?
I am the greatly beloved of my Imsband ;
I am his single wife in the house.
What (more) can any one do (for me) ?
II 8'S II ^ 1
G\ si
ITT^ *f % t ^1^ ^JIWT
^T?: ttre $ ^
?rr?f
Translation.
Boy, don’t joke with me, all people will hear ;
Yes, all my neighbours will hear.
If my mother-in-law hears, she will kill me.
All people will hear.
II gc II I
^T?;5T, ^fjTsr, 51^, i
— t ^%T II
Translation.
Prostitute, monkey, fire, water, hermit, weapon and wine-merchant
as well as parrot, needle and goldsmith — these ten are never one’s friends
II 8C II I
'gjin g»fi qr^i
% fq; qsci qi?i
1884.] G. Thibaut — Vardlia Miliim’s Panchasiddlicintikd. 259
iKsnl- % ^ ura srwsif % .
Translation.
0 Champa (flower) thou hast three properties in thee :
Colour, beauty and fragranee,
(But) thou hast one defect, that the black-bee does not
come near thee.
lleply. The black-bee is the lover of flowers and it tastes the
sweets of numerous flowers.
I do not allow the friend of prostitutes to come near me.
Notes from Vardlia Mihira’ s PanchasiddlidntiJcd. —
By G. Thibaut, Phil. De.
PART I.
The mean motions op the planets accordino to the
Su'rta and Bomaka Siddha'ntas.
We are at present fairly well-acquainted with the general character
of Hindu Astronomy and — among European scholars at least — there
prevails no longer any doubt that the system exhibited in works like the
Surya Siddhanta, the Laghu-Aryabhatiya, etc. is an adaptation of Greek
science. The time to which books like the Siirya Siddhanta must be
ascribed from internal data, the date of Aryabhata, — if not the oldest, at
least one of the oldest of the scientific Hindu Astronomers — which we
know from his own statement, the fundamental similarity of the methods
employed by the Greeks on the one and the Hindus on the other side,
the fact of terms of unquestionably Greek origin being met with in
Indian astronomical works, and lastly the testimony which the Hindu
writers themselves bear to the proficiency of the Yavanas in the Jyotisha
S'astra more than suffice to convince impartial judges that the enormous
progress which a book of the class of the Siirya Siddhanta marks on
works of the nature of the Jyotisha Yedanga was not effected without
help coming from the West.
But although the general fact of transmission is acknowledged the
details of the process still stand in need of much elucidation, and we
shall not be able to claim a full understanding of the position of the
260 G. Thibaut — Vardlia Mihird’s PancJiasiddJidntihd. [No. 2,
Hindu system before we have succeeded in tracing the single steps of
the gradual transformation by which it arose from its Greek prototype,
and in assigning the reasons of the many important points of divergence
of the two. Whether this task will ever be accomplished completely is
doubtful. The chief obstacles in the way of success are the loss of
several of the most important early Siddhantas which, as their names
indicate, were specially connected with Western science, and the uncer¬
tainty whether the form in which the preserved Siddhantas have come
down to us is the original one or has, in the course of time, undergone
alterations. All we can do is to study with the greatest possible care
those astronomical books which may to a certain extent make up for
the mentioned loss, and enable us to gain some insight into the genesis
and original condition of what we may call — in order to distinguish it
from earlier and greatly inferior attempts — Scientific Hindu Astronomy.
Among the works belonging to that class by far the most important
is the so-called Panchasiddhantika by Varaha Mihira. References to
this treatise which — as its name implies — is founded on five Siddhantas,
were occasionally made by European scholars from the first time when
Hindu Astronomy began to attract attention. Manuscripts of the work
itself indeed were not forthcoming for a long time, and the important
quotations made from it by Colebrooke and subsequent writers, among
whom Professor Kern is to be mentioned in the first place, were taken
from later astronomical books, chiefly from the Commentary on Varaha
Mihira’s Brihat-Samhita by Bhattotpala who in many places endeavours
to render his explanations of the latter work more lucid by extracting
corresponding passages from the Panchasiddhantikaj. These quotations
were, however, amply sufficient to show the extraordinary importance
which the treatise in question possesses for the history of Indian astronomy,
and it was therefore most welcome news to all students of Sanskrit when
Dr. Buhler, whose sagacity and activity in tracing and rescuing from
destruction really valuable Sanskrit books stand in no need of further
praise, was able to announce in 1874 the discovery of a complete manu¬
script of the Panchasiddhantika. A second somewhat more correct
manuscript of the work was later on discovered by the same scholar.
Both manuscripts were purchased for the Bombay Government.
Nothing could now be more desirable than an early edition and
translation of the entire Panchasiddhantika ; but unfortunately there
are considerable obstacles in the way of a speedy realization of such a
wish. In the first place, the two available manuscripts are exceedingly,
in more than one case, hopelessly incorrect. In the second place, the
text, even if presented in a correct and trustworthy shape, offers to the
interpreter unusually great difficulties whose special nature will be set
1884.] G. Thibaut — Varaha HiJdra’s FancJiasiddhdntiJcd. 261
into a clearer light by a short consideration of the class of books to
which the Pahchasiddhantika belongs.
The Panchasiddhantika is a so-called karanagrantha. The only
definition of the term “ karana ” by a European scholar of which I know
is the one given by Professor Kern, who says (preface to the Brihat
Samhita, p. 24) that a karana differs from a Siddhanta in this respect,
that while in the latter the calculations refer to the beginning of the
Yuga, in the former they refer to the S'aka era. This statement is quite'
correct, but not full enough to give an adequate idea of the nature of a
karana. A karana may be defined as a practical treatise on astronomy,
e., a treatise which enables the astronomer to execute the common
astronomical calculations known to the Hindus with the greatest possible
ease and despatch. While a Siddhanta explains the general principles
of the Hindu astronomical system, and thereby enables the attentive
student to construct for himself the rules which are to guide his calcu¬
lations, a karanagrantha exhibits those rules ready made and reduced
to the most practical and succinct shape without, however, explaining the
theory on which they are based. A karanagrantha is thus sufficient for
all practical purposes, but not really intelligible without the study of the
Siddhanta from which its rules are derived. That it takes for the
starting-point of its calculations not the beginning of the Yuga or kalpa
but that of the S'aka era is of course merely a consequence of the desire
to render all calculations as easy and short as possible. The most im¬
portant books of the karana class are the Grahalaghava by Ganesa
Daivajna, the Bhasvati by S'atananda, the Karanakutiihala by Bhaskara
and, among more ancient works, the Khaiidakhadyaka by Brahmagupta
and, holding the first rank in importance, the Panchasiddhantika.
This latter work has, however, a wider scope than an ordinary
karanagrantha. It does not form the practical complement of one Sid¬
dhanta only, as for instance the karanakutiihala does with regard to the
Siddhanta Sfiromani, but as its name indicates, it gives rules in accord¬
ance with five different Siddhantas. These Siddhantas are, as we now
may see from the introductory verses of the Panchasiddhantika itself,
while formerly our information regarding them was derived from the
Brihat Samhita and its commentary, the Saura, Pauliia, Bomaka,
Vasishtha and Brahma or Paitamaha Siddhantas. Of these five Sid¬
dhantas only the Saura or Siirya Siddhanta is known to exist at present.
The Paulisa, Bomaka, Paitamaha Siddhantas appear to be lost ; I am
doubtful whether the Vasishtha Siddhanta to which Varaha Mihira refers
has come down to our time or not. We are thus on the whole not in a
position to elucidate the highly condensed and often altogether enig¬
matical rules of the Panchasiddhantika by referring to the Siddhantas on
262 G. Thibaut — Vardha Mihira’s PancJiasiddhdntiJcd. [No. 2,
wliicli they are founded, but must explain them by themselves as well as we
can, availing ourselves of the fragmentary collateral information which
may be derived from other sources, and must finally attempt to reconstrue
from the karana rules the leading features of the Siddhantas on which
they were founded. The latter part of the task is of course the most
important, but at the same time the most difficult one, and we shall for
the present succeed in it only very partially. Were it not that Yaraha
Mihira has allowed himself in many points to be more circumstantial
than ordinary karana- writers are, so that the Panchasiddhantika may in
fact be said to occupy a kind of intermediate position between a
karana and a Siddhanta, the task would be an altogether hopeless one.
As it is, it remains difficult enough and only the manifest importance of
the book can maintain the zeal of the student whose efforts at unravelling
the sense of the obscure stanzas are foiled more than once. There are
of course a considerable number of passages which are by no means
difficult to understand, some entire chapters even fall under that cate¬
gory ; but then those chapters and passages are easy because they
contain no matter new to us and merely restate what we already know
from other sources. The chapters which add to our store of knowledge
are throughout difficult, some of them so much so that there is no
chance of their being fully understood until better manuscripts of the
Panchasiddhantika are found. Other passages again, although difficult,
may be explained satisfactorily. Some of this latter class, viz., those
treating of the mean motions of the planets according to two Siddhantas
will form the subject of this paper.* A few introductory remarks on
the contents of the entire work and the consideration of a few specially
interesting passages will be premised before we enter on our special
task.
The Panchasiddhantika appears to be divided into eighteen adhya-
yas, although the exact number may be a matter of some doubt, as in the
manuscripts the endings of the chapters are not very clearly marked, and
* I may mention here that I am engaged, with the assistance of Pandit Sudha-
kara one of the foremost Jyotishis of Benares, in preparing an edition and transla¬
tion of the entire Panchasiddhantika as far as the deficiencies of the manuscripts
etc. will allow. But as it is uncertain when this task will be accomplished, I think
it advisable to publish in the interim some of the more interesting results. I avail
myself of this opportunity to acknowledge the very valuable assistance I have
received from Pandit Sudhakara in preparing the present paper. He has verified
many of my calculations and in some points tendered original suggestions which
were most useful. I specially mention his advice to calculate the kshepa quantities
of the Surya Siddhanta from the beginning of the Kalpa, an advice the carrying out
of which led to most satisfactory results.
1884.] Gr. Thibaut — Varaha Miliira^s Pancliasidcllidntiha> 263
tlie numbering of the stanzas is carried on through several adhyayas. The
first adhyaya, called karanavatara, contains some introductory verses, a
rule for the calculation of the ahargana, statements regarding the dif¬
ferent yugas used in the Paulisa, Romaka, Siirya Siddhantas, and some
rules regarding the calculation of the regents of the years, months, etc.
The second very short adhyaya is called at its end nakshatradichheda and
apparently contains rules about the mean places of the moon, length
of day and night, shadow, etc. The third adhyaya is marked at the end
“ Paulisa Siddhanta ” and contains the most important rules for the
calculation of the mean place of the sun, the true places of sun and
moon, the moon’s node, latitude, terrestrial longitude, ayana, etc. The
fourth adhyaya, marked merely as “ karan adhyayas chaturthah ” contains
the table of sines and matter corresponding to that of the third
adhyaya of the Surya Siddhanta. The very short fifth adhyaya is
entitled S asidarsanam. The sixth adhyaya contains chandragrahanam,
i. e., the rules for calculating lunar eclipses according to the Paulisa
Siddhanta, the matter of all the preceding chapters having been merely
preliminary to the calculation of eclipses. The seventh adhyaya treats
of solar eclipses “ Paulisa siddhante ravigrahanam.” The eighth chapter
treats of the calculation of solar eclipses according to the Romaka
Siddhanta and contains at the same time all the general information
about the Romaka Siddhanta which the Panchasiddhantika affords. The
ninth adhyaya has for its subject the calculation of solar eclipses accord¬
ing to the Surya Siddhanta with preliminary statements about the mean
motions, etc. of sun and moon. The tenth adhyaya treats of lunar
eelipses according to the same Siddhanta. The eleventh adhyaya called
at its close “ avarnanatyekadaso ’dhyayah ” contains additional matter
about eclipses. The twelfth very short adhyaya “ paitamahasiddhante
dvadaso ’dhyayah ” is the only chapter which treats of the Paitamaha
or Brahma Siddhanta. The thirteenth adhyaya “ trailokyasainsthanam ”
contains information akin to that which is found in the twelfth chapter
of the Siirya Siddhanta. The fourteenth adhyaya “ chhedyakayantrani ”
gives information about astronomical instruments, etc. The fifteenth
adhyaya “ jyotishopanishad ” states the differences produced in eclipses
of the sun by difference of locality ; the different opinions about the
beginning of the day, etc. The sixteenth adhyaya “ siiryasiddhante
madhyagatih ” states the mean motions of the planets according to the
Surya Siddhanta. The seventeenth adhyaya “ taragrahasphutikaranam ”
gives the rules for calculating the true places of the planets. The last
adhyaya “ Paulisasiddhante taragrahah ” contains rules about the heliacal
rising and sitting etc. of the planets, apparently according to the
Paulisa Siddhanta.
K K
264 G. Thibaut — Vardha Mihira’s Panchasiddhdntilcd. [No. 2,
The introductory verses in which Varaha Mihira states the purport
of the entire Pahchasiddhantika run as follows : —
C\ ^ 'J '
11
'j
0\ \3 vj
\J '0» ^
^^^ f^^TnTT; 1
II
WT^W TT^^* * * §1WJ+: 1
WSrlT: II
^T^T* II
TlTTT^I^^tTJr II
II
These verses are followed by the rule concerning the calculation of
the ahargana which will be considered later on. In the last chapter the
author names himself as Yaraha Mihira of Avanti.
I further extract a statement found in the 3rd chapter which is of
considerable interest as containing a very clear indication of the depen¬
dence of Hindu astronomy on Greek science. We read there :
^l^r^fTT^T ^5; I
^TTWt ^^lf^*ll
“ The nadis arising from the difference in longitude from Yavana,
(^. e., Yavanapura) are seven and a third in Avanti, nine in Benares ; the
method of ascertaining them I will state elsewhere.”
The verse contains a statement of the difference in longitude between
Ujjain and Benares on the one side and Yavanapura on the other side.
That by the latter name (which occurs in another place of the Pahcha¬
siddhantika also) we have to understand Alexandria has been remarked
by Professor Kern already ; the passage we are considering at present
* A. B.
t A. of^f^^o B. of^;
t A.
§ A.
II ? A. added in margin) B.
% Both MSS.
1884. J G. Tliibaiit — Vardha Miliiras PanchasiddhantiJcd. 265
furnishes the proof. The real eastern longitude (from Greenwich) of
Ujjain is 75° 51' 45", that of Benares 83° 3' 4", that of Alexandria 29°
52' ; therefore, the seconds being neglected, Ujjain is in 46° E. Long.
Benares in 53° 11' E. Long’, from Alexandria. If we now, on the other liand^
calculate the difference in longitude of the mentioned three places from
the difference in time stated by Varaha Mihira we obtain 44° as the
longitude of Ujjain from Alexandria and 54° as the longitude of Benares
from the same place. The error involved in Varaha Mihira’s deter¬
mination is not inconsiderable, but not greater than might have been
expected, certainly not too great for our assuming with confidence that
YavanajDura is to be identified with Alexandria.^ As a transfer of Hel¬
lenic astronomy to India could not have taken place without some
determination of the interval in longitude we might assume such a deter •
mination to have been made even if no trace of it had been preserved in
India ; still it is satisfactory to find the determination explicitly stated
in the book which professes to give an account of the fundamental Sid-
dhantas.
Before leaving this subject we must refer to another passage of the
Panchasiddhantika which is quoted by Bhattotpala, and which has been
supposed to contain likewise a statement about the difference in longi¬
tude between Ujjain and Alexandria. It occurs in the 15th adhyaya
and need not be reprinted here in full as it has already been published
by Professor Kern in his paper on some fragments of Aryabhata, Journal
of the Boyal A.siatic Society, Vol. XX, 1863 and again in the Preface to
his edition of the Brihat Samhita, p. 53. The two lines immediately
concerning us here are given by Professor Kern, as follows :
and rendered “ Sinhacharya states the sum of days (to begin) from sun¬
rise at Lanka and, if we adopt this, they must begin in the country of
the Yavanas at the time that ten muhiirtas of the night are past.” From
this Professor Kern concludes that in the opinion of Varaha Mihira the
meridian of Yavana-pura has a longitude west from the meridian of
* Professor Kern notices the possibility of Yavanapnra being not Alexandria
but Constantinople, but rejects it on the ground of no first meridian ever having
been drawn over the latter place. If we identified Yavanapnra with Constantinople
we should reduce the above-mentioned error of longitude by one degree ; but never¬
theless its identification with Alexandria is much more likely if we consider firstly
the general importance of Alexandria ; secondly, its geographical position with regard
to India, and thirdly, its having been the place where the system of Greek astronomy
was finally elaborated.
266 G. Thibaut — Yardha Mihira’s Panchasiddhdntihd. [No. 2,
Lanka, of 60 degrees. (See Preface, p. 54.) Tins translation of tbe
text as given by Bhattotpala and tbe inference he draws from it are
indeed quite correct ; bnt we see at once that the passage as it stands
cannot be reconciled with the one translated above from which there
results a difference of longitude amounting to 44° only. The apparent
contradiction is solved when we turn to the text of the Pahchasiddhantika
as exhibited in the two manuscripts available at present. For there the
reading at the conclusion of the second line is not but so
that we have to translate “ Simhacharya states the sum of days to begin
from sunrise at Lanka ; when ten muhurtas of the night of the Yavanas
are passed (the day is stated to begin) by their guru, (i. e., the guru of
the Yavanas who I suppose is no other than the often-quoted astrono¬
mical writer Ya vanes vara).” The two lines therefore contain uncon¬
nected statements, and do not in any way enable us to draw a conclusion
about what Yaraha Mihira considered to be the relative longitude of
Lanka (or Ujjain) and Alexandria. In addition I quote a passage from
some unknown writer found in the Marichi (on Siddhanta-Siromani,
Ganitadhyaya, Madhyamadhikara, desantara) which being apparently a
periphrase of the passage from the Pahchasiddhantika confirms the text
and translation of the latter as given above :
“ Some declare the day to begin from sunrise, others from noon ;
again others from the moment when the sun has half set. The prince
of the Yavanas reckons the beginning of the day from (the moment
when) ten muhurtas of the night (are past), Latacharya again in his
book from midnight.”
Here the “ yavananripatih ” of the third line answers to the
yavaiiaguru of Yaraha Mihira and renders the identification of the
latter with Yavanesvara more probable. The statement made in the
last line about Latacharya is mistaken as, according to the Pancha-
siddhantika, that writer reckoned the beginning of the day from sunset,
while midnight was chosen as starting-point by Aryabhata.
After these preliminaries we now enter on a discussion of those
passages of the Panchasiddhantika which contain the rules for the cal¬
culation of the mean places of the planets according to the Surya and
Romaka Siddhantas. Beginning with the former we at first extract a
stanza of the 1st adhyaya which furnishes us with the requisite informa-
1884.] G. Tliibaut — Vardlia Mihira^s FanchasiddlidntiJcd.
267
tion about tlie yuga acknowledged by tbe Siirya Siddhanta as known to
Varaba Mihira.
“ According to tbe Surya Siddbanta there are in 180,000 years
66,389 intercalary montbs and 1,045,095 omitted lunar days.”
Comparing these statements with those to be found on tbe same
point in the hitherto known Surya Siddhanta, we observe of course at
once that the Pahchasiddhantika, as was to be expected from a karana-
grantha, employs reduced numbers. The known Surya Siddhanta gives
the corresponding figures for a mahayuga of 4,320,000 years of which period
the 180,000 years of the Panchasiddhantika are the twenty-fourth part.
We therefore multiply the 66,389 intercalary months by 24 and find that
the product 1,593,336 agrees with the figure which the Siirya Siddhanta
(I. 38) gives for the intercalary months. We, however, meet with a
discrepancy when comparing the two statements regarding the number
of the omitted lunar days. The Siirya Siddhanta (I. 38) assumes the
number of omitted lunar days in one mahayuga to be 25,082,252, while
the number stated above, 1,045,095, multiplied by 24 gives as product
25,082,280, which figure exceeds the former one by 28. If we now
proceed to deduce from the above statements about the nature of
the yuga of the Siirya Siddhanta as known to Yaraha Mihira the
length of the sidereal solar year (by calculating according to the
known Indian fashion the number of the tithis of the entire yuga,
deducting from it the tithikshayas and dividing the remainder by
the number of solar years) we obtain as the result 365*^ 6^ 12' 36'' ; while
the length of the year of the known Siirya Siddhanta, in accordance
with the smaller number of the omitted lunar days, amounts to a little
more, viz., 365^^ 6^ 12' 36’56". The discrepancy is a slight one, but it
suffices to show that the Siirya Siddhanta which Yaraha Mihira had
before himself was different from the one known to us. It might perhaps
be objected that the discrepancy is only an apparent one, Yaraha Mihira
having slightly changed one of the numbers of the Siirya Siddhanta in
order to be able to reduce all numbers more considerably and thereby
to establish more convenient rules for calculation. That the karana
writers are in the habit of proceeding in that manner is well-known, and
we shall see later on that Yaraha Mihira submits in certain cases the
exact numbers to certain alterations. The present case, however, is of
a different nature. The passage about the yuga of the Siirya Siddhanta
is not an independent rule, in the formulation of which the writer might
have allowed himself certain liberties, but a mere statement reproducing
2G8 G. Tliibaut — Varciha Mihira^s Pancliasiddhdfdikd. [No. 2,
the doctrnes of another work, and as such it would be of no value
whatever if it were not strictly accurate. We shall moreover meet later
on with several other instances showing that the mere fact of Yaraha
Mihira’s statements not agreeing with the known Surya Siddhanta is
not sufficient to throw a doubt on their accuracy. It is finally to be
remarked that the solar year of the Surya Siddhanta as known to
Yaraha Mihira is identical with the solar year of that Paulisa Siddhmita
about which Bhattotpala in his commentary on the Brihat Samhita has
given us some information (Gf. Colebrooke’s Essays, II, p. 365).
We next turn to some verses containing rules for the calculation of
the mean places of sun and moon according to the Siirya Siddhanta.
They are found in the 9th adhyaya :
“ The (mean place of the) sun is found, for midday at Avanti, by
multiplying the ahargana by 800, deducting 442, and then dividing by
292,207.”
This verse contains two elements which are to be considered
separately ; in the first place a general rule for calculating the mean
place of the sun, in the second place a so-called kshepa, i. e., an either
additive or subtractive quantity whose introduction into the rule enables
us to take for the starting-point of our calculations the epoch of the
karana instead of the beginning of the yuga. The general rule is
understood without difficulty. It bases on the * proportion : if in
65,746,575 savana days (^. e., the savana days contained in 180,000
years), there take place 180,000 revolutions of the sun or, both numbers
being reduced by 225, if 800 revolutions take place in 292,207 days,
how many revolutions will take place in the given ahargana ? The result
is the mean place of the sun at the end of the given ahargana. We now
turn to the kshepa 442. If on the first Chaitra S'aka 427, whicli date
is the starting-point of all calculations of the Panchasiddhantika,f the
sun had performed an entire number of revolutions without remainder
a kshepa would of course not be required. The actual kshepa, 442 on
442
the other hand shows that at the mentioned time " were wanting
292207 ^
* Both manuscripts read in the first line in the second
The second emendation is shown by calculation to be necessary. Both emendations
are borne out by the manuscripts of Bhattotpala who quotes the above verse. A.
reads
t See about this point the rule for calculating the ahargana which will be
discussed later on in connection with the Roinaka Siddhanta.
1884.] G. Tliibaut — VardJia Miliird*s PanchasiddhdntiTcd.
269
to a complete revolution or, which comes to the same, that the snn had
then performed a number of complete revolutions plus
291765
W2W7
of a
revolution. ]N^ow in order to explain this kshepa we must ascertain
according to what principles and starting from which period Varaha
Mihira calculated the mean place of the sun on the 1st Chaitra S'aha
427. The principles are doubtless those on which the statement con¬
cerning the nature of the yuga and the general rule for calculating the
sun’s mean places are founded, and we can therefore be in no uncertainty
as to the method of forming the ahargana and calculating from it the
madhyama Siirya. Less certain is the epoch beginning from which the
ahargana is to be formed. If we try the different possibilities we find
that neither the beginning of the Kaliyuga nor the end of the Kritayuga
lead to the above-stated kshepa, that, however, a calculation starting from
the beginning of the kalpa gives the desired result, although the course
of procedure involves a few small irregularities. I will succinctly state
the details of the calculation in order to facilitate its control. The sum
of years (the varshagana) from the beginning of the kalpa to the epoch
of the karana amounts to 1,955,883,606 (1,953,720,000 to the end of the
krita, 2,160,000 for Treta and Dvapara, 3,179 from beginning of Kali to
S'aka, 427 from S'aka to epoch of Karana). From the varshagana we
deduce in the customary manner (availing ourselves, however, of the
elements of the yuga as stated by Varaha Mihira, not of the correspond¬
ing elements of the known Siirya Siddhanta) the adhimasas, which we
find to amount to
721,384,203 +
178734
180000 ‘
Instead of those we take.
svalpantaratvat, 721,384,204 and thus obtain as the number of chandra-
masas for the entire stated period 24,191,987,476. Multiplying this
number by 30 we get the tithis from which we deduce, by means of
the statement about the tithikshayas of the yuga, the number of the
ishta kshayaha. We find 11,356,023,206 8 — 00791^* Instead of this
we take 11,356,023,207 which deducted from the tithis gives for the
ishta savana ahargana 7,14,403,601,073. Multiplying this number by
800, according to the general rule about the mean places of the sun,
and dividing by 292,207 we find that the sun has performed, from the
beginning of the kalpa down to the epoch of the Panchasid-
dhantika, 1,955,883,606
42
292207
revolutions.
The required kshepa is
442
2M207 ‘
But now we have to remember that the ahargana of the
Surya Siddhanta gives the mean places of the planets at midnight at
270
G. Tliibaut — Vardha Mihira’s Panchasiddhdnti/cd, [No. 2,
Lanka while the rule of Varaha Mihira is, as we have seen, meant to
give their mean places at noon. We therefore have to deduct frcm the
mean place of the sun as found hitherto his mean motion for half a day,
in order to obtain his mean place on the preceding neon. This mean
motion for a day is
800
292207
half of which is
400
292207 ’
Combining this
subtractive
442
292207
quantity with the one found above
42 \
292207 )
we get
the exact quantity stated in Yaraha Mihira’s rule. The
result has therefore justified the small assumptions made in the calcula¬
tion of the ahargana ; the latter will moreover receive additional con¬
firmation from the rules about the mean places of the moon and the
planets which will be discussed later on.
The period of 800 years comprising 292,207 savana days whereby
to calculate the mean place of the sun is of frequent occurrence in Indian
astronomical writings and tables. It is employed by Brahmagupta in the
Khanda-khadya. It is found in the Siamese astronomical rules which
became known in Europe as early as 1688 and were first interpreted by
Cassini. It is likewise used in the astronomical tables* sent to France by
the Pere Patouillet and explained by Bailly in his Traite de I’Astronomie
Indienne et Orientale, (p. 54 ; Discours preliminaire, p. xi).
The verse which in the Panchasiddhantika follows next on the one
explained above runs as follows :
(In the first line we have to read ; in the second line, as will
appear from the calculation, 5 I’eads'^^^f^^o.)
“ Multiply (the ahargana) by 900,000, deduct 670,217 and divide
by 24,589,506 ; the result is the mean place of the moon.” The general
rule about the mean places of the moon which is contained in this
verse is easily explained from the statements on the yuga of the Surya
Siddhanta which we have had occasion to consider. The ynga com¬
prises 180,000 years. Multiplying these by 12 and adding the intercalary
months we have 2,226,389 lunar synodical months. Again adding
to these the 180,000 revolutions of the sun we get 2,406,389 as the
number of the sidereal revolutions of the moon which take plaee in one
yuga. (Dividing by the last number the savana days of the yuga we
find as the length of the sidereal month 27^ 7^ 43' 12' 60". The length
of the sidereal month of the known Surya Siddhanta amounts to 27^ 7^
43' I2’64"). From the fact of 2,406,389 sidereal revolutions of the moon
1884.]
G. Tliibaut — Vardlia Mihira^s PancliasiddlicintiTid,
271
being contained in 65,746,575 days tlie mean place of tbe moon for any
given abargana miglit of course be deduced directly ; smaller numbers
were, liowever, desirable as facilitating the calculations, and Yaraha
Miliira therefore substituted the relation of 900,000 revolutions to
24,589,506 days which o:ffers the advantage of a smaller divisor, and a
not only smaller but also much simpler multiplicator. The substitution
involves indeed a slight inaccuracy since 900,000 revolutions of the moon
746166
take place in 24,589,506 + 2^Q'0ggp fractional part of which
quantity is neglected in the general rule. The error which results
therefrom is, although insignificant, not to remain uncorrected and
Yaraha Mihira adds therefore (after one intervening verse about the
mean place of the moon’s uchcha) the following rule :
“ Multiply the (elapsed) revolutions of the moon by 51 and divide
by 3,120 ; the (resulting) seconds are to be deducted (from the mean
place of the moon as found by the general rule).” (The second part of
the rule refers to the moon’s uchcha) . The correction stated here is
easily accounted for. By a proportional calculation we find that the
moon performs in
746166
2406389
of a day about 14,708 seconds of a circle.
To
so much consequently the error resulting from the neglect of the frac¬
tion amounts for 900,000 revolutions. The error for one revolution is
14708
therefore equal to
900000
seconds or, as Yaraha Mihira prefers to ex¬
press it, reducing both numbers by 288, to (about) seconds. The
explanation of the kshepa, 670,217 is not quite so simple as that of the
solar kshepa. We of course again employ the kalpMy-ahargana which
had led to a satisfactory result in the case of the sun’s mean j)lace. If
we, however, proceed according to the general rule given by Yaraha
Mihira, multiplying that ahargana by 900,000 and dividing by 24,589,506
and finally applying the prescribed correction, we find that the remainder
combined with the moon’s mean motion for half a day does not equal the
stated kshepa. The fact is that approximately correct rules and approxi¬
mately accurate corrections are applicable to comparatively short periods,
but become altogether misleading if periods of very considerable length
as for instance the kalpady-ahargana are concerned. In such cases we
must discontinue the use of reduced factors and employ absolutely connect
numbers. In the present instance we consequently have to employ the
L L
272
G. Thibant — Vardha Mihira’s Panchasiddhdntihd.
[No. 2,
niimber of lunar months and savana days of the entire ynga. We
multiply the kalpady-ahargana as formed above by 2,406,389 (= the
number of the sidereal revolutions of the moon in a yuga), divide by
^5,746,575 (= number of savana days), reject the quotient which ex¬
presses the complete revolutions and keep the remainder 65,157,822 which
indicates that at the time of the epoch the moon had, in addition to the
complete revolutions, performed
65157822
65746575
of a revolution or, which is
588753
the same, that — were wanting to a complete revolution. This
fraction, in order to be capable of being introduced into the general
rule must be turned into 24,589,506^^® ; which being done we obtain
220197
To this quantity again we have to add half the amount of
24589506
the moon’s daily mean motion
450000
24589506
in order to find the mean
place of the moon at noon instead of the following midnight. The addi¬
tion of the two subtractive quantities gives — 670,197, which quantity
differs by 20 only from the kshepa stated in Yaraha Mihira’s rule : the
discrepancy to whatever reasons it may be owing is much too small to
be taken into account ; the difference in the mean place of the moon at
the time of the epoch which results from it amounts to 1" 3'" only.
The rule following next on the one referring to the mean motion of
the moon teaches how to find the mean place of the moon’s uchcha. A
few unimportant emendations being made, it runs as follows :
“ Add 2,260,356 to (the ahargana) multiplied by 900 and divide by
2,908,789 ; the result is the mean place of the uchcha of the moon.”
From the general rule involved in the above viz. that 900 revolu¬
tions of the moon’s uchcha take 23lace in 2,908,789 days, it follows that one
revolution occupies 3,231^^ 23’^ 42' 16-76". Comparing this period with
the duration of the revolution according to the known Siirya Siddhanta
which amounts to 3,232^ 2^ 14 53'4” we feel at once inclined to suspect
that the difference of the two quantities which is rather considerable is
not merely owing to Yaraha Mihira’s desire of establishing a rule offering
facilities for practical calculations but results from a real discrepancy of
the two Siirya Siddhantas. And a closer consideration of the point con¬
firms this suspicion. According to the known Siirya Siddhanta the
cliandrochcha of the moon performs 488,203 resolutions in one mahayuga
If we now, in order to ascertain the corresponding number of the
273
1884.]
G. Thibaut — Vardha Mihira’s PancJiasiddlidntihd.
Surya Siddbanta known to Varaba Mibira, mnltiply tbe 1,577,917,800
days of tbe inabaynga by 900 and divide by 2,908,789 we get as
quotient nearly 488,219. Yaraba Mibira’s Siirya Siddbanta there¬
fore reekoned so many revolutions of tbe nebcba to one mabaynga
and it is of interest to remark tbat it tberein exactly agreed with tbe
doctrine of Aryabhata (see tbe Aryabbatiya edited by Kern, p. 6).
We finally test tbe exactness of onr assumption by tbe calculation of tbe
ksbepa stated in Yaraba Mibira’s rule. Multiplying tbe kalpady-abar-
gana as ascertained before by 488,219 and dividing tbe product by
1,577,917,800 (tbe number of tbe days of a ynga) we get as remainder
1226408787
1577917800"
Converting tbe quantity which expresses tbe fraction of
tbe revolution incomplete at tbe epoch of tbe karana into 2,908,789tbs
in order to render it capable of being introduced into the general rule,
we obtain for tbe numerator 2260805 (and a small fraction). From
this positive ksbepa we finally deduct 450 = half tbe daily motion of tbe
nchcba in order to carry back tbe mean place to the preceding noon ; tbe
remainder 2,260,357 differs by one only from tbe ksbepa stated in the rule.
It thus appears tbat tbe number we bad assumed for tbe revolutions of
tbe nchcba according to Yaraba Mibira’s Surya Siddbanta is tbe right one.
Yaraba Mibira finally applies a correction which becomes necessary in
consequence of reduced and slightly inaccurate figures having been em¬
ployed in tbe general rule. Tbe amount of this correction is stated in
tbe second half of tbe verse quoted above etc., I am,
however, unable for tbe present to account for it by calculation. Tbe
fault possibly lies with tbe corruption of tbe manuscripts.
The same chapter contains a rule for calculating the mean places of
the moon’s node ; which I am, however, unable to explain. We therefore
turn now to tbe 16tb adhyaya which treats of tbe mean places of tbe
so-called tara-grabas. The text of this short adhyaya runs as follows :
f I §
A. B. oqTJjj- A. B.
t A. B.
t B-
§
II B. A.
274
G. Tliibaut — Varaha Mihira^s PancJiasiddhdntiJcd.
[No. 2,
t’^T; I J
f^f^TTT: (?) I
wit MT3IT f^-HW^: 31^ f^f^TTT^ I ^
%: TWT^T: I **
1 ft
VTOW: I tt
t^T f^f^TTT WTire^f^crT; I nil
f%^T ^ I
wm: f%^^r: I
(The few remaining verses of the adhyaya will be quoted below.)
“ 1. The determination of the (mean places of the) smaller planets
(i. e., the grahas except sun and moon) for midnight at Avanti is as
follows :
“2. Mercury and Venus have the same motion with the mean sun.
“ 3. For Jupiter multiply the ahargana by 100 and divide by
433,232.
“4. For Mars multiply the ahargana by 1 and divide by 687.
“5. For Saturn multiply the ahargana by 1000 and divide by
10,766,066.
“6. The quotients are the entire revolutions, the remainders are the
mean places of the planets in their order.
“7. For each revolution of Jupiter 10 tatparas (thirds, i. e., sixtieth
parts of a second) are to be deducted.
“8. 14 tatparas are to be added for each revolution of Mars ;
5 are to be deducted for each revolution of Saturn.
“ 9. 10. 4 signs, 2 degrees, 28 minutes and 49 seconds are to be
added to the mean place of Saturn.
“ 11. 8 degrees, 6 minutes and 20 seconds are the additive quantity
for Jupiter.
* B. ^^JiTCr \ooo \
t B.
t B. ¥rTjw: ^0 A.
§ B. o^ro?IT:
II B. f^TTi;
^ B.
** A. B. frif^f^o
ft B. of^.
tt A. o^rf; B. =^Tt%^rT.
§§ A. B. f^JTW.
nil A. B. o%fv^j Vfo
ITIT A. B.
A. B. oJiufT* * * § **
1884.]
G. Thibaiit — Yardha MiJdra’s PancJiasiddJidntiJcd .
275
“ 12. For Mars the additive quantity are 2 signs, 15 degrees, 35
minutes.
“ 13. For the S'ighra of Mercury, multiply the ahargana by 100 and
divide by 8,797.
“14. There the kshepa amounts to the product of four and a half
tatparas into the (accomplished) revolutions.
“ 15. For the Slg’hra of Venus multiply the ahargana by 10 and
divide by 2,247.
“ 16. To be added are ten and a half seconds multiplied by the revo¬
lutions.
“ 17. 28 degrees of Leo (i. e., 4 signs plus 28 degrees) and 17
minutes are the additive quantity of the S'ighra of Budha.
“ 18. From (the S'ighra of) Venus are to be deducted 332,961
seconds.”
Of these sixteen lines, lines 1 to 6 contain rules for the calculation of
the mean places of the five planets. Lines 7 and 8 state what corrections
have to be applied to the mean places of Jupiter, Ma^rs and Saturn if calcu¬
lated according to the rules previously laid down. Lines 9 to 12 inform us
what quantities are to be added to the mean places calculated and corrected
according to the preceding rules, i. e., they state the mean longitudes of
the planets at the epoch of the Karana. Lines 13 to 16 contain the rules
for calculating and correcting the mean places of the S'ighra of Mercury
and Venus.
Let us now enter into details and compare the above statement re¬
garding the planets’ periods of revolution with what is known from other
sources. Of Jupiter it is stated in line 3 that it performs 100 revolutions
in 433,232 days ; one revolution therefore occupies 4,332*32 days. This
nearly agrees with the doctrine of the published Surya Siddhanta which
counts 364,220 revolutions of Jupiter to 1 mahayuga of 4,320,000 years,
and consequently, the mahayuga comprising 1,577,917,828 days, 1 revolu¬
tion to 4,332*3,206,523 days. A small difference between Jupiter’s periods
of revolution according to the known Siirya Siddhanta and the Surya
Siddhanta of the Panchasiddhantika results of course from the repeatedly
mentioned fact of the yuga of the latter work comprising 28 days less. We
therefore assume at first that the Siirya Siddhanta of the Panchasiddhantika
also gave 364,220 revolutions to 1 yuga, and therefrom derive the exact
period of one revolution
1577917800
364200
4,332*3,205,754. From this it
appears that the general rule given above, according to which 1 revolution
comprises 4,332*32 days, is inaccurate and stands in need of a correction.
In order to ascertain the amount of the latter we take the difference of the
accurate and the approximate periods of revolution = 0*0005754 and there-
276
G. Thibaut — Vardha Miliim’s Pnnchasiddhdntihd. [No. 2,
from derive by means of a proportion (4,332'3,205,754 : 360 = 0*0005754 :
K ) that fractional part of a circle wbicb Jnpiter passes through in the
0*0005 754th of a day. The result are 10''' of a circle. Thereby is ex¬
plained the rule given in line 7 according to which 10"' for each revolution
have to be deducted from the mean place of Jupiter resulting from line 3.
We finally have to explain the kshepa stated in line 11. Multiplying the
kalpady-ahargana by 364, 220 and dividing by the days of a mahayuga
we find that from the beginning of the kalpa down to the epoch of the
book, Jupiter had performed 16490909 +
1776393 ,
7l8^ revolutions.
The
fraction turned into degrees, minutes etc. gives 8° 6' 20" for the mean
longitude of Jupiter at the time of the epoch. As according to line 1, the
rules for the mean longitudes of the planets refer to midnight at Avanti,
the deduction of half a day’s mean motion which had to be made in the
case of sun, moon and moon’s apsis is not required here.
We next turn to Mars. According to line 4, 1 revolution of Mars
takes place in 687 days. The round number clearly shows the rule to be
only an approximate one, and it now becomes our task to ascertain the
exact determination on which it is founded. According to the published
Surya Siddhanta, Mars performs 1 revolution in 686*99,749,394 days, and
it so might appear that the approximate value 687 presupposes the more
accurate value 686*9,974... (if we neglect for the moment the small differ¬
ence resulting from the slightly different number of the days of a yuga
according to the two Surya Siddhantas) and that consequently the
Surya Siddhanta of the Panchasiddhantika, as well as the known Surya
Siddhanta counts 2,296,832 revolutions of Mars to 1 mahayuga. But if on
this assumption we try to explain the correction of Mars’ mean place which
is stated in line 8 and the kshepa mentioned in line 12, we are unsuccess¬
ful and conclude therefrom that our assumption has been premature. We
therefore try the opposite course and proceed to deduce the number of
revolutions which Mars performs in one yuga from the correction of
fourteen tatparas for each revolution. If Mars, as the general rule teaches,
performs 360° in 687 days, it passes through 14'" in 0*000124 ... of a
day. This fraction has therefore to be deducted from the approximate
period of revolution, 687 days, when the remainder, 686*999874 ... days,
indicates the accurate period of revolution. By this again we divide
the days of the yuga (1,577,917,800). The quotient, 2,296,824, indicates
that according to the Surya Siddhanta of the Panchasiddhantika, Mars
performs in one yuga 2,296,824 revolutions ; which number agrees with
that given in the Aryabhatiya, (p. 4) and likewise in the Paulisa Sid¬
dhanta (Colebrooke’s Essays, II, p. 365). This number finally explains
the kshepa stated in line 12 ; for if we multiply by it the kalpady-ahargana
1884.] G. Tliibaut — Vardlia Mihira's Fanchasiddhdntiha .
277
and divide by the number of tbe days of a ynga, the remainder, wliich
indicates tbe mean longitude of Mars at tbe time of tbe epoch, is 2® 15°
35'.
Passing on to Saturn we find it stated in line 5 that 1000 revolutions
of tbe planet occupy 10,766,066 days. One revolution therefore occupies
10766'066 days. Tbe difference of this value from tbe corresponding
value which results from tbe statements of tbe known Surya Siddbanta,
viz., 10765' 77307461, is too considerable for us to assume that tbe Surya
Siddbanta of tbe Pancbasiddbantika should have agreed with tbe known
Surya Siddbanta in reckoning 146,568 revolutions of Saturn to 1
mabayuga. In order to find tbe number of revolutions actually acknow¬
ledged by tbe former work we therefore again have recourse to tbe
correction of Saturn’s mean longitude. As according to tbe latter (see
line 8) 5"' have to be deducted for each revolution of Saturn, tbe period
assumed for Saturn’s revolution in tbe general rule is too short and has
to be lengthened by tbe time which Saturn requires to pass through 5'"
of a circle. That time amounts to 0*0007 ... of a day. This being
added to 10766'066 and tbe days of a yuga being divided by tbe sum,
10766'0667, tbe quotient, 146,564, indicates tbe number of revolutions
in one ynga. This result shows that here too tbe Surya Siddbanta
referred to by Varaba Mibira agreed with tbe Aryabbatiya and tbe
Paulisa Siddbanta while it differed from tbe known Surya Siddbanta.
Finally in order to explain tbe ksbepa we multiply tbe kalpady-abargana
by 146,564 and divide tbe product by tbe days of a yuga. Tbe result —
49 2° 28' 49" — indicates tbe mean longitude of Saturn at tbe time of tbe
epoch in strict agreement with line 9.
We now turn to Mercury and Yenus whose periods of revolution
are treated in tbe Indian systems as revolutions of their sigbras while
the mean place of tbe two planets is supposed always to correspond to
tbe mean place of tbe sun. The latter circumstance is mentioned in line
2. Lines 9 and 10 state tbe real period of revolution of Mercury and tbe
rule for finding its mean longitude. A hundred revolutions are reckoned
to 8,797 days ; one revolution therefore occujoies 87'97 days. Tbe known
Surya Siddbanta gives to one ynga 17,937,060 revolutions of Mercury ;
to one of tbe latter therefore 87*969702 days. So far it might appear
that tbe two Siddbantas agree with regard to tbe number of revolutions
of Mercury ; this supposition, however, does not confirm itself when
we make use of tbe correction stated in line 14 for tbe purpose of deducing
therefrom tbe number of Mercury’s revolutions in one yuga. We find
by proportion that Mercury takes 0*000005 of a day to pass through
4*5"' of a circle ; we therefore subtract tbe fraction from 87*97 and divide
by tbe remainder tbe days of a ynga, when the quotient, 1,793,700,
278 G. Thibaut — Vardha Mihira^s Panchasuldhdntihd. [No. 2,
indicates the number of Mercury’s revolutions. This number agrees
neither with the one stated in the known Siirya Siddhanta (17,937,060)
nor with the doctrine of Aryabhata who reckons 17,937,020 revolutions
of Mercury to one yuga (Aryabhata, p. 6) ; on the other hand it does not
differ from the number assumed in the Paulisa Siddhanta (Colebrooke,
Essays, II, p. 365). Mercury’s kshepa finally is stated in line 17. We
multiply the kalpady-ahargana by 17,937,000 and divide by the days of
a yuga. The result is 148° 17' and about 6"; the last quantity is not
stated by Yaraha Mihira.
We conclude with Venus. According to line 15 it performs ten re¬
volutions in 2,247 days, consequently one revolution in 224' 7 days.
According to line 16 we have to add 10‘5" for each revolution to the mean
place of Venus as calculated in line 15. Venus passes through so many
seconds in 0‘00182 of a day. We deduct this amount from 224*7 and
divide by the remainder the days of the yuga. The quotient, 7,022,388,
indicates the number of revolutions that Venus performs in one yuga,
a number in which the Siirya Siddhanta of the Panchasiddhantika again
agrees with the Aryabhatiya (p. 6) and the Paulisa Siddhanta, while
the known Siirya Siddhanta reckons 7,022,376 revolutions of Venus to
one yuga. Lastly to calculate the kshepa we multiply the kalpady-
ahargana by 7,022,388 and divide by the days of a yuga. The result is
8s 27° 30' 35", which positive quantity is turned into a negative one by
being deducted from an entire revolution or twelve signs. The remain¬
der is 3® 2° 29' 25" which quantity is equal to 332,965 seconds. The text
says 332,961 ; but most probably we have to read (in line 18) instead
of which emendation would remove the discrepancy.
In addition to the rules translated and explained in the above the
chapter on “ Siirya Siddhanta, madhyagati ” contains a few more verses
which as it appears state a so-called bija to be applied to the positions
of the planets resulting from the general rules. These verses, which
together with those already quoted constitute the entire chapter, run as
follows :
^ JTTrf^WTWi: II
'J vj
“ Seventeen seconds for each year are to be added to the mean place
of Mars ; ten to be deducted from that of Jupiter ; seven and a half to be
X A. B.
§ A.
* A. B. oqqjjpgo
t A. B.
1884.]
G. Thibaut — Varaha MiJiira’s Panchasiddhdntihd.
279
added to that of Saturn ; forty-five to be deducted from that of Venus ;
one hundred and twenty to be added to that of Mercury. Fourteen
hundred seconds are to be deducted from the mean place of Jupiter.”
These corrections call for no special remarks. As in similar cases,
no special reason is given for the amount of the correction, it being
understood that corrections of just that value will bring about a satis¬
factory agreement between calculation and observation. It is not said
with whom the bija originated ; but we have no reason to doubt that
it was Varaha Mihira himself who had perceived that the elements of
the Surya Siddhanta did not fully satisfy the requirements of his time.
It is moreover noteworthy that the corrections proposed by Varaha
Mihira for the Siirya Siddhanta do not differ very much from those
proposed for the elements of the Aryabhatiya by Lallacharya who is
called the disciple of Aryabhata. The passage from Lalla which refers
to this point is quoted in the commentary on the Aryabhatiya (Kern’s
edition, p. 58) and runs as follows :
il
'j \j
“ Deduct 420 from the S'aka year, multiply it, for the moon, by
25, for the moon’s uchcha by II4, for Rahu by 96, for Jupiter by 47,
for Venus’ uchcha by 153, for Mars by 48, for Saturn by 20 and (for
Mercury’s uchcha) by 430 ; divide in all cases by 250. The resulting
(minutes) are to be added to the minutes (of the mean places) of Mer¬
cury, Mars and Saturn (while they are to be deducted in the case of
the other planets).”
This means that — the moon with her apogee and node being left
47'
aside — v— = about II" for each year are to be deducted from Jupiter’s
53'
mean place ; = 36" are to be deducted from the mean place of Venus ;
ZiO\j
430^ 48^
- = 103" are to be added to Mercury ; — — = II" are to be added to
250 * 250
Mars
20'
J O I-
250
= 5'' are to be added to Saturn. It will be observed that
these corrections differ in no case very widely, in some hardly at all
from those which Varaha Mihira proposes.
The last clause in Varaha Mihira’s chapter on the mean motions of
the planets according to which 1,400 seconds are to be deducted from
the mean place of Jupiter must refer to a constant bija to be applied to
M M
280 G. Tliibaiit — Vardha Mihira's Panchasiddhdntikd. [No. 2,
the place of the planet at the epoch of the Karana. It is too consider¬
able for being considered as a yearly bija ; a bija of the latter kind for
Jupiter has moreover been stated in the preceding verse already.
Having gathered all the information which the Panchasiddhantika
supplies regarding the mean motions of the planets according to the
Siirya Siddhanta we now turn to the Homaka Siddhanta.
The information regarding the ynga adopted by the Romaka Sid¬
dhanta is contained in the 15th verse of the first adhyaya : ,
sfVfTTOT: i|
‘‘ The Innisolar ynga of the Romaka (Siddhanta) comprises 2,850
years ; (in these) there are 1,050 adhimasas and 16,547 omitted lunar
days.”
The first point to be noted with regard to this passage is that the
ynga is called “ arkendvoh,” a Innisolar ynga, from which it might
appear that the ynga of the Romaka Siddhanta comprised an integral
number of revolutions of the sun and the moon only, while the yngas of
the other Siddhantas as for instance the Siirya Siddhanta are founded on
the revolutions of the other planets also. If this was really the case cannot
as yet be settled with certainty. The Panchasiddhantika indeed extracts
from the Romaka Siddhanta information about the motions of the sun
and moon merely ; but on the other hand a passage in the Brahmagupta
Sphuta Siddhanta which will be quoted later on ^hows that STishena
treated also of the other planets. That he, however, in the construction
of his astronomical periods considerably diverged from the other Sid¬
dhantas we are told by Brahmagupta himself in a passage occurring in
the first chapter of his Sphuta Siddhanta :
“ Because the yugas, manvantaras and kalpas which are stated in
the Smritis as defining time are not employed in the Romaka (Siddhanta),
therefore the Romaka stands outside Smriti.”
If we now inquire more closely into the nature of the period made
use of in the Romaka Siddhanta, we observe at once that the number
of the solar years as well as that of the intercalary months can be
reduced by 150 so that we may say as well that 19 solar years contain 7
intercalary months or that 19 solar years contain 235 synodical months.
In other words the ynga of the Romaka Siddhanta is founded on the
well-known Metonic period. Hor is it a matter of great difficulty to
^ A.
1884.] G. Thibaut — -Vardlia Mlhira s Tanchasiddhantilcd.
281
find out why the Romaka uses instead of the simple Metonic period
its 150th multiple. At first we have to ascertain the length of the
solar year of the Romaka, by dividing the 1,040,953 civil days com -
prised in the entire yuga by 2,850, the number of years ; when we
obtain 365*^ 5^^ 55' 12" ; a result showing, as of course we might
already have inferred from the mere use of the Metonic period, that the
Romaka uses not the sidereal solar year the uniform employment of
which is so marked a feature of later Indian astronomy but the tropical
solar year. Ror again is there any room for doubt concerning the origin
of this determination of the solar year. It is the tropical year of
Hipparchus or if Ave like of Ptolemy who adopted his great predecessor’s
estimation of the time occupied by one tropical revolution of the sun
Tvithout attempting to correct it although it is considerably too long.
(^Cf. Ptolemy’s Syntaxis, Book III.)
It is certainly a matter of interest to meet in one of the oldest
Siddhantas with an estimation of the year’s length whose Greek origin
it is impossible to deny. The comparison of the length of the year as
fixed by the different Siddhantas on one side and the Greek astronomers
on the other side is generally beset by considerable difficulties chiefly
in consequence of the Hindu astronomers giving no direct information
about the length of the tropical year, while the Greeks on their part
speak in clear terms of the tropical year only, and oblige us to infer
their opinions regarding the length of the sidereal year. It is of course
easy enough to deduce the length of the one species of year from the
length of the other if we are acquainted with the assumed yearly rate of
the precession of the equinoxes. But it so happens that the determina¬
tion of the latter point is in many cases by no means easy. To take for
instance the (published) Siirya Siddhanta we easily derive from its data
the length of its sidereal year, viz., 365*^ 6^^ 12"^ 36'6® and, if we avail
ourselves of the amount of yearly precession as stated in its tripras-
nadhyaya, viz., 54", we find for the length of the tropical year 365*^ 5“^
50“^ 41' 7®, which is a determination much more correct then that of the
Greek astronomers. But I quite share the suspicion expressed by
Professor Whitney (translation of the Siirya Siddhanta, p. 246 ff.) that
the passage of the triprasnadhikara alluded to formed no part of the
original Siirya Siddhanta, but is a later interpolation. It remains there¬
fore uncertain by what process the length of the sidereal year of the
Siirya Siddhanta was determined ; the possibility of its being founded
on the tro|3ical year of Hipioarchus and the Romaka Siddhanta is mean¬
while not to be considered as altogether excluded.*
* The proposal made by Biot (Etudes sur T astronomie Indienne, p. 29) to
account for the sidereal year of the Siirya Siddhanta by considering it as the
Hipparchus himself basing on his calculation of the tropical year and
on the Metonic cycle constructed a period of 304 (4 X 4 X 19) years
minus one day = 111,035 days which period comprises 3,760 synodical
months. (See Ideler’s Chronology, I, p. 352.) The advantages of this
period are that it comprises integral numbers of civil days and of lunar
months and, very nearly, of tropical years while at the same time it
implies nearly accurate estimations of the length of the year and the
month, (viz., 365*^^ 5^^ 55' 15" and 29^^ 12^^ 44' 2‘5" ; the accurate figures
according to Hipparchus being 365^^ 5^ 55' 12" and 29^ 12^ 44' 3‘2") .
A period of this kind would, however, apparently not have suited Indian
purposes. We here are met by one of the particular Indian require¬
ments which helped to transform systems of Creek origin into the Indian
systems with their strongly marked peculiarities. At the time when
Greek astronomy began to act on India the calendar in prevalent use in
the latter country was undoubtedly already the well-known lunisolar one
with its tithis and intercalary lunar months. The peculiarity of this
calendar is, that it does not inform one directly of the number of civil
days which have expired from the beginning of the current year but
only of the number of the elapsed lunar days or tithis. From the latter
the number of civil days has to be derived by means of a proportion.
And again in order to ascertain the number of tithis contained in a
certain number of years antecedent to the current year, it is necessary
at first to ascertain the number of intercalary lunar months which have
occurred in the course of those years, a process requiring the employ¬
ment of another proportion. We cannot enter in this place into a
discussion of the reasons which may have led to the adoption of such an
extraordinary and inconvenient style of calendar ; for our purposes it is
sufficient to know that it had established itself on Indian soil at an early
period. It appears for instance in the Jyotisha-Vedahga, although the form
in which it there presents itself is a comparatively simple and primitive one,
the writer of the Yedahga neither having an accurate knowledge of the
length of the revolutions of the sun and the moon nor being acquainted
with the solar and lunar inequalities. At any rate it had taken a firm
hold on the Hindu nation and when Greek notions and methods streamed
in, they had to adapt themselves to the existing system. Thus the above
described manner of calculating the number of civil days comprised in
a certain period with its twofold transformation of solar years into lunar
months and of lunar days into civil days required the establishment of
arithmetical mean taken between the sidereal year of Hipparchus and that of the
Clialdeans has not much to recommend itself j the mean would not even be an
accurate one.
1884.] G. Thibaiit — VardJta MtJnras FancJiasiddh dntiJid.
288
periods containing integral numbers of all the different constituent
elements, as otherwise the already laborious calculations would have
become vastly more troublesome. For this reason the author of the
Romaka Siddhanta formed his yuga of 2,850 years which is not only a
multiple of 19 years, from which circumstance it follows that it com¬
prises an integral number of intercalary months ; but which in addition
comprises as we have seen an integral number of civil days. That 150
is the smallest multiplier by which the desired purpose can be effected
it is easy to see. The Romaka period has the additional advantage of
being based on the exact tropical year of Hipparchus while the period
of 304 years demands a lengthening of the year by 3 seconds.
From the verse translated above we moreover derive the length of
the month according to the Romaka Siddhanta. Dividing the savana
days of the yuga by the number of its synodical months we obtain for
the length of one synodical month 29‘^ 12^^ 44' 2‘25". Further, adding to
the number of the synodical months of the ynga the number of solar
revolutions and dividing by the sum the number of savana days, we
arrive at a periodical month of 27^^ 7^^ 43' 6'3''. (It need not be men¬
tioned that the periodical month of the Romaka is, like its year, a
tropical one.) A comjDarison of these values with those assigned to the
same periods by the Greek astronomers offers, owing to the particular
nature of the case, no special interest. Hipparchus had found for the
length of the synodical month 29*^ 12^ 44' 3’ 262"^ and this estimation
might not improbably have been known to the author of the Romaka
Siddhanta ; but since, as we have seen above, the absolute equality of
19 solar years and 235 synodical months was insisted on, the length of
the month had to be modified slightly.f
* This is the value resulting from Hipparchus’s lunisolar period (about which see
the following note). Ptolemy, as pointed out by Biot, Resume de Chronologie
Astronomique, p. 401, derives his value of the synodical month from the same
period, arrives, however, from unknown reasons at a result differing in the decimal
places of the seconds (29*1 12li 44' 3'333") and employs this value in all his subse¬
quent investigations.
•f The above remark on the synodical month of course api)lies to the periodical
month likewise. Although, however, I do not wish to enter in this place into a
detailed comparison of the Greek and Indian determinations of the length of the
month the following hints as to the course of procedure of the chief Greek astro¬
nomers may find a place. The lunisolar period employed by HijDparchus and de¬
scribed by Ptolemy in the 2nd chapter of the 4th book of the Syntaxis sets 126,007
days plus one hour equal on one side to 4,267 synodical months and on the other side
to 4,612 sidereal revolutions of the moon minus 7^° ; the same period is said to com¬
prise 345 sidereal revolutions of the sun oninus 7i°. On these equalities may be based
in the first place a calculation of the length of the synodical month, in the second place
284
G. Tliibaiit — Yardlia Mihira s Fanchasvldhdntlhd.
[No. 2,
We now proceed to consider some verses whicli teacli how to employ
the general principles stated above for the purpose of calculating the
mean places of snn and moon. They are found in the 8th adhyaya
whose general subject is the calculation of solar eclipses according to the
Romaka :
(Without entering on the discussion of a few necessary emendations
of the above text I at once proceed to render its undoubted sense.)
“ Multiply the ahargana by 150, subtract from it 65 and divide by 54,787 ;
the result is the mean place of the sun according to the Romaka."
(From one of the following verses we see that the mean places of the
Romaka are calculated for the time of sunset at Avanti.) I wish, with
regard to the above verse as well as those verses which will be trans¬
lated later on, to confine myself to the general jDart of the rule and not
to enter for the present on a discussion of the additive quantity — the
kshepa — which as we have seen when considering the corresponding rules
of the Surya Siddhanta is introduced for the purpose of enabling us to
start in our calculations from the epoch of the karana. The additive —
or in this case subtractive — quantity ( — 65) being left aside the remain¬
der of the rule presents no difficulties. As we have seen above the
a calculation, independent from the former one, of the length of the sidereal month
and the sidereal year. Ptolemy when determining the mean motions of the moon ex¬
clusively avails himself of the first mentioned equation between 126,007 days plus one
hour and 4,267 synodical months and — employing the mean tropical motion of the snn
settled independently — derives therefrom the mean tropical motion of the moon.
From the latter it is easy to calculate the length of the periodical (tropical) month,
with the result 27<1 7^ 43' 7'27", and from that again, if we avail ourselves of the
value of the yearly precession which Ptolemy had accepted, viz., 36", the value of
the sidereal month, for which we find 27^ 7^ 43' 12‘1". (Thus also in the Compara¬
tive Table of the sidereal revolutions of the planets, Burgess — Whitney’s translation
of the Surya Siddhanta, p. 168.) Hipparchus on the other hand who had not
settled a definite value of the annual jjrecession would, in order to ascertain the
duration of the sidereal month, most probably have made use of the second of the
above-mentioned equations. The resulting length of the sidereal month is 27d 7h
43' 13‘57" (thus also Biot etudes sur 1’ astronomie Indienne, p. 44). A certain rate
of the precession may be derived from comparing this sidereal month with the
tropical month mentioned above (regarding whose length Ptolemy and Hipparchus
agree if we set aside aside the insignificant difference resulting from the inadvertence
of Ptolemy remarked on in the preceding note). Or again the rate of the preces¬
sion may bo calculated by comparing the length of the sidereal year which results
from the third of the stated equations (vide 365d 6'^ 14' 11‘79") with the duration
of the tropical year ; we thus obtain for the annual rate 46'8".
1884.] G. Thibant — Vardlia Mihira’s PancJiasiddhdntiJcd.
285
SLin perforins 2,850 revolutions in 1,040,953 days. Both numbers can
be reduced by 19. In order therefore to find the place of the sun at a
given time or, in Indian terminology, for a given ahargana, we multiply
the ahargana by 150 and divide the product by 54,787. The result
represents the mean place of the sun in the tropical sphere.
In the same adhyaya we read the following rule for calculating the
mean place of the moon ;
(The translation will show what emendations of the text are re¬
quired.) “ Multiply the ahargana by 38,100, subtract 1,984 and divide
by 1,040,953 ; the result is the mean place of the moon.”
The kshepa being set aside the rule is easy to understand. The
multiplier is the number of the sidereal months contained in the yuga
of the Bomaka Siddhanta ; the number of the civil days of the same
period forms the divisor. The quotient represents the mean place of the
moon in the tropical sphere.
While the preceding rules regarding the mean places of sun and
moon gave no information about the elements of the Bomaka which we
might not have directly derived from the statement concerning the
nature of the yuga and were chiefly interesting as confirming the latter,
a new element is furnished by the next following verse which refers to
the anomaly of the moon :
Vi '
(Without translating the compound which refers to the kshepa, and
only remarking that the last words are an emendation of
which is the reading exhibited by the manuscripts we render :) “ Multiply
the ahargana by 110 and divide by 3,031 ; the result is the moon’s kendra
at the time of sunset at Avanti.”
The last words indicate the time of the day from which the calcu¬
lations according to the Bomaka Siddhanta have to start and the Meridian
employed ; they will not be considered here as they are important only
ii viewed in connexion with the kshepa. The kendra performing 110
revolutions in 3,031 days we obtain by division 27^ 13^ 18' 32' 7 ' as the
time of one revolution of the kendra or, according to the Greeks’ and
our own terminology, of one anomalistic month. The manner in which
we are here taught to calculate the moon’s mean anomaly seems to be
another interesting proof of the Bomaka Siddhanta standing in a speci¬
ally close relation to Greek astronomy. The Indian systems in general
286
G. Tliibaiit — Vardha Mihiras Fancliasiddhdntihd. [No. 2.
do, as is well-known, not speak of revolutions of the moon’s anomaly
but of revolutions of the uchcha, i. e., the apogee or the apsis, while the
Greeks combined the motion of the apogee and that of the moon herself
in the so-called restitution of the anomaly (dTroKaTacrracrts dvco/xaXttts)
which corresponds to the modern anomalistic month and which we here
meet with in the Romaka as the revolution of the kendra. I am aware
that Hindu Astronomers occasionally calculate the position of the kendra
in the same way, i. e., without having recourse to the separate revolutions
of the uchcha, and moreover it might be said that Varaha Mihira who
reproduces the systems of his predecessors in a greatly condensed shape
may have modified the rules of the Romaka Siddhanta in this special
point, merely aiming at giving rules the results of which would be
identical or nearly identical with those of the Romaka. But against
this it is to be urged that in the next following chapter which treats of
the calculation of eclipses according to the Surya Siddhanta we meet
with a rule for calculating the place of the uchcha which exactly agrees
with the Surya Siddhanta as known to us, and that therefore Varaha
Mihira who faitlifully reports the doctrine of one Siddhanta regarding
this particular point may be expected to have done the same with regard
to the other. Remembering therefore that in other points also, as shown
above, the Romaka Siddhanta evinces more unmistakeable traces of
Greek influence than the remainder of the Siddhantas, we shall most
probably not err in considering its peculiar method of calculating the
moon’s mean anomaly as due to Greek models, while on the other hand
the employment of separate revolutions of the uchcha as exhibited in
the Surya Siddhanta, etc. has to be viewed as an Indian innovation.
The rates of mean motion of the moon and her uchcha can of
course be deduced from the rules extracted and translated in the above ;
they are, however, specially stated in another verse of the same chapter :
“ The (mean daily) motion of the moon is 790 (minutes) ; of the
moon’s anomaly 784 (minutes).”
These are of course mere “ sthula ” values, of sufficient accuracy,
however, for ordinary purposes.
The value of the anomalistic month which results from Hipparchus’s
lunisolar periods is 27*^ 13^^ 18' 34‘7". The small difference between this
value and the one adopted by the author of the Romaka Siddhanta may
be owing to the latter’s wish to establish a not over long period con¬
taining integral numbers of revolutions of the kendra and of civil days.
We finally have to consider a verse which contains the rule for
calculating the mean place of the moon’s node. The latter part of the
text of the verse is very corrupt :
1884.] G. Tliibaut — Vardha MiJiiras PancJicisiddhdjitikd.
287
TT%i: I
W e are concerned only witli the first half of the first line and the first
half of the second line. The second half of the first line states the kshepa
whose consideration we exclude ; the second half of the second lino is
corrupt (the however, clearly indicates that the motion of the
node is retrograde). “ Tryashtaka ” has to he taken as meaning 24. The
rule therefore directs us to multiply (the ahargana) in the case of Idahu
by 24 and to divide by 163,111. From this it appears that the Eomaka
reckons 24 revolutions of the node to 163,111 days ; one revolution
therefore comprises 6,796^^ 7^. This agrees very nearly with Ptolemy’s
determination (which we calculate from the mean daily motion of the
node as determined by him) according to which one revolution of the node
takes place in 6,796^ 14^, etc.f
From these statements regarding the yuga of the Romaka Siddhanta
we now turn to the practical rule concerning the calculation of the
ahargana which is contained in the 8th, 9th and 10th verses of the first
chapter where it follows immediately on the introductory verses quoted
and translated above.
I II
“Deduct the S'aka year 427, (i. e., deduct 427 from the number of
that Saka year for any day in which you wish to calculate the ahargana)
at the beginning of the light half of Ohaitra, when the sun had half set
* So in B. A. has over a rather indistinctly shaped letter which may be a
^ or perhaps an ■?[; and after that
t We may notice here a mistake which has crept into the Comparative Table of
the Sidereal Bevolutions of the planets in Burgess — Whitney’s translation of the
Surya Siddhanta, p. 168. The compiler of that Table when calculating the side¬
real revolution of the node according to Ptolemy and the moderns apparently forgot
that, the motion of the node being retrograde, the effect of the precession of the
equinoxes is to render the sidereal revolution of the node not longer but shorter than
the tropical revolution ; he therefore added the difference due to the precession to
the tropical revolution instead of deducting it. The real value of the sidereal
revolution of the node according to the moderns is 6,793^ 10^‘, etc., and rather loss
than this quantity according to Ptolemy.
X A. B.
h N
288 G. Thibaut — Vardha Mihiras FahchasiddlLantilcd. [No. 2,
in Yavanapnra, at the beginning of Wednesday ; turn (the number of
solar years remaining after the deduction of 427) into months, add the
months, (i. e., the elapsed lunar months of the current year), put the
result down in two places, multiply it (in one place) by 7 and divide by
228, add the resulting adhimasas (to the number of months obtained
above) ; multiply the sum by 30, add the tithis, (i. e., the elapsed tithis
of the current month), put the result down in two places ; multiply it
(in one place) by 11, add 514 and (divide) by 703 ; deduct the quotient
(from the number of tithis found above). The final result is the
(savana) ahargana according to the Romaka Siddhanta ; in the Paulisa
too it is not very much different.”
The above is a very concisely stated rule for a rough calulation of
the ahargana, i. e., the sum of civil days elapsed from a certain epoch
down to a given date. The general principles of the calculation do
not differ from the usual ones and therefore stand in no need of elucida¬
tion. Concerning the details we have in the first place to notice that
the S'aka date 427 has to be deducted from the given sum of years.
This means of course that the ahargana is to be calculated from the end
of the 427th year of the S'aka era. The question remains whether 427
S'aka elapsed is to be taken as the time when the Romaka Siddhanta was
written or at least is the epoch fixed upon by the author of the Romaka
Siddhanta as the starting-point of his calculations, or whether the named
year represents either the time of the composition of the Panchasiddhan-
tika or the epoch selected by Yaraha Mihira himself. The former alter¬
native is indeed primd facie the much more probable one as the date
appears in the text in connexion with other details which certainly ori¬
ginally belonged to the Romaka and not to Yaraha Mihira. The latter
alternative can, however, not be rejected altogether ; for it is by no
means impossible that while the principles of the calculation of the
ahargana are taken from the Romaka, the particular date from which it
starts might have been chosen by Yaraha Mihira himself. It is more¬
over the habit of the writers of karana-granthas to take for their epoch-
either the year in which their book is actually composed or at least spine
very near year. And finally Albiruni as well as the Hindu Astronomers
of IJjjain who in the beginning of this century furnished Dr. W. Hunter
with the list of astronomers published by Colebrooke (Algebra, p. xxxiii)
took 427 as the date of Yaraha Mihira himself {Gf. Kern, Preface to
the Brihat Samhita, p. 2.) On the other hand as Prof. Kern points out,
it is certainly most improbable that Yaraha Mihira whose death has been
ascertained by Dr. Bhau Daji to have taken place in 587 A. D. should
have written the Pafichasiddhantika in 505 already. The other argument
adduced by Prof. Kern against 505 being the date of the Panchasiddhan-
1884.] G. Tliibaut — Vardha Mihira’s Panchasiddhdntilcd.
280
tika is that the latter work quotes Arya Bhata who was born in 476 only
and therefore is not likely to have been referred to in 505 already as a
writer of authority. Matters lie, however, somewhat difcerently. We
know from a passage of Brahmagupta which Vv^ill be quoted later on, that
S'rishena the author of the Bomaka Siddhanta had borrowed some of
the fundamental principles of his astronomical system from i^ryabhata.
Bow Aryabhata’s first work (for it is not likely that he began to write
before the age of twenty- three) having been composed in 499, the assump¬
tion that 505 marks the time of the Pauchasiddhantika would compel us to
conclude that Shishena’s work was written in the short interval between
499 and 505, and had then already become famous enough to be esteemed
one of the principal five Siddhantas. Such a conclusion does certainly
not recommend itself, and we may safely I think assume that 505 is either
the year in which Srishena’s work was written or else the year selected
by him for the starting-point of his calculations, and therefore not far
remote from the year in which he wrote. For the date of the Pahcha-
siddhantika there would finally remain the period from 505 to 587. I
should, however, be unwilling to assign it to a later date than perhaps
530 to 540 ; for if its composition was removed by too great an interval
from 505, it is improbable that Varaha Mihira should have kept the latter
year as his epoch and not have introduced a more recent one.
We return to the ahargana rule. The days are to be counted from
sunset, a practice which we do not elsewhere meet with in India while
it is known to have been generally followed by the Greeks ; another
proof for the particularly intimate dependance of the Bomaka on Greek
science. The years which have elapsed from the epoch are turned into
months (in the usual way, by being multiplied by 12) and the elapsed
months of the current year are added. Then by a proportion resulting
from the yuga of the Bomaka the intercalary months are calculated (7
intercalary months are to be added to 228 months ; how many to the
given number of months ?). The number of the months is then multi¬
plied by 30, and from the number of tithis found in that way the num¬
ber of omitted lunar days (tithi kshaya) is derived by another propor¬
tion, which is, however, merely approximate. Since, as we have
seen above, the Bomaka reckons 16,547 omitted lunar days to the
yuga (which comprises 1,057,500 tithis), 703 lunar days comprise
41
11 H - omitted lunar days, while the proportion made use of
1057500 ^
for the calculation of the ahargana neglects the fraction. The additional
quantity 514 does not occupy us because, as stated above, we exclude for
the present the consideration of the epoch of the Bomaka Siddhanta
and the kshepa- quantities connected with it.
290
G, Tliibant — VardJia Mihira’s Fanchasiddhantikd.
[No. 2,
All identical rule for the calculation of the ahargana is not found
anywhere else in Indian astronomy (as indeed it cannot be on account
of the prevailing employment of the sidereal solar year) with one excep¬
tion. The rules of Siamese astronomy which have been alluded to above
teach the calculation of the ahargana (or as it is called there horoconne — ■
I quote from the account of Siamese astronomy given by Bailly in his
Traite de T astronomie Indienne et Orientate) according to exactly the
same method. The kshepa-quantities differ on account of the Siamese
rules starting from a different epoch.
But the proportions
7
228
and
n
7C^
are both made use of. The use of the latter proportion is of no parti¬
cular interest ; for the proportion is only approximately correct, and does
not allow of any certain inference regarding the length of the synodical
month beinsf founded on it. It is in fact — if I am not mistaken — occa-
sionally used by karana writers who deal with the sidereal year only.
But the former proportion as clearly pointing to a tropical solar year is
noteworthy, all the more as the Siamese rules nowhere directly acknow¬
ledge the tropical year but uniformly employ the sidereal one. It did
in fact not escape the attention of Cassini who inferred from it that a
tropical year of 365^^ 5^^ 55' 13" 46'" had originally been known to the
Siamese, and remarked that such a year differed by two seconds only
only from Hipparchus’s year. We are now able to maintain that the two
years originally did not differ at all, and that the later small divergence
is merely due to the inaccurate proportion
*
which for reasons of
convenience was preferred to the accurate one.
We finally have to consider an interesting stanza in the 11th chapter
of Brahmagupta’s Sphuta Siddhanta which contains some information
about the sources from which the elements of the Bomaka Siddhanta
were derived. The two manuscripts of the Sphuta Siddhanta at my
disposal are unfortunately so incorrect that only a part of the stanza is
intelligible ; wdiat interests us more particularly can, however, be made
out I think. One manuscript (containing the text of the Sphuta Sid¬
dhanta only) reads :
1884.] G. Tliibant — Vardlia Miliira^s Panchasiddhdntihd. 291
The other manuscript (E. J. H. 1304) which contains parts of the
Sphiita Siddhanta with the commentary by Prithndaka Svamin reads :
Comm. : I
Text : I
Comm. : Jr<Tm^T§r I litl
Text : ^ I
What chiefly concerns ns in the above extract (the text of which
it is not possible to emendate in all places without the help of further
manuscripts) is the fact of Aryabhata and Lata being mentioned among
the predecessors of Srishena. The Romaka Siddhanta, in that shape
at any rate which was given to it by S'rishena, is therefore later than
Aryabhata and was as we have remarked above most probably composed
in 505. It borrowed from Aryabhata, as we see from the line ?f^Ro,
all those processes which are required for finding the true places of the
planets. On the other hand it adopted from Lata all those rules by
means of which the mean places of the planets are calculated.* Lata
therefore appears to have been that Hindu astronomer who first borrowed
from the Greeks the tropical year of Hipparchus, the Metonic period,
etc. This would agree very well with the other notice, quoted above ,
which the Panchasiddhantika furnishes concerning Latacharya, viz., that
according to him the beginning of the day was to be reckoned from
the moment of sunset in Yavanapura. It is greatly to be regretted that
the Panchasiddhantika does not treat of the mean motions of the planets
other than sun and moon according to the Romaka Siddhanta ; as these
also were, according to Brahmagupta, borrowed from Lata they would
most likely correspond with the mean motions as determined by Hippar¬
chus more closely than the mean motions resulting from the cycles of
the Surya Siddhanta and the Aryabhatiya. If the Romaka Siddhanta
by Shishena was composed in 505 as appears very likely Lata would have
to be considered at least as a contemporary of Aryabhata ; but consider¬
ing the specifically Greek character of his astronomy I think it much
more likely that he preceded him.
* The readingr of tke B. J. H. maimscript (instead of of the
other manuscript) is clearly wrong. In the first place Arya could hardly be used
for Aryabhata ; secondly, the mean motions of the Romaka are not those of Arya¬
bhata ; thirdly, the indebtedness of the Romaka to Aryabhata is stated in the later
line
292
G. Thilmiit — Varaha MiJiircC s Fanchasiddlicintiha. [No. 2,
A doubt concerning Lata’s position might arise from the introduc¬
tion of the Pahchasiddhantika in which it is remarked that the Panlisa
and Romaka Siddhantas were “ vyakhyatan ” by Latadeva. This Lata-
deva is either to be considered as a writer altogether different from that
Lata to whom Shishena was indebted for a part of the elements of his
Siddhanta, or else we must suppose that Srishena’s Romaka Siddhanta
was only a recast of an older Romaka Siddhanta which was written or
commented on by Lata. The latter remark perhaps applies to the
Panlisa Siddhanta also, and we must here remember that, as Prof. Kern
has shown, Utpala distinguishes between the Panlisa Siddhanta and a
Mula Panlisa Siddhanta.
We may in conclusion sum up in a few words the chief results
following from the consideration of those parts of the Pahchasiddhan¬
tika which form the subject of this paper. In the first place it appears
that the rules of the Surya Siddhanta known to Yaraha Mihira differed
very considerably from the corresponding rules of the Surya Siddhanta
which has come down to us while they agreed partly with the Arya-
bhatiya partly with the Panlisa Siddhanta as represented by Bhattotpala.
It follows that in any inquiries into the earliest history of modern Indian
astronomy the existing Surya Siddhanta is not to be referred to, at any
rate not without great caution. In the second place we are enabled,
by what we have learned about the Romaka Siddhanta, to go back
beyond Aryabhata and the Surya Siddhanta, and to gain an insight into
the very beginning of modern Hindu science when * it still wore the
unmistakeable impress of its Greek prototype and had not yet hardened
into its distinctive national form.
APPENDIX.
I take this opportunity of showing by some more examples how
practical Hindu works on astronomy facilitate their calculations by at
first employing greatly reduced numbers and afterwards making up for
the resulting errors by applying corrections. In the astronomical tables
alluded to in the preceding paper which Bailly calls the tables of Narsa-
pur, a period is employed for the calculation of the moon’s mean place
which is yet considerably simpler than the one which according to Varaha
Miliira may be constructed on the elements of the Surya Siddhanta
We are there directed to multiply the ahargana by 800 and to divide by
21,857. Eight hundred revolutions of the moon comprising 21,857
days, one revolution would be equal to 27^ 7^^ 42' 3G '. But a correction
is stated to the effect that the given ahargana is to be divided by 4,888
and the quotient, taken as indicating degrees, is to be deducted from
1884.] G. Tlii])aut — Varalia Mihira's VancliasvIdJidntiJcd.
293
the mean place of the moon as found from the general rule. This is as
much as saying that - ° = O' 7365'" for each day of the ahargana are
4ooo
to be deducted. Multiplying this quantity by the duration of the
periodical month as stated above (27*^^ 7^ etc.) we obtain 20T218'". So
many seconds of the circle are passed through by the moon in 36*65'".
We add the latter quantity to the duration of the month and thus
obtain 27^^ 7^^ 43' 12*65'", which is almost identical with that duration of
the sidereal month which results from the elements of the published
Siirya Siddhanta and differs very little only from the duration of the
month presupposed by the Siirya Siddhanta of the Pahchasiddhantika.
Bailly supposes that that estimation of the month which results from 800
revolutions being considered equal to 21,857 days was the original one,
and that the stated correction was added later for the purpose of bringing
about an equality between the results of the tables of Narsapur and the
tables of Krishnapur (which are likewise described by Bailly, Traite,
etc., p. 31^’.). But matters have doubtless to be explained differently.
The author of the tables of ISTarsapur was acquainted with the Siirya
Siddhanta from which he derived his knowledge of the length of the
sidereal month. He, however, aimed at replacing the inconveniently
big numbers of the Siirya Siddhanta by smaller ones — in the same way
as Varaha Mihira does in his account of the Siirya Siddhanta, went,
however, a step further than the latter astronomer by reducing the
period of 900,000 revolutions to its 1125th part, i. e., 800 revolutions.
Dividing the 24,589,506 days of the former period by 1,125 we get
21857 +
381
1125'
The moon’s mean place is then calculated at first
without the fraction being taken into account ; but the error arising
from this neglect is too considerable to be neglected, and so the above
stated correction is applied finally. — We have to account in an analogous
manner for the origin of the correction of the sun’s mean place which
the tables of Harsapur apply (Bailly, p. 54). The period comprising 800
revolutions of the sun which is employed there immediately presupposes
a year of 365^^ 6^ 12" 36" while the year of the Surya Siddhanta is longer
by 0*56". To make up for this difference 2" for each period of 87 years
are dedueted from the sun’s mean place as calculated from the 800 year
period. For if the year has been estimated 0*56" short of its real length
the error amounts in 87 years to 48*7"", and in so much time the sun passes
through two seconds of the circle. It thus appears that here again the
correction had not the aim of reconciling two sets of astronomical tables
but was contemplated by the author of the Narsapur tables at the out¬
set.
ADDENDUM
(To Mr. V. A. Smith's paper on the Gupta Goins, p. 119.)
Coins lately procured by Mr. H. Rivett-Carnac, C. S,, C. I. E. in Benares
bazar : — •
1. Chandra Gnpta I ; King and Queen type ; legends legible ; as Plate II, 2. A
good specimen.
2. Chandra Gnpta II ; Archer Type lotus-seat reverse, as Plate III, 1.
¥
3. Kumara Gujota Mahendra ; Archer Type ; under arm, on margin ‘ Maharaja ’ •
rev. as usnal.
Ohv. differs in legend, and in pose of figure from Plato III, 10. A fine specimen.
*
ERRATA.
P. 119, 1. 19 7'ead Ghatotkacha, /or Ghatot Kacha, and so throughout Mr. Smith’s
paper 07i the Gupta coins.
128, ,, 24 omit ‘ or jalampa.’
9)
Plate I
* UTfj-rV»r
SELECT GOLD COINS OF THE
GUPTA PERIOD.
Plate IE
SELECT GOLD COINS OF THE
GUPTA PERIOD.
4
Kiate IILL
p— ■ -
SELECT GOLD COINS OF THE
GUPTA PERIOD.
UTOTyp,
V
Joum, As. Soo. Bengal. Vol. IjIII,, Pt. 1 1884'.
FU V.
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SELECT GOLD COINS OF THE GUPTA PERIOD.
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Beames, Journal As,
PLATK VII
ACCORDING TO THE AlN-l-AKBARI
A.D. 1 5 82.
^ olDiuiri^aj^
S A R K A R S
Gorakhpur
Avadli.
Bahraich
Lakhnau
Khalrabad
40 Miles
,Bahrajx}t'
Tidsipur
’unsat’
P^r and^
<1^ IL s i
Jitxlr'aiuuL
LUCKNOW
-r^Ar^
FAlZAK
ncuveUAvO''
cuTLilctn, ^
CAWNPORE’
■ -g^ardoi-
■The mark ® indicates
modern parganahs not
identifiable with mahals
of the Ain.
John Beames
LITHOGRAPHED AT THE SURVEY OF INDIA OFFICES, CALCUTTA, JUNE 188-1,
from an original received from the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
•H
k
s
% f
t
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL
Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.
SPECIAL No. 1884.
Trmislation to McmbodJi’s Harihans. — By Gr. A. Grierson.
As promised when laying the text of this interesting Maithil poem
before the Society,^ I now oifer a translation of it.
This was the more necessary, as the text is very difficult, there
being many passages which even Maithil jDandits have been unable to
interpret satisfactorily. I have done my best to give a clear rendering of
the whole, and have added notes where requisite.
As the poem contains a large number of words and forms not men¬
tioned in any extant dictionary or grammar, I have added an index
vocabulorum, which will I hope prove useful.
In the introduction to the text I stated that the author had no issue.
I have since ascertained that he had a daughter from whom the present
Maharaj of Darbhanga is descended.
Book I.
I reverence^ the feet of the daughter of the Himalaya,^ through
whose power poets can describe the three worlds. I also"^ have made my
^ See J. A. S. B. Part I for 1882, p. 129.
2 “sniwf or oR Mth. for ; = Skr. ‘ I reverence.’ For
similar forms in a still older stage, cf. and ia Vid. LXXVIII,
2, 5. Here the termination ^ is simply another way of writing so that
is for = Ap- R- = Skr.
3 Parvati, i. e., Devi.
means ‘ I also,’
A A
2
G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManhodK s Harihans. [Sp. No.
mind great one (in order to undertake so great a subject, for)
Krishna’s birth and marriage are no small (subject to attempt). How
can it be accomplished (by me), for now it seemeth unapproachable, un¬
fathomable. If it ever is completed, may it be done well ; for of this, also,
I have a doubt that (my treatment) may not be (worthy of the subject).
(5) Owing to this fear I continually perform^ auspicious ceremonies, and
lay my heart upon the lotus of Hari’s feet.
The Earth became distressed with the burden (of sin which she
bore) ; and, taking the form of a cow, went to Indra’s paradise, but
thence she derived no (assistance) from any one. Then all the gods
went with her and told (their tale) to Brahma, but from him, also, their
hopes were unfulfilled,^ so Brahma, closely followed by the Earth, went
before them. (10) They all approached the shore of the sea of milk, and
with folded hands, assuming the attitude of contemplation, saw the grove
of the Kalpa tree, and the jewelled abode, and Lakshmi and Narayana in
proper form. (Brahma), whose seat is on the lotus, first commenced to
address'^ (Vishnu), and then the Earth came forward. Weak with her
load (of sin), her body trembling, her eyes hidden with tears as she
spake, gazing upon Hari she began to address him as follows, “ I shall
^ jTT^ idiomatically gives tlie force of the indefinite, usually means ‘ only.’
Thus ^ Jfm ‘ there were many
birds in the forest, but the crow only became visible to me,* pcjf (contr. ‘Vift).
(contr. ‘ only one,’ ‘ only two,’ &c. ^ ‘ only as many as,’ jp^
‘ one by one.’ jp^ thus means primarily, ‘ only great,’ and hence ‘ a
great.’ Similarly ■q;jp is often used as an indefinite article to mean ‘ a,’ thus
‘ O' bird.’ jpjj can only be used with certain words. Thus, ‘ a
little’ is never used. The word has the same meaning as Jp?r^ and can often be
substituted for it.
" and are shortened forms of and common in
poetry, viz., the 1st sing, present conjunctive in its original sense of the present
indicative.
^ Lit. ‘ Their desires remained in the same state.’
is old Mth. for began to say. Both ^ and are
oblique forms of verbal nouns. Both forms are used by Manbodh. is oblique
of ; M. always spells it ; it is for Ap. Pr. or Mg. Pr.
gen. of = Skr. gen. is oblique of it is for Ap!
the gen. plm\ (used for sing.) of Ap. Pr.
Mg. Pr. Skr. (gen. plnr. The modern
obi. form (see Gram. § 189) is either the same as with loss of the
anunasika, or derived from the Ap. Pr. gen. sing, Mg. Pr.
Skr.
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManhodV s Haribans^
3
again be plunged into tlie infernal regions. (15) Every Asura wbo hath
fought a battle with the Immortals hath now been born with full array
of attendants. Who can describe the weight of horses, elephants and
weapons, of mountains and of groves ? I make a vow that to-day I with¬
draw from my name of all supportingd Lord of the lordless ! Thou who
bearest a conch shell in thine hand, know me who have come to thee for
refuge, and grant me thy protection.” He whose essence is pity,
became pitiful, and consoled her in many ways. (20) “ 0 Earth, liave
patience for but a little while ; I will become incarnate, and take away
all thy burden. In Mathura dwelE Devaki and Yasudeva. In their
abode will I take m.y birth.” On hearing these words the ears of all be¬
came satisfied^ and S'ri Bhagavat faded from their vision. They also
consulted^ for a space, concerning^ how many and who of them should
take human birth. Indra determined to become incarnate in portion as
Arjuna, and Yayu as Prince Bhima Sena. ^ (25) (One said) you will
consider Yudhishthira, as the incarnation of Dharma, and Hakula
and Sahadeva as those of the two Aswins.
After taking Hari’s permission this was the result of their delibera¬
tions, and the immortals departed for Amaravati. Then the Lord of the
universe thought of Yoga Nidra, and He who beareth the conch-shell
summoned her, ‘‘ Go, thou,” he said, “ forthwith to Hell, and fetch six
babes of the Danavas. One by one shalt thou place them as corpses'^ in
Devaki’s womb, for such is the destiny of these six. (30) Her seventh
child shalt thou withdraw from her womb, and shalt deposit it within that of
Bohini. I, the Man of Ages, supremely generous, will become incarnate
in that babe as Haladhara. I myself will also become incarnate as
Devaki’s eighth babe ; as it shall be necessary, ^ so will I bring it to pass.
1 may mean either ‘ All-Helper,’ i. e., Vishnu, or ‘ she who bears’
or ‘ supports everything,’ i. e., the Earth. is Persian jb.
2 In the termination of the 3 non-hon. pres, is dropped, as frequently
oocm’S in poetry.
3 ^ — this word is not given in Bate in this sense.
4 ; the word is not given in Bate.
^ is instr. sg. of ^ who. It is governed by means ‘ how’.
® The reading of B., shows the vulgar spelling of the name in Mithila.
The word is so spelt in the Song of Salhes.
7 is altered from (Skr. a corpse), so as to rhyme with
The meaning is that these children being killed immediately after birth were practi¬
cally still-born.
^ (3 fut. sg. of s/ «fir) lit. ‘ as it shall be done,’ hence here ‘ as it shall
be necessary.’
4
G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManhocWs Harihans. [Sp. No,
Thou shalt thyself take birth in the abode of Yasoda, and Vasudeva shall
exchange me for thee. Hearing thy wailing, so many of the guards as
shall be there, shall awake and tell Kamsa, (of the birth). (35) Kamsa
shall come and lift thee up, and dash thee violently upon a stone. Thou
shalt fly away from him to the skies and after saying these words, thy
liome shall be in Indra’s abode. ‘ Wherefore, 0 Kamsa, didst thou dash.
‘ me down ? He hath been born who shall cause thy death. Shame^ on this
‘ pitiless conduct of thine, on the morrow shalt thou gain its fitting
‘ fruit’. ” Man’bodh saith, “ This should have been told subsequently,
and I have said it too early in my tale in narrating the above.”
End of Book I.
Book II.
Narada the saint, the son of Brahma^ whose seat is on the lotus,
and the friend of S'iva, was much beloved of Shi Bhagavat. He, skilled
in strife,^ having heard all like a parrot,^ came, and smilingly slandered^
what had occurred on the border of the milky sea. 0 Kamsa, he who
will be the eighth child of Devaki will be thy fate. (5) Bemember,
Kamsa the heavenly voice ; thy day hath approached.® ” When Kamsa
heard this he stood up and grasped his sword, and (0 S'iva, Sdva !) the
life of Devaki fell into misfortunes.'^ Saith Kamsa, very cruelly®
“ doth any one keep a thorny^ tree in his own court-yard ?” With hands
clasped Yasudeva made supplication, “ Let her live,^® but take the child ;
a son is more of a mother’s breath than her life, who in the world doth not
^ TiBed as an interjection meaning ‘fie, fie.’ It is generally used in
hunting away a dog. Hence its applicability to Kamsa.
^ Narada sprang from Brahma’s forehead.
^ One of his epithets is ‘ strife-maker.’
^ That is to say, he obeyed the order to narrate what had occurred, and did so
word by word like a parrot.
^ \/ or 3:^ ^ means ‘ to back-bite,’ ‘ to slander.’ This sense is not given
'J '
in Bate.
^ k/ ^[^5^ ‘ to approach,’ not in Bate,
jjjg- = difficulties. The sentence is lit. ‘ difficulties fell upon D.’s life.’
^ ^ difficult word to translate here. A man without parents or
children cares nothing for his relations, and hence is capable of acting cruelly to¬
wards them.
® = thorny, derived from ^ thorn,’ the vowel being shortened in
the antepenultimate.
10 for see note ^ to P. 2, with reference to the inserted see
Gram. § 189, add.
1884.] G-. A. Grierson — Translation to Manhodli s Harihans. 5
know this ; (10) but if thon doubt ber (on this account) at the time of the
birth of the child, yea, bind her and cast her into prison.” Kamsa did
as Vasndeva recommended, for who can wipe out what is written of his
fate ? He to whom the Creator was evil-disposed understood (the counsel to
be right), set guards (on Devaki) and so was secure. He gave
instruction to the governor of the prison, and six infants became subject
to death : with regard to the seventh a report spread of a miscarriage,
but that child was conveyed to the lap of Hohini.
(15) Then Toga Hidra struck them with some of her enchantment,
and, like men drunk, the guards fell asleep upon the earth. Remember¬
ing the eighth day of the dark half of the month Bhado, at night, the
Great Lord came and was born. In his (four) hands he bare the discus,
club, lotus, and conch; Devaki’s soul was filled with grieB as she
gazed upon him. She saith to Vasndeva with hands humbly clasped,
“ Kamsa is a tiger, and we are like a lame hind”. (To Krishna she saith)
“ Give up, I pray,^ thy four-armed form, if not Karada wilB assuredly
incite^ Kamsa to s6me evil deed.”^ (20) The Friend of the poor, the
Lord of the lordless gave heed unto her words, and remained with
two hands. When the Great Lord took birth, so thick a darkness spread,
and so fierce a rain-storm began, that the very points of the compass
were forgotten ; animals and birds themselves lost all sense of direction.
If you were to attempt to sew with a threaded needle, on merely touch¬
ing it you would be sure to prick yourself^ and nothing more. The
heavens thundered, and the clouds poured forth water, and therefore
the Lord of serpents (S'esha) spread his hood (over Krishna to shelter
him). (25) Great was the courage of Vasudeva as he succeeded
in conveying Hari to Gokula. To whom slialF I tell of the joy of
^ Bate’s ' to be struck with horror. ’
^ is said to be the Skr. This would be the regular Prakrit form of the
xj vj ^
word, but is not found in literature, the usual forms being (Yara. IX, 6) or?5f
(Hem. II, 198) : however, itself occurs in Prakrit (e. g., Bhagavati, p. 266), so
xj"
that is quite a possible formation.
3 jjp; is the old form of the sign of the future, see Gram. § § 133, 120.
4 lit. ‘stir up,’ hence, ‘incite,’ cf. ‘a pottage stirrer.’ The
word is not in Bate.
® Lit. If, having taken a needle, you were to (try to) pierce anything, and to
thread the thread, if you were to touch it with your hard, then it would catch only
in your hand (i. e., prick you), and are for &c., 2,
hon. pres, conj., cf. page 2, note is emphatic for
is sign of the future, see note above.
6
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Ma^ihodlis Haribaiis. [Sp. Ko.
that moment ! Even so impassable a river as the Yamnna became forda¬
ble. Yasoda slept overpowered by Yoga Nidra ; and as she slept^ by
night the babes were changed. The one, — a girl — , was taken from
her and (Devaki) sent her to Kamsa and what^ she said (to him) has
been (already) told (by me)
When Kamsa heard the story told by Karada the saint, his sonl flew
from him (in terror) . (30) He called there his maidservant, — very vicions^
was the witch Pntana. Gazing round upon the countenances of all, he
cried ‘ Slay all the babes ye find, spare not one ; seize them, and seize
them, and dash them upon the stones, but see and be careful that
they fly not from your hands into the skies.^ If any infant show signs
of being very fearless,® ye shall certainly'^ twist his throat.”® All of
them said, “ we will do all this, — whatever, my lord, you may desire.
Tremble not.”^ (35) His attendants all gave a howl, as Kamsa went to
the prison, and unbound Devaki and Yasudeva, saying, “ Do not ye blame
me, but your fate. He who will trouble me hath been born elsewhere
to no purpose, have I cut of£ your progeny. I am full of shame, and
cannot even look ye in face ; who is he who can seize and imprison his
sister and her spouse ? Pardon me, I have been guilty of a great impro¬
priety,” saying these words Kamsa departed to his sleeping room.
(40) When Yasoda’s sleep broke, she rejoiced like a beggar who hath
stolen jewels and wealth, while the bosom of her husband Kanda could
not contain its joy, as tears of gladness overflowed his eyes. As soon as
it was dawn, there rose cries (of joy) in the town ; who can describe
the gladness of that hour ! The cowherdesses passed over each other’s
heads oil and vermilion, and here and there put handfuls on each other.^^
^ is loo. of fern, of past participle of ^
^ Regarding tlie ■z\ in see note ^ page 2.
3 See I, 37.
derived from ‘ fire,’ means ‘ inflammatory,’ lienee ‘ vicious.
The word is not given in Bate,
3 Kamsa is warning them after his own experience with Yasoda’s daughter, which,
imagining to he Devaki’s eighth child he had dashed upon the washerman’s stone,
and which had escaped from him and flown to the skies, as prophesied by Vishnu in
I, 35. The description of this incident is omitted in the poem.
‘ fearless,’ not in Bate.
^ lit. ‘ having commenced,’ is used to mean ‘ certainly.’
3 ‘ throat,’ not in Bate in this sense.
9 is a prohibitive particle, used only in the sense
of the Imperative. Here the past tense indicative is used exceptionally in the sense
of the Imperat., for the sake of rhyme.
i. e., Kamsa was under the impression that Krishna was Yasoda’s child.
going here and there.’ handful of oil and vermilion.’
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Tra^islafion to Manhodh's Harihans,
There is no lack of anything where the greatness of Hari (is manifest) ;
even the very vermilion covered them up to their knees. (45) some in the
court-yard, and some in the outer doorway, in many places did the cow¬
herds dance the dance of Doms.^ They sang the SoJiar,^ and showed
their joy, as dancing they went forward and dancing they returned.
After dancing and rejoicing^ in this manner, each one returned to his
own house.
One day Yasoda was aweary, and slept with Hari pressed to her
heart. Having learned that Handa’s wife was asleep,^ Putana arrived,
(50) and gliding about, hastened into the house, seated herself and gave
Krishna poisoned milk to drink. Hari drank the milk greedily till his
belly was full, and as he did so sucked out of her with it her life-blood.^
She screamed® an inarticulate yell of agony, and fell, howling,^ lihe a
severed® tree. All who were awake saw what they thought was a tdl
palm with a little pitcher hanging to it.^ Then having read some
charm or other,i® Kanda kissed Hari, blessed him, and lifted him to his
heart.
^ lit. ‘a Dom’s waist-clotli’ hence “'after the manner of Dorns.”
In Bihar, on occasions of births, marriages, &c. it is cnstomaiy to employ Dorns
and their women to dance, as a sign of joy. qfjif is a particular way of tying
up the waist-cloth so that movements may not be impeded, may be freely
translated as ‘ tucking up their petticoats like Dorns.’
2 ‘ a congratulatory birth-song,’ for an example, see Harkh’nath’s songs
in Maithil Chr., No. 11.
2 dancing &c. See note ^ above.
is almost certainly incorrect for In MS. A., the word has been
accidentally destroyed.
^ Lit. ‘ with her blood her life.’
® \/ means ‘ to talk nonsense,’ hence, ‘ to talk loudly and inarticulately.’
Bate gives ‘ to talk in one’s sleep, or in delirium.’
t = Hindi ‘ having screamed.’
® i® i^he oblique form of ‘ cut,’ agreeing with which is in the
genitive case (postposition omitted) governed by
^ A is the small earthen pitcher hung at the top of a tdl or toddy palm
to collect the juice.
Lit. ‘ something or other.’ The affix or is added to interro¬
gative pronouns to give the idea of indefiniteness. In the present poem, it also occurs
with % (Y. 58, c/. Bid. XIII, 2), (IX, 44), ^ (^^f, IX, 9), and (IX, 35).
^ I derive from the Skr. in ‘like this,’ ‘like what,’ &c.
can become in Prakrit Lassen, p. 115, cf. Yara. Ill, 4, Hemachandra,
II, 80). In Apabhramsa Prakrit, we find the form for (H. C. lY, 402)
arising through the forms (c/- Lassen, p. 455) ; and the termination
8
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Ma^ihodh’s Uaribans. [Sp. No.
(55) One day it happened that Yasoda laid him in a corner^ (under)
a waggon, and put him to sleep. Being extremely occupied, she went
away somewhere on some business, (and forgot all about him). Thus
lay the Great Lord, in such discomfort gazing and prying about the
waggon. The Refuge of the refugeless kicked up his feet, and over¬
turned the waggon. Who was there who had strength (sufficient) to prop
it up (against him) ? All the ropes^ were broken, and all the com¬
ponent parts^ of the waggon were knocked to pieces. (60) Hearing
the crash the great people (of the place) ran up, unable to tell who
could have upset the waggon,^ but the children said “We can take our
oath; he^ (Hari) has upset it, we have seen it with our own eyes,”
“ 0 mother, mother”^ cried Yasoda, as she picked up her child, “a
miracle has happened.” Saith Man’bodh “ Hari found an opportunity,
and displayed an infinitesimal portion of his might.”
End op Book II.
Book III.
When some days had passed, Hari soon began to be able to use hands
and feet.'^ What place was there, where he did not go ? How often did
he go outside^ the court-yard of the house. Gleefully used Madam
Yasoda to laugh, as she ever and again caught him up and brought
him back from the outer doorway. How often did ‘he attempt to catch
snakes (thinking them pieces of rope), how often did he eat lime mistak¬
ing^ it for curds ! (5) Cleverly he used to beat people and run away^^ and
of the missing form from which must have descended, appears to have
been preserved in the Maithil
^ means ‘ corner,’ not in Bate, — a pure Mth. word.
2 = ‘ string’, ‘ rope.’
= ‘ worthless things’, ‘ nnconsidered trifles’ ; hence,
here, the minor pieces which, put together, go to make up a cart.
Lit. ‘ not having said who had overturned the waggon.’ ^ is for the sign
of the accusative, and not the interrogative pronoun.
^ = t, the oblique form used exceptionally, before a transitive verb in
the past tense, instead of the nominative.
® An exclamation of astonishment, like the familiar Bap re Bap, ‘ 0 Father,.
Father ! ’
^ ‘ able to use his hands.’ ‘ able to use his feet.’
8 ^ misprint for
® ‘ think, imagine.’
‘to go.’
9
1884. J G. A,. GriGrson Tro'iislntiou to l\Ictnhodli s HciTibct^is^
tlius lie became the worry of her life. How often did she snatch fire ont of
his hand! and how often did he bnrni (his fingers), when she was not look¬
ing 12 At length she said to him, “ yon must learn from me.^ If yon break
yonr legs^ I shall have no one left to me”. Saying this she tied him np
to a (heavy) mortar, and added, ‘‘My son, if yon run away now, yon
won t be able to go fast.”^ Then, feeling quite safe abont him (she
went away), and Hari seized his opportnnity, and, taking the mortar in
his arms rolled it away;® (10) Rolling^ and bonncing^ it goes, to where
the two hnge trees^ were. The Lord of the lotns dexteronsly tore np the
two Arjnnas'^® without tonching them with his hand. The great trees
^ ‘ cooked liimself.'
2 Lit. ‘ without looking.’ is for ‘ without/ is the oblique
form of verbal noun of a/ ‘ look.’"*
^ is old Mth. for is oblique of
is the Ap. Pr. possessive pronoun (H. C. lY, 434). The termination may be
the Ap. Pr. locative termination but this is unlikely. It is probably a weakened
form of the Ap. Pr. termination of the Genitive of fern, nouns, %(H. Ch. lY 350, Kra-
madiswara, 35). It will be observed that here is feminine. Compare Bid. LI,
6, where there is a similar fern. obi. form or, with the genitive affix,
The masculine form of would be which occurs in the old Hindi of
Chand (28, 62). Xf?;;^ ^ herdsman tends the cows of
another’ (Hoernle, Gd. Gr., p. 206) ; this, as Hoernle clearly shows, is derived
from the Ap. masculine genitive or It is of course unnecessary to do
more than point out here the now established fact, that the Bihari oblique form is the
direct descendant of the Prakrit genitive; postpositions . like cTlf^ (Skr. rff^^ (?)
Hoernle, Gd. Gr., p. 226), or ^ (Pr. being merely verbal nouns governing
the genitive.
in the text is a misprint for ^f^T.
^ Lit. ‘ (I will see) then (how) you run away crawling ’ Xfyi^, for
‘ you may run away,’ being 2. plur. pres, conjunctive. x/fxic occurs also
in Skr. (fc^frf) to crawl (like a child) .’ In modern Maithili it is more usual in the
form . There is also in the Magadhi dialect of Bihari, a word ‘ a boy.’
6 = ‘ roll away.’ Not in Bate.
7 V = ‘roll.’ Not in Bate.
v» •
8 = ‘bounce.’ Not in Bate.
^ Skr , Prakrit lit. having a vast body’. In Mth. it is
used to mean ‘huge,’ ‘vast,’ ‘dense.’ E. g. ^^X;^ ‘ a dense forest.’
The two Arjuna trees (terminalia alata glabra), were two sons of Kuvera,
who were cursed by Narada to assume the forms of trees until liberated by Krishna.
Krishna dexterously uprooted them by hitching the mortar across the two, and
giving it a sudden jerk. They then assumed their proper forms.
B B
10
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Manhodli s Ilaribans.
[Sp. Ko.
fell, and the crasli^ made (his power) manifest in the world. Hearing
the crash Handa leaving his cows, ran np, (saying) “let them rather
be pnt in the ponnd (than that I should stay here). What tree has
fallen ? There is no storm^ nor (even) a shower,^ I am perhaps mined
to-day.”4 (15) Seeing the conrt-yard empty, her eyes filled with tears,
and Yasoda lost all life and power, ^ “ what reward has come to me after
watching so much ? I do not see either the mortar or the rope.” Im¬
mediately® afterwards she ran np, like a milch cow who has lost'^ her
calf. She untied^ Hari’s bonds, and pressing him to her heart, display¬
ed the utmost affection and trust in him. She covered him with the
corner of her garment, and carried him into the house, where^ her eyes
poured forth water like rain-clouds. (20) She kissed his face, and gave
him suck, and rejoiced with all her friends.
Saith Man’bodh, of my own knowledge, have I described the medita¬
tions of Bala Govinda.
End of Book III.
Book IV.
One day Nanda Ji’s troubles of mind increased, as he stood before
the Lady Yasoda : for he feared that some calamity would befall his
country of Gokula, so he summoned all his neighbqurs and sat silent.^^
“ Night and day on all sides is there fear of wolves, and through them
^ ^?ITrr for ^TWTfT.
a storm.’ Not in Bate.
^ ‘ a shower.’ Not in Bate.
^ Lit. — ‘ To-day there are twelve roads (into) my castle,’ a common Maithil
expression. A castle with several gates is easily captured.
“ Lit. ‘ lost her heart and hand.’
6 is the loc. sing of ‘the act of joining,’ the verb-noun of
\/ Hence it is in this form commonly used adverbially, ‘ on the joining,’ i. e.,
‘ immediately .’
7 ^^^'for instr. of verb, noun of /s/ ^hC^), ‘to lose.’ Lit.
* On account of losing her calf.’ In modern Maithili this change of ^ to cf (as in
for is considered vulgar. There is a village in Madhubani
called which is called by the common people
' -/ VtiS the common word in Maithili meaning to ‘ unfasten,’ ‘ untie.’
^ ‘ there.’
10 adj. ‘ silent,’ not in Bate.
11 Other legends make the wolves specially created by Krishna in order to
compel his foster-father to leave Gokula.
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Manbodh^s Haribans.
11
the people of the village are losing all their wealth^. Do ye all meet
and consult together in a pancJi, for attacks are^ being continually made
upon us. (5) It is now no longer proper that we should dwell here. Arise^
and settle near Yrindavana. There one sees the mountain Govardhana,^
even gazing on it is right for cowherds^ (much more living near it).
Next day all arose together® like Gypsies'^ they departed in a moment.
This (new) city became more beautiful than that one, and it rose
(glorious) as Ayodhya.^
So Hari became seven years of age and never ceased sporting. ^
(10) Sometimes^® he danceth, and sometimes singeth songs. An age
used to pass in even making him eat.^i
One day Nanda called the two brothers Hari and Haladhara to him¬
self, and said “ Brahmans study books, and Kshattriyas archery, but
cowherds^^ learn cattle -tending from their boyhood.”^® They whom Indra
^ in is added for tke sake of rhyme.
^ Note the forms in text is a misprint for
which
are common contractions for and These forms have not been
noted in the grammar : other instances will be found in Bid.
LXXVI, 8 ; but Bid. only uses these in the feminine. This, however, is not the case
in Manbodh, or in the modern language, e. g. above is masculine. In com¬
mon writing at the present day, these forms are continually written without the final ^
thus, which is due to the extremely feeble way in which a final is
pronounced. See Gram. § 7.
^ (not in Bate), = ‘be rooted up,’ hence, ‘to arise;’ compare Parable
of the Prodigal Son in Grammar, ^ ^qcfT ‘ I will arise
and go to my father.’ It is derived from the Skr. ^ ‘to be rooted
up.’ In Skr., this verb is only used in the causal form (■^rqT55jf<^) ‘ he roots up.’
a/ however, forms
Which means ‘ cattle-increasing.’
^ here means ^f^cT, ‘ proper.’ is oblique of ‘ a Goala ;’
in cTiqrf^, is emphatic.
® means ‘ together.’
7 is a kind of wandering tribe of hunters. See the word in the Vo¬
cabulary to my Mth. Chrestomathy.
s The city of Harichandra was Ayodhya.
^ Lit. ‘ was there any time at which he had no time for sport ? ’
10 The obi. form of is rare.
Lit., ‘ (If) he will eat, a whole Jcal^a (lit. the destruction at the end of a
Tcalpa) passes away.’ The meaning is that he could not be enticed away from play
oven to his meals.
12 In the text = Skr.
13 obl. of ^ iioj’ The usual form of the word is ^*fT. In Mth.
12 G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManhodW s Harihans. [Sp. No.
(the Lord of the Gods), Brahma and Sdva serve, to them did Nanda make
over the care of tending cattle. Hari and Haladhar were both delighted,
and taking their calves went to Vrindavana. (15) Heavenly damsels be¬
came incarnate (as cowherdesses) in Goknla, who thongh they had fortnne
and many relations cared nothing for them.^ Only Krishna pleases
them all ; the homes of the mothers-in-law and sisters-in-law, only make
them angry. No one attends to the remonstrances of any person, all
their hearts^ were directed to Krishna only.
One day when Krishna was with his companions he came to a pool
in the Yamuna, and when he saw it he considered to himself, “this is
where the snake Kali is invincible.”^ (20) Now, no beast or bird ever
drank the water of that pool, knowing that it was like^ poison. The trees
and herbs on the bank were all burnt np, but the flame of the fire
(which burned them) was (a flame) of poison.-^ “ To-day (thought
Krishna), will I settle this affair and therefore I should not sit idle. Let
me haste and enter the water.” Saying this he ascended the hadamh^ tree
and tightened his waist cloth, and closing his two eyes, Murari leaped.
He smacked^ his arms against his body as a challenge, and hearing the
sound thereof, the snake issued forth. (25) In mighty wrath he hastened
out, and whirling round kept encircling (Krishna) for an hour.^ Rising
after a long vowel, a nasal alone is considered as eqnivalent to the compound of
annnasika and the 3rd consonant of any class. Examples are or frog;’
01* ‘ a vessel or ‘ a boy or ^ a mango.’ Com¬
pare in the case of aspirates, or ‘ a shoulder or ‘ a tying ; '
or VIT, ‘ thither.’
The derivation of ^*rT or ‘ a boy,’ is doubtful.
1 Lit. ‘ though they had wealth and relations, they were satiated with them. ’
for occurs also in 1. 29, and also in (B.) 2, 1. I am unable to account for
the form. In 9, 16, when the line is repeated, the form is Jl^^f^hrthe
text should be The ^ means ‘ be satiated not in Bate.
^ ^ ia the text should be divided |^if ^f.
means literally ‘ be stopped,’ hence, as here, ‘ be attracted.’
3 ‘ that which cannot be warded ojQE.’
^ in L the Skr. ‘like.’
^ Here in L the termination of the general oblique form.
® This was the only tree existing on the banks of the pool. It had been
preserved from destruction by the accidental fall of a drop of ambrosia upon it
from G-aruda’s beak.
^ is the smacking of the arms against the chest, which wrestlers
indulge in before the combat. is the Skr. Mg. Pr. />/ is not
in Bate.
® I. e., his length was so groat, that it took an hour to do it.
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Manhodli s Ilarihans.
13
high, as a mountain, the snake hissed, (while there stood Krishna) alone
withont family or retainers. (The snake) hound up^ (Krishna’s) body
and accomplished his object. He performed wondrous actions, and seized
Krishna with his teeth. (As they sank, so vast was their size that) the
(waters in the) pool of the Yamuna (rose, and it) became filled to the
brim.^ In the water nothing but serpenG could be seen. Tor a space
Krishna became greatly^ distressed, and the king of serpents displayed
great insolence. (30) Seeing this his companions ran, and collected^ a
crowd in the village. Kanda, Yasoda, andBalarama ran, not a crow’s son®
remained in the village. Full of anxiety they arrived at a run, and
Yasoda threw herself down and rolled upon the earth, while, with fixed eyes,
Kanda gazed upon his son, breathless and voiceless like a picture. One
cowherdess, weighing the matter in her mind, and remembering one or
two instances of Krishna’s might, said. (35) “ He who beareth the conch-
shell in his hand, is clever in (preserving) his life” and not the least speck
of the beauty of her face was dimmed.'^ Another said, “the day with¬
out the sun, the night without the moon, and Yraja without Hari, — these
three are all alike. He who returns to Yraja without Hamodara,® shame,
shame be upon his father and his mother. Let us all throw ourselves^
into the pool of the Yamuna. It were happier for us that the serpent ate
us than this (that we should desert Hari).” Of what was to be done,^® no
one knew anything, and for an instant the bank of the river^^ became
filled with cries. (40) Haladhara’s soul became filled with anguish,
and seeing this, Hari’s eyes became blood-shot through rage. He
remembered^® his might, and acted like himself. He violently opened
^ JT here, and jf in 1. 30, are irregular indecl. participles of y/ ‘ go.’
Tlie form is used only after the past tense of another verb, and beyond emphasizing
the meaning of that other verb, has no other force, ^ accomplish.’
‘ filled to the brim.’ Not in Bate.
* ^Tq-, lit., ‘ serpent on serpent.’ is an old locative.
this word occurs more than once. It occurs in 4.15, and 2, 1 (text note ft)
® ^ see note b above.
® A common idiom for saying that not a soul remained.
^ (Shr.
® I. e. Krishna.
9 Lit. ‘ fall. ’
^9 ^ in the text should be gen. sing, of the verbal noun
of y
11 " the high bluff of a river.’
12 see note ^ page 7.
* '
13 ‘memory.’ Not in Bate.
14 means, ‘ custom,’ ‘ habit.’ The sentence is literally ‘ took his own
habit.’
14
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Manhodli s Ilarihans. [Sp. No.
his bonds and fetters, and a terribly unequal^ battle took place in
the water.^ He was a man, but of what avaiF was his valonr ? There
were a hundred serpents there, how many could he seize ? (Yet)
conquering he stood upon the middle"^ snake, and fixed his feet as firmly
as a thunderbolt. (45) Nanda and his family saw this with joy, and for a
short space they (saw) a ndcli gratis.^ As (Krishna) danced (upon the
snakes) he so pounded them that from every hood the blood flowed (in
torrents). The mass of blood flowed away at once, and the Yamuna
ceased to be that river and became the Saraswati.^ The serpent’s wife
humbly speaks a word, “ 0, thon who bearest the conch-shell in thine
hand, grant me my husband as a gift. It is forbidden to slay^ one who
hath taken refuge with thee. In his ignorance,^ a great sin hath been
(committed by my husband) . (50) How great is the difference^ between
the mighty Lord of great power and pride, and a miserable evil-minded
serpent.” Hearing this Hari became gracious, and Kali Naga began to
address him. “ Pardon, pardon. Lord of Lakshmi, my sin. Pnllyi® have
I committed a fault. Seize not me who have taken refuge with thee. I
have now no poison. Give me an order and I will perform it. In fear
of Garnda I live in this place. I go nowhere, and bear great sorrows.”
(Krishna then said to him), (55) “when Garnda shall see (the marks of)
my feet (upon thy head) he shall forget his enmity, and count thee as his
friend. Now no longer canst thon live^^ here, with thy family^^ go
thon to the Ocean.” After saluting (Krishna) thereupon all the snakes
of that pool, as many (in fact) as were in the Yamuna, departed. With
his family he went to the Ocean, and then that pool became pleasant.
^ is an unequally matclied battle, as Opposed to ST'W, in which
the parties are equally matched.
^ loc.-of
^ Lit. ‘ how much valour could he perform.’
is oblique of
lit. ‘ without cowries,’ hence ‘ free of expense,’ ‘ gratis.’
Vj ‘ ’
lit. ‘escaped’. The water of the Saraswati is red.
is long form of ‘ slaughter.’
8 for ^ 10- is the instr. (governed by
of the verbal noun of \/ 3IT^, ‘know.
9 Lit. ‘ where is the great Lord, and whore the snake,’ cf. the Skr. use of the
particle
«fc ‘ f literally =
n ^ means of livelihood,’ ‘ profession,’
12 ‘family.’
15
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Manhodli’ s Ilarihans.
Nanda and Yasoda considered in their minds that (this escape of Krishna)
was as if he had been born (again) that day.^
(60) He who shall read or hear (the tale of) the snbdning of Kali, will
count a hundred Yamas^ as but a straw. All his life he will rejoice with a
wealth and relations,^ and after final death will dwell in Yaiknntha.'^
SaithMan’bodh, “all became full of joy, and departed singing and dancing.”
End op Book IV.
Book V.
One day Hari and Haladhara, the two brothers, went with the
children to a grove of tdl palms. The fragrance of the tcUs came to
them, and the months of all became dripping^ with water. Some
(tried) staves^ and some (tried) clods, but the tdl fruit fell not, — the
only thing that fell was the saliva'^ from their mouths. Seeing this the
lotus-eyed one laughed, and Haladhara seized and shook one of the trees.
(5) Before^ this the demon Hhenuka had settled to come there, and
under the form of an ass was keeping guard over the tdl grove. Hearing
(the boys cry) “ Catch, Catch,” he became exceeding wroth, and came up
braying and kicking.^ Coming near he aimed^® a terrible kick, and like a
demoiY^ attacked Haladhara. Haladhara seized him by the hind-legs,
and whirling him violently round, struck him again and again against
the tdl tree. From Haladhara did that wicked being obtain the excellent
fruit (of salvation), and became assimilated^^ with his deified progeni¬
tors. (10) Krishna himself seized two or three (of the demon’s fellow-
asses), and, having done so, used them as missiles for knocking down the
tdl fruit. Then all ate the tdl fruits together, and each brought a load
home to his own court-yard.
1
2
3
4
5
6
fruit.
7
I. e. They had considered him as good as dead, and had Come to life again.
Yama, the god of death.
see note to 1. 15.
The in is the sign of the loo.
^ ^ ^ = ‘drip.’ Notin Bate.
is a kind of staff used for throwing into a tree for knocking down the
Not in Bate.
= ‘ saliva.’ Not in Bate.
* T7f%crft = the loc. of ‘ first.’
® ‘an animal’s hind legs.’ Not in Bate,
v/ ‘strike with violence.’ Not in Bate.
= ‘a demon’: lit. ‘ a misfortune.’
\/ ' t)e mixed.’ Not in Bate.
16 G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManhocWs Ilaribans. [Sp. No.
One day there was an excellent game in Yraja, called Telaiod telai}
The conditions of losing and winning in this game were that the losers
were to carry the winners on their shoulders. Hearing this, the demon
Pralamha came violently, ^ and deceitfully played the game with vigour.
(15) With (apparent) difficulty^ he lifted (Haladhara on to his shoulders),
and went oh with him for a distance of ten katlids. Then he increased
in size, and became very great.'^ Haladhara struck him, and called out,^
“ Krishna, Krishna he is carrying me oh.”® Hari replied, “ 0 Haladhara,
keep up your courage, how can an old man ever be deceived ?'^ Who is
there such that he can carry you, Sir,^ oh ? In a moment or two, your
Honour will make (this demon) happy.” Then Haladhara understood
his own might, and slew^ Pralamba with a single blow of his fist.
(20) Seeing this, all the cowherds ran up, and in loud tones^® praised
Balarama.
A short time after this, the season for the worship of Indra arrived.
Then Krishna asked all the elders, “ Why are you all of foolish mind ?”
When Nanda told him that it was the worship of Indra, the Spring
of Happiness broke all (their counsels). “Cast from your hearts the
worship of Surapati. That is for those who cultivate fields. (25) What
doth the caste of cowherds in worshipping the god. With love and
faith they should worship the excellent hill (of Govardhana). When a
mountain is wroth he causeth devastation, and, by means of^^ tigers and
lions, he causeth wounds.” Twice (or thrice) did Krishna say these
words persistently,^^ and hearing his words they gave up the worship
of Indra.^*^ Uniting together they prepared food^^ of various kinds, and
I The game according to the Bhagavata was guessing the names of flowers.
^ ‘forcibly.’ Not in Bate.
^ He was of course only a boy, like the others, in appearance.
4 = c/. for ^'t in 1, 29.
^ ' call out.’ The sentence is literally, ‘ struck, and having called
out, began (to strike).’
^
instr. of ‘ tke act of carrying olf.’
7 Krishna mockingly alludes to the fact that Balarama was his elder brother.
* is an old form of , ‘ your honour.’
9 ^ is lit. ‘ fight.’ Here, it means ‘ conquer.’
10 ‘ a confused noise. Not in Bate.
Lit. to whom there is cultivation. , is the usual word in Mth.
for cultivation.
here used as a preposition, ‘ by means of.’
13 Lit., ‘ having become thirsty’ the phrase has idiomatically the meaning given
in the text.
II Lit., the worship of Indra remained (unaccomplished),’ a frequent use of the
13 5^^ is ‘food offered to a deity.’
17
1884.] G. A. Grierson — T ranslation to Mmihodli s Ilaribans.
went to worship the mountain of Govardhana.^ Then Krishna took an
incarnate form (as the god of the mountain) and laughing descended^
from it. (30) He ate all the offerings which he could get, — and having
finished his meal blessed them saying “ S'uhhamastud’ Giving them a bless¬
ing, he disappeared, and with (the boy) Krishna they all returned to their
court-yards. When Surapati (Indra) heard of the interruption to his
sacrifice, he rose with his limbs blazing with fire. “ Hath a human being
the presumption^ to interrupt even my business ?” Then he called his
clouds and told them all to go to Gokula. (35) “ Hail, Lightning, and
Ceaseless Lain, cuH ye off the creation of cowherds from the earth.”
Samvartaka, the king of clouds, made obeisance, and hastened proudly
away. An army of fifty-six times ten million clouds^ departed, and the
fire of thunder® burst forth. Whirling round and round the clouds sur¬
rounded Gokula, as a falcon swoops down'^ on and covers a quail. How
shall I describe the overshadowing of that rainy-season ? It was not less
than (the crash at the) general destruction of the universe.
(40) Cowherdesses, and cowherds, she buffaloes, calves, and cows,
fainted^ from the cold. From the hail, and the pitiless strokes of the
lightning, many turned round and fell dead on the spot. Crying, “save
me, Krishna. I can find no refuge for my feet,” they approached him.
He, at whose name all difficulties^ disappear, himself stood there. The
earth became struck with drops of vermilion from the damsels’ hair, and
their lovely veils became torn. (45) When Krishna saw Radha and the
others coming to him (in this state) his eyes became filled with tears.
He threw off his human form, and tore up the rnountain of Govardhana,
When Hari seized the excellent mountain and held it up as an umbrella, all
Gokula became relieved from terror. “Let no one remain (outside,”
cried he) “ from fear that the mountain will fall j let all come^® near it.”
^ is direct for obi. or
C\ ^ _ VJ ’ C\
^ Lit. ‘Iris feet flowed down from the mountain.’
Pers.
with pleonastic initial The word is a common one in
Mth.
^ foi' the long form of ‘ a cloud.’
® ‘ thunder.’ is an old obi. form of like i’^
or like the obi. of
^ Lit., ‘ having swooped covers ’.
3 */ ‘ to become senseless from cold.’ The word is not used in Mth.,
for any other kind of fainting. Not in Bate. Cf. 8. 10.
^ JITS’, ‘ a difiiculty.’
« *
is here indecl. part, of ‘ come.’
C C
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Ma^iTodli s Ilaribans. [Sp. No,
Sa5nng this, he remained straining himself^ for seven days with his
arms uplifted. (50) Cowherdesses, and cowherds, she buftialoes, calves^
and cows, all joyfully went beneath the excellent mountain. The dark¬
ness ceased,^ and the heavenly bodies rose, yet no one knew that the rain
had come to an end.'^ For seven days the wind of the storm continued,
not a tree or leaf escaped. On the eighth day the clouds disappeared,'^
and after finishing their meal,^ they all issued forth. Hari laid the hill
down where it was before^ and from that day he was called Giridharaw
(55) They all began to praise him saying, “ It looks'^ as if some god had
become incarnate, (what with the affairs of) Putana, the trees, and
Kali Kaga. In so few days, these great marvels have occurred. Kow
we have one point of special doubt, when we consider Krishna’s birth to
be superhuman. ‘Who is he? The incarnation of what divinity?’”
Doubting thus were all the cowherds. Ko one reached the conclusion
of his doubts, (as before they could do so) Krishna threw his charm
over them, (and prevented their thinking him a god) . (60) He who hears
attentively the tale of Govardhana, crosseth the ocean of existence, and
goeth to the abode of Hari. All his difficulties immediately vanish, and,
saith Man’bodh, he gettetlF eternal happiness.
End of Book V,
Book VL
It was an autumn moon, and a clear night, and seeing them Hari
became inflamed^ with love. The Lady Radha, and Padmini also, came
together bringing flowers. In Yrindavana they had the Edsa dance, and
there they stayed day and night. Between each pair of cowherdesses
was there a Murari, and between each pair of Krishnas, was there a
damsel. (5) In this manner was formed the circle of the Edsa, and some
there are who say that in that night a whole oeon passed. Hari delighted
greatly in the pleasures of this dance, and (therefore) the Asuras inter-
^ (or ^fcT^) ‘to strain one’s breath,’ ‘to act violently.’
2 Cf. note on ^ in line 27.
^ ‘ end,’ ‘ cessation.’
^ Lit. ‘went down into the earth.’
® old. loc. of
^ v/ means frequently ‘ appear,’ ‘ seem,’ used impersonally.
* Lit. ‘ plunders eternal happiness.’
indecl. part, of W ‘ be intoxicated.’
Head ^1=
i884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to MarbhodV s Hafibdns.
19
riipted it. A bull with his whole body covered with cowdiing and
nrine^ came along harassing^ the cows on his way by his violence.
With closed eyes he rnnneth about in ten directions, his shoulders and
Immp high as a mountain. Such a bull no one could oppose when they
saw him every one was seized with trembling. (10) With a roar as of a lion
he threatened Hari, and began to throw up earth behind him. He shook^
his horns^ with closed eyes, but Krishna caught him by the horn and
struck him. Seizing him, Hari struck him with all his force and ex¬
hausted him, and hit him with his knee exactly on^ the belly. He tore
out his left horn, and with it hit him, and felled him to the ground.
The dead bull became a blessings (for by his death) the earth began to
be relieved of its burden.
(15) Karadathe saint has only this duty^ to engender^ strife, and to
encourage the enemies’ side. One day he went to Karpsa’s court-yard,
and told him by degrees all (that had happened) . How the guards had
become intoxicated and gone to sleeps and Yasudeva had exchanged the
infants. (He told him) all that Hari had done from the day of his
birth, — the subduing of Kali, and the upholding of Govardhana. To
all (the Asuras) he said, “ Make some device, for your enemy is waxing
stronger day by day. (20) It clearly appears'^ that some day he will
destroy^ you ; that boy will become the destroyer of your house.” King
Kamsa began to say “ Trom long ago I have had this fear.^ Ho, my
Henchman, thou art my brother, haste and calh^ Kesi. He alone^^
honoureth my cherishing, above all doth my hope increase in him.”
Thereupon Kesi arrived and boasted^^ of his might ; saying, (25) To¬
morrow wilh^ I destroy the cowsheds (of Vraja),” he departed. Then
^ rf, = Not in Bate.
2 Bead whicli is irregular old loo. of pres. part, of
Wl^, ‘liarass,’ ‘oppress.’ The Bhojpuri pres. part, would be loc.
^ (sc-
^ ‘ shake.’
5 Lit. ‘ looking at,’ a common idiom in Maithili.
® Oblique of in sense of genitive, see note 4 page 2.
^ ‘clearly.’ Not in Bate. ^ is here used in a neuter impersonal
sense.
® -v/ ^1 is here, irregularly, used in a causal sense.
2 '^'^31 = ‘ fear.’ Not in Bate.
“ (a Bhojpuri form), 2 imperat. sing, of
Lit. ‘form,’ hence, ‘ person. ’ = Hindi
12
x/ tiere = ‘ boast.’
31 sign of future, see note 2, page 5.
20
G. A. Grierson — Translation! to Man^hodVs Ilarihans. [Sp. No. ■
Kamsa called Akrura, and explained the whole affair from beginning to end.
“ All the Yadavas will I drive away^ except thee. The two children will
I kill and take a fine^ from Nanda. I will confiscate^ all his cows and
she-bnffaloes, and plunder all Vraja of all the wealth I can find in it.
Then will I take my revenge, and slay the evil-minded Ugrasena, and
Vasudeva. (30) With your permission, will I enjoy my kingdom. (There¬
fore) do thou to-day perform the task I wish (thee to undertake). I will
behave"^ to thee as if thou wert my brother, and at dawn will divide
the land and give thee half. I purpose to proclaim on all sides, a ‘ Sacrifice
of the Bow,’ hasten to invite them, and return to me. Bama and Krishna
the sons of Vasudeva esteem no one, on account of the strength of their
own arms. I have two wrestlers, Chanura and Mushti, who will look upon
them as mere straws, and slay them on the instant. (35) I have a famous
Elephant named Kuvalaya Pida, which if it choose can destroy^ the
chariot of the Sun. They are but men, and how much prowess can they
show. They are young, and in® an instant will die. I have heard that
when Indra sent his clouds, Krishna upheld the mountain, that he eats
buffalo curds, milk, p/w, and ^/wr, and that he is prospering^ every day.
Mount thy chariot and set off at once, (and mind that) what is pleasing
to me is that thou should’ st bring mine enemy here.” (40) When the
assembly arose, only® a few remained behind, and Akrura was delayed
as^ it was too late to start. (So) for that day Danapati (Akrura) remained
there, and agreed^® to all that Kamsa said. He began to perform so
(wicked an) action, because, on account of his faith he knew somewhat
of the future. When he agreed, Akriira laughed, and became full of
joy at the prospect of gazing upon Krishna. (He sang) “Blessed,
blessed, am I, blessed is my lot ; blessed is my tongue, and blessed my
love (to Krishna). (45) He who became incarnate to protecP^ the
Vedas, whose work it is to support the earth. He who became incarnate
" = a/ ^^1^- Krishna, it is hardly necessary to remind the reader,
was a Yadava.
^
2 ‘ to declare to bo Government property,’ ‘ to confiscate.’
behaviour.’
Lit. ‘twist.’ Not in Bate.
8 = Skr. ‘ in.’
7 lit. ‘ one who is to prosper,’ hence here, ‘ one who prospers.’
s lit. ‘ like.’ Compare the Hindi WT,
lit., ‘for,’ hence, ‘ on account of.’
‘to agree’ = (v- 43).
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man^hodh^s Ilarihans.
21
and rent tlie pillar,^ with him shall I hold converse. He who taking the
form of a dwarf deceived Bali, with him shall I hold converse. He
whom^ the Kshatriya race fear, he who caused to falF the pride of
Havana.” Saith Man’hodh, “ If I were to describe the joy of Akriira,
twelve years would pass by (in doing so).”
End of Book YI,
Book YII.
One day there arose a cry^ in Gokula, “a creature in the form of a
horse hath come with open^ mouth.’ Quickly, quickly, he licked his
lips with his tongue, and crashing cut the earth with his hoof.® As
many forms (as an Asura can take), he assumed, and caught hold'^ of
several cowherds by the leg.
He cried, “You may pray to Rudra, but I will eat the SAdra,” ® and
yet, in spite of this the horse did not leap while the goat did.^ (5) All
the cowherds cried out, “ Save us, Krishna, preserve those who have come
to thee for refuge.” With long strides^® Krishna ran to the front, and
KeA began to challenge him. Opening^i a mouth so wide as to show his
very heart,!^ his teeth appeared like spadefuls^® of white (earth) . He
^ Prahlada.
^ Parasu Rama.
3 y/ ‘ cause to fall.’
4 There is a Hindi verb ‘to scream.’
— ‘open.’ Not in Bate.
® is old instrumental for .
7 ‘ catch hold of .’ Not in Bate.
^ This phrase is a proverb. It refers to a legend about a Brahman who rested
for the night in a place full of ghosts. When they came to attack him he began
to do pujd to Rudra (Siva), thus saving himself, but not his Sudra servant who was
with him. The ghosts cried out to him ‘You may pray to Rudra (and thus save
yourself) but you will not save your servant from being devoured by us.’ Here the
Asura is represented as saying to Krishna, ‘ You may save yourself, but you cannot
save your devotees.’
^ Another proverb. A horse, of course, leaps better than a goat, and when he
is beaten by the latter, there is something wrong. Here the meaning is that Krishna,
who corresponds to the horse, remained doing nothing, while the Asura (i. e., the
goat) went about doing all this destruction.
\/ ‘stride,’ ‘ take long steps.’ Not in Bate.
^ or y/ ‘open.’ cf. in line 1.
^ T<T, ‘ heart,’ ‘ entrails.’
‘ a fragment cut by a mattock.’ The word is frequently used for
the fragments of white clouds seen in the sky, when the latter is clearing after a
storm.
22; G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManhocVi’s JTaribans. [Sp. iSToi
rushed as doth the demon of eclipse when he seeth the snn. Hari
(merely) held ont one arm before himself, and that (arm) he thrnsG
down the great^ mountain cavern.^ By the might of Krishna that arm
swelled, (10) so that the Asnra burst down his middle, and for a hundred
roods'^ around, the earth was overspread with blood. (In each half), was
one eye, one ear, and one leg. He fell into two exact halves, as this
virtuous poet relateth. As Krishna had touched a dead Asura (he
became unclean), and so took some Ganges water to purify himself.
On the back of a cloud was Karada then riding, and (seeing this)
he began to say with modesty, “ This is he whom the Asuras fear, and of
whom Indra is in terror.^ They are unable to digest what they eat from
this fear. (15) So great an Asura as this he has killed, laughing the
while. Kow all the desires of the gods have been carried out. Great
happiness has been my share, and more will I obtain. The day after to¬
morrow will I come to (see) the fight with Kamsa.” Saying this Karada
Muni sowed® the seed (of enmity), and at the same time prepared^ the
way for Akrtira.
Akriira did not stay in Mathura to eat, and arrived at Gokula
as the sun was setting. From a distance he saw Kanda’s doorway,
and close by a crowd^ of Gowalas. Amongst them he saw the Well-
spring of Happiness, like a full moon surrounded by stars. His golden
diadem shone brightly^, his garments were yellow, ^nd his teeth like the
pearls found in an elephant’s forehead. Hot a fresh lotus, nor an Apard-^
jitd flower, nor the blossom of the linseed^® was equal to him in grace.
Close to his diadem were peacock’s feathers, whose eyes would put to
shame^^ an autumn lotus. From his two ears hung earrings in shape
like the Mahara, and they completed his beauty as happens in the case
1 Lit., he caused to lie on the ground of the great mountain cavern.
2 for fern, of ‘ great.’
3 ‘ a cavern.’
4 A is a square measure of land.
3 here, means not ‘fear,’ hut ‘an object of fear.’ ^ is active, and
means ‘ fear.’ The causal form is ^
^ ‘ sow.’ f?Rf, lit. ‘ sesamum,’ here ‘ the seed of enmity.’
‘ shape,’ ‘ manner,’ ‘ form,’ here, ‘ preparation.’
^ RJW?!, compare 6, 1.
with pleonastic initial Of. in 5, 35. Or possibly
it is a corrirpt form of the Skr.
Lit., ‘ make black.’
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to ManTodlJs Harihans. 23
of S'nkra or Briliaspati.^ (25) The necklace over his breast was a lovely
Vaijayanti, there is no such other in existence. • If I had a thousand
mouths, I might tell of his beauty. If one saw him (but once, ever
afterwards) one would think that he continued gazing on him.^ On
seeing him, Akrura ran up from a distance, and, as he expressed his
affection, fell at his feet. Hari pressed him to his bosom with his arms,
and smilingly the Lord of Yraja inquired if it was well mth him.
Haladhara arose and took him to his bosom, and, recognizing him as his
devotee, did honour to him. (30) Enquiries after health and happiness
especially^ were not omitted, and then Akrura made known Kamsa’s^
invitation. He who beareth the conch-shell in his hand had arranged^
all this for the sake of the slaughter of Kamsa, and accepted the invita¬
tion. Saith he, “ Kamsa is destined to be slaughtered by me. That
will now be within three days.”
When the women of Vraja heard of the departure of Krishna, they
all sat down heart-broken. Their hair was unsnooded, and their faces
uncovered, and all commenced to make lamentation. (35) “ Even in
anger he never speaketh a harsh word. He beareth all that we say to
him. Yet that Hari he is carrying away from us, his heart is hard as if it
had been rubbed with chaff.® It appearetK that there is no other so
hard-hearted as he, how, then, was he given the name Akrura (tender¬
hearted). We have heard that there are there (in Mathura) peerless
damsels, whose very feet are as beautiful as our faces. Like you and we
there are many,^ hence, what idea^ is there of his returning.” (40)
Some in their woe, abandoned their ornaments, . others moistened (with
their tears) their couches of lotus leaves.^® The flower- garlands which
they themselves had woven, on hearing of the departure of Hari, (became
dishevelled and) appeared like serpents. Some, broken-hearted, sat mo-
^ Two planets, Venus and Jupiter, whicli are supposed to have rings, which,
says the poet, complete their beauty, just as the earrings completed Krishna’s.
2 I. e.. This memory would never be effaced.
3 Eead Concerning the use of see note p. 16.
^ is here used as a sign of the genitive.
Bate gives ‘ shape,’ ‘ fashion.’
Articles are rubbed with chaff to give them a hard polished
appearance.
7 = -qii. a/ is often used to mean ‘ appear ’ impersonally.
c\_ ^ c\
^ This line is an excellent example of the feminine in Mth.
‘ an idea’ in Mth. Not in Bate in this sense.
I. e., They made cool beds for themselves to allay their fever, but even these
they watered with their tears.
24
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Manhodli’s llarihans. [Sp. No.
tioiiless,^ and others said “ (let us make) arrangements^ that he may
stay here”. Some stood (waiting) in astrologers’ courtyards, saying, “ If
you order me I will tear off my ornaments^ from my person. I will re¬
main all my life as your menial,^ if, on his asking you, you will tell
(Nanda) that it is an unlucky day.”^ Others said “why does king
Nanda agree (to his departure), verily he is a fool,® and knoweth nothing.”
There was a demand for twenty-two hundred poets'^ (to sing in honour
of his departure) , and the cowherds came up with curds and milk and
clarified butter. King Nanda was their Jetli raiyat, and not one inferior
(pot of) curds^ did they bring. (50) Krishna (being now engaged on a
serious enterprise) gave up all his former love for these things, and made
no provision for his journey.® At the time of starting he said nothing
as to whether he would remain there (at Mathura) or return. (The
cowherdesses said, “We will not believe that he has returned) until
we see him with our eyes,^® ‘ what is behind one’s eyes is behind the
house.’ Saying this they stood on the (highest point of a) pile of
dried cowdung (watching him) tilff^ their Lord had gone more than a Jcos.
From one heap they mounted another (as they followed him with their
eyes), for how could she who was consumed^® with the pangs of separation
remain motionless ? (On account of the tears falling from their eyes and
the trampling) the pile became simply a mass of cowdung^^ and their ap-
*
^ = ‘motionless.’ Not in Bate.
arrangements,’ = Not in Bate.
^ A woman divests herself of all ornaments when her husband dies. Here
the women offer to the astrologers to separate themselves from Krishna’s embraces
for ever, if that will make him stay near them.
fern, of a Sudra : commonly used to mean a menial servant,
any one of six unlucky asterisms, viz., Sravana, Dhanishtha, Shta-
bhisha, Purvabhadrapada, Uttarabhadrapada, Bevati. Not in Bate.
® tit. ‘ a cowdung Ganesa,’ means ‘ a helpless fool.’
7 ‘ a panegyrist.’
^ Note that in spite of the grammarians is feminine. — So also in the
of Sur Das.
^ ‘ viaticum.’
1“
A proverb, of which the usual version is ^hat is
'j
to say, what a man cannot see is as good as absent.
‘tell.’
y/ ‘ burn.’
A gowala’s dung-heap is proverbially neat. Cf. the Prov.
Rh ‘ ^ gowala’s dung-licap is smooth on both sides.’
1884. J G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man'^hodV s Haribans. 25
pearance became changed, and became one of tears.^ Some even
went outside the village (to watch him), and others turned pale^ and
went crazy. The horses were very swift, and went like the wind ; (soon)
they could no longer see the chariots, and it became late in the day.
Then it appeared^ to the hearts of all, as if a precious jewel had fallen
from the hand (of each). Saying, “Every damsel of Mathura who shall
see Hari, will rejoice and consider her life’s desire fulfilled”, (they de¬
parted), lamenting, and calling to mind his virtues, (for) without Hari
the whole town appeared empty.
(60) Saith Man’bodh, “ What sort of day was that ?” May such an
one as it be for my enemies.
End of Book VII,
Book VIII.
The chariot halted on the banks of the Yamuna, and Akrura de¬
scended and went to bathe. As he dived he saw (an apparition of) Hari
and Haladhara in the water, together with Stesha (the serpent of eter¬
nity) and was struck with awe.^ When he made as though he would
speak, Hari understood it, and restrained his own voice. He saw Hari
and Rama in the pool of the Yamuna, (yet, when he rose to the surface),
he saw them as they were (on the bank). (5) Then Akrura uttered
praises, which are described at length^ in the (Sanskrit) Haribamsa,
Very quickly they crossed the Yamuna, and Akrura made up his
mind firmly (that Krishna was indeed God). After going® a little way
the Lord (descended) and went on foot, and Akrura urged”^ the chariot
ahead. J oyfully the two brothers went along, and after some distance
they saw the washerman’s ghat, “ 0 washerman beloved of the king,
^ This half line, no one, whom I have met, can translate, nor can any trust¬
worthy emendation be suggested. The translation given, suggests that should
be read in which case would = the Persian which in Mth. means
‘ general appearance,’ and is pronounced not The translation is, how¬
ever, an unsatisfactory one.
2 Lit., ‘ yellow.’ This line is another good example of the Mth. feminine.
® Past tense of y/ ‘ appear,’ the penultimate being shortened for the
sake of rhyme.
^ Lit. ‘ considered it wondrous.’
^ Lit., ‘ that (which) he said is spread out in the Haribamsa,’
^ 3ip see note b p. 13.
t y/ literally ‘ strike,’ here ‘ urge.’
D D
26 G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man^hodV s Harihans. [Sp.
give, 0 friend, a gift of a garment.” (10) When the washerman heard
this, he arose in anger, ^ and called ont to his wife to thrust a torch in
(the boys’) faces. WTien Krishna heard this, (darting on them) like a
loosened falcon, he beat the washerman, and plundered the ghat. The
washerwoman left the place in tears, and as she went along the road
rubbed off the vermilion from her head (in token of her widowhood).
Hari selected^ yellow garments, and gave Haladhar dark-coloured ones.
The people of the village when they saw the plunder^ of the washerman’s
ghat laughed, (and said to each other) ‘ They are playing their old pranks
still.^
(15) Hari had a great affection for flowers, and saw the house of
a garland-maker : He went thither and asked for a garland, and blessed
was (the fortune) of the gardener then. Gunaka the gardener was full
of holy virtues, and being possessed of the power of seeing the future,
acted accordingly. On seeing Krishna he gave him flowers, nor asked
who he was, and his descendants exist now to the present day.
The two brothers put on the garlands, and gave him this boon, and
then entered (Mathura) the city of the king of men. (20) Kubja (the
hunchback), having anointed her body stood in the way, and when she saw
Hari, her body became filled with love. Cried she, “ Haste thou, to my
house, and fulfiff the desire of my life.” Krishna being in the presence of
his elder brother was ashamed,® and said something by way of excuse.'^
Then going aside he said unto her, “ Give^ me sandal wood; when I return
I will come to thy house.” Her love overflowed,^ nor could^® she say any¬
thing. So she gave him sandal, and considered in her heart, (saying to
herself), (25) “lam very lean, and ugly, and vile, nevertheless the
Lord did not despise me, nor was he displeased^^ with me.” Krishna
understood her thoughts and made her straight, and Kubja being freed
(from her infirmity) became (beautiful) as Lakshmi.
^ \/ ‘ be enraged,’ lit. ‘ shiver ’ or ‘ faint with cold.’ See note p. 17.
^ ^ ‘ select.’
® Here is in its proper meaning of a verbal noun.
^ Lit., ‘ That practice (^^^i*r) has remained (^^^) till now (^cf^'SrfH)’
the 2nd Imperat. of
® It is not etiquette to carry on intrigues before an elder brother.
^ ‘ excuse.’
^ See note ^ above.
9 Lit., ‘filled.’
-v/m ‘ be able,’ see remarks s. v. in the Vocabulary to my Maithil Chresto-
mathy.
here means ‘ be displeased with,’ Cf. note p. 25.
1S84. j G-. A. Grrierson — Translation to ManTodh'’ s Tlafihuns^
21
Hari had told her (to supply him with sandal) sufficient for two
persons,^ and Kamsa’s desire was all that was left in the vessel.^ Then
the Hero of the house of Yadu having anointed^ his whole body with the
sandal, went about the city, seeing (the sights). He saw Kamsa’s
armoury, and said to himself, “ Let me take steps of hostility^ against
him.” (30) He asked the keeper politely v/here the bow was of which
the sacrifice was to take place. By means of his power and cleverness,
on his asking, he (managed to be allowed to) lift up the bow, which was
fated not to be the object of sacrifice, in his hand. With extreme ease
he strung the string, and like the inner^ filament of a lotus he snapped it.
The crash filled the whole of Mathura, yet when they heard it, no one
understood^ what had happened. The two brothers did not halt there,
but started'^ off immediately, and the keeper went to Kamsa and told
him what had happened. (35) From the arrival of Akrura, he understood
(that Krishna also had come), but on the breaking of the bow, he saw the
fact clearly.^
All the cowherds who had come from Gokula (in attendance on
Krishna) stopped at Akriira’s doorway. Who can tell the feasting^ in
honour of Hari ? They had food of all the six flavours, and of the
thirty-six kinds. Let us praise the joy of the wife of Akrura, although
she was very modest,^^ still she wished also to look at (Krishna) ,
^ €f. Bangali is tlie Arabic
^ A very difl&cult passage. It is literally, ‘ and tbe soul of Kamla was left in
the vessel.’ Kubja was tbe maid-servant in charge of Kamsa’s sandal-wood, and
sbe gave all sbe bad (wbiob was just sufficient for two persons) to Krishna. The
Pandits explain that tbe vessel being empty, only the desire (^'5^) of Kamsa
remained in it, i. e., that there was no sandal-wood left for him. The use of to
mean ‘ desire’ is peculiar,
‘ the preliminaries of a fight.’
the white inner stalk of a lotus.
® c/. note p. 23. Here the lit, translation is " (its true
meaning) appeared to no one.’
7 y fw^, ‘ start off quickly.’
^ ^ ‘ clearly.’
9 q ‘ the feasting in honour of a guest.’
is the act of sweeping the veil across the face, which a woman does
before a strange man. A bold woman only does this slightly (ifj^ ^I^^) , but a
modest one covers her whole face (^^ There is a well-known riddle
(a wife asks her husband, ‘what is that which) I give to
another and not to you ?’ The answer is
28
G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man'hodV s Haribans. [Sp. Ko.
Having got certain news of the arrival of Hari, Kamsa sent for
Oliannra and Mnshtika ; (40) and said to them, “ Ye are my wrestlers,
up to this day have I cherished you. I will act to you as your own
brother, and in the morning will I divide the land and give ye half.’^
When the two wrestlers heard this they rejoiced,^ for they were men
whose play (at wrestling) was famous in the world. Said they, “ If
they come before us, not one of the two shall be allowed to go^ away
alone.” Then Kamsa called his elephant- driver, and told him the whole
tale from beginning to end. (45) “Bring,” said he, “ Kuvalaya Pida
at dawn, and warily place him by the doorway (to the place of sacrifice) .
Understand how thou must carry out the business. Act so that Krishna
may not be able to approach.” Next morning there was a cry of indig¬
nation in the city, for the honest men thought that the fight (between
such wrestlers and Krishna) would not be fair, and condemned^ it.
The poet Man’bodh in his hearU seeth this, that it is^ proper that
I shonld now describe the arena.
End of Book VIII.
Book IX.
The wrestling-floor extended over a whole league (in all directions),
and (at the idea of) seeing the wrestling,^ the minds of even the old
men became excited. (They cried) “ Let me also join in the sports, let
me also try a fall. There is delay (about their coming) ; here, catch hold
of my cloth. ”7 In their various proper places hundreds of thousands
of lejims^ were deposited, and excellent heaps of wrestler^s earth^ piled
^ ^ W, ‘ be glad.’
2 obi. verb, noun governed by lTT^9tfT, making a permissive compound.
3 ^ ‘ say no,’ hence, ‘ disapprove.’
^ ®bl. of
3 is here impersonal.
6 ‘the act of wrestling;’ cf. ‘a gymnast’s exercise/ in Eamayan j
not in Bate.
7 ‘ clothes generally,’ not in Bate.
8 A is a bar hung with iron rings, which gymnasts hold in their two
hands above their heads. The exercise is supposed to strengthen the shoulders.
Not in Bate.
^ is the earth of an old granary (%t;^) which wrestlers rub upon
their bodies.
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man%odV s Haribans, 29
up. Here and there the place was filled with pits^ which had been dug,
and there were Indian clubs of solid wood.^ (5) The arena was^ ex¬
tremely vast, on all sides were many^ palaces high as mountains.^
There were two or three hundred two-storied stands. Here and
there® there were bands'^ and ndch girls dancing. According (to the
rank of) those who were of chief and polite families,^ so were stands
allotted to them.^ Kamsa’s own grand-stand was a whole league
high, and it would have been very difficult to ascend into it without
a staircase. Why then did Kamsa prepare so high a stand ? Can any
one escape from the hand of death^® ? (10) While the assembly of the
people was still going on, there rose a cry^i of “ He’s come, he’s
come.” In the door- way gleamed the golden diadem (of Krishna),
together with Kanda and the other Gowalas. The elephant- driver
struck his elephant and urged it on, and for a space Krishna played
excellently^^ ^ith it, and then seized the elephant’s tusk, and tore it out
1 is lit. ‘a weaver’s loom.’ This is built over a pit, and hence the
word is used to mean any kind of pit. means place.’
^ ‘ possessing a (or jj^) is properly a kernel, or the soft
inside of anything. Thus the jjs of a shell-fish is the fish itself, the shell being
called 17^. Thus in the fable of ‘ the kite and the crow,’ occurs the passage
‘ ^ ^ %T^T ^ 31^ I 31^1 ^IP I
^s. ^
<T Wife I ‘ The
cockle fell to the earth and was immediately smashed to pieces. Thereupon the
crow ate up the inside. Shortly afterwards the kite came down, but could find
nothing but the broken pieces of the shell.’
3 In modern Mth. never means ‘ was,’ but only ‘ became.’
^ ^ ^ piece,’ here is used as a sign of the plural.
5 is said by the Pandits to = ‘a mountain.’ It is necessary,
however, to receive this interpretation w^ith some caution, for the w^ord is not used
in modern Mth. in this sense nor is its derivation clear. Also is used
in modern Mth., to signify ‘ pieces,’ the word being apparently only a re¬
duplication of a
® ‘ liV ‘ somewhere.’
7 is Bhojpuri plural of a musical instrument,
commonly means ‘ modest,’ ‘ polite,’ in Mth.
^ Lit., ‘ so (there was an order) of making stands for them.’
I. e., Kamsa foolishly thought that he could provide for his own safety by
doing so.
Pers.
til- ‘ openly.’ Used frequently idiomatically to mean ‘ very well.’ The
idea is that a man tied up cannot do anything well,
30 G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man'*hodh^s Harihans, [Sp. No,
of its socket with his hand. With this tusk the Lord of Vraja then
slew it. When Knvalaya Pida fell like a mountain^ on the earth, and
Kamsa saw it, his pride fell down.^ (15) Taking the excellent elephant’s
tusk as an excellent weapon in his hand, Hari went forward accompanied
by Haladhara. Heavenly damsels became incarnate in Gokula. Though
they had fortune and many relations, yet cared they nothing for them.^
Only gazing (on Krishna), made they known their love to him, and in
their hearts desired^ only Kamsa’s death. “ If he lives” (said they),
“ all will lose their happiness, but if this scoundreP dies, it is well for
all of us.” With the city wives stood Devaki, her eyes, like clouds,
filling with rain. (20) As she saw the face of her son her breasts filled,
and milk which they could no longer contain® gushed forth from them (in
her affection). With Akrura stood (his brother) Vasudeva (saying to
himself), “at last I shall see the countenance of my child.” Thrusting
several'^ people aside Krishna advanced and proclaimed thus in the
assembly. “ Chanura hath exceeding might, and I am tender : it is
greatly unfair that I should wrestle® with him.” The people of the
assembly heard this and were filled with shame, but out of fear of Kamsa
no one spoke. (25) Then He who beareth the conch-shell in his hand,
again spake, considering in his heart, but his words were lost (on the
people). “To-day this unfair practice^ will cease for ever. I am not
a common^® wrestler^^ of my house. I cannot bear this longer,
him who comes, come now.’’^® Krishna slapped (his arms), and rose
with a roar, and the people began to guess^^ about (the chances of)
victory and defeat. One foot he set (before him) straightened, (and the
or is the high mound round a tank.
2 ^ ‘ drop,’ usually reserved for fruit dropping from a tree.
3 See note ^ p. 12. Eead as before
An unusual meaning of ^
® is an abusive term. It means lit. ‘ one who has lost his head,’ Hence
*a capless fellow,’ used only in abuse.
® Lit. ‘ The act of being contained did not take place.’
7 Lit. ‘ four.’
® Lit. a wrestling (between) him and me is greatly unfair.’
A common use of ‘ such.’
liere ‘ one who sports,’ ‘ a wrestler.’
Lit., ‘ as long as there is no time, so long do I bear it.’
is the usual Mth. form of the Hindi
‘ ^ guess,’ i. e., ^ ‘ he walked by guess,’ of a man
going along on a dark night.
31
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man^hodh^s Harihans.
other) behind him, and twisting his left knee, he set it before him 4
(30) With violent challenges he planted his hands, for greatly skilled in
wrestling was the lord of Vraja. (Chanura), who had wrestled^ mnch,
came np, saying “ Wait Lek^ me pound thee.” He rubbed earth
on his great stout arms, (and appeared) in no way smaller than Knmbha-
karna. He himself was deceitful and mighty, and his caste was very
vile ; so for a space there was a great boxing^ match. Putting their
heads down close together,® Krishna put forth his hand, and several
times clasped him only round the neck. (35) Strong-armed (Krishna)
pressed him down with one arm.^ Who was it that taught him that
trick^ there ? Adopting that trick Krishna warded him oh, and knowing
himself to be powerless® (against Chanura after performing it) , instant-
lyio released himself. So also when Krishna seized him Chanura in
like manner reserved^^ (a counter trick). And seeing that, the hearts
of good men became glad.^^ In this way,^® the wrestling lasted for a
long time 4^ And every now and then they would walk round^^ each
other, and clap their own hands (in defiance). At length in the arena^®
Krishna gave up tricks to the Naty^t ^nd swooping on him, struck him
^ I. e., knelt down on kis left knee.
2 see note to v. 1.
3 an interjection meaning “ Wait !” The ^ means ‘ wait.’
is probably Bhojpuri, and means lit. ‘ Let me wait.’
^ Bbojpuri, 1 sing. pres. conj.
3 in s,n oblique form. The compound means ‘ a boxing on a
vj vj
boxing,’ ‘ a mutual boxing,’ like XTTfx note,® p. 17.
® Lit.y ‘ making their heads approach,’ a posture in wrestling.
^ JiTfr, is the special name of a trick at wrestling, consisting in
pressing down (^ jfTiT) the opponent with one arm.
® the technical term for a trick at wrestling. = ^T?RT, ‘ then.’
^ An unusual meaning of
^ ‘immediately.’ Cf. Mth. Chr. Sal. 19, ^
a/ = ‘ preserve,’ = ; hence, ‘ reserve.’ Read
^2 / = H. a/ ^TT. They were glad because they saw that the two
' O * ’ vl
were equal.
TX instr. governed by It corresponds to the Vedic ‘by this,’ which
was lost in later Sanskrit, but has been preserved in Mth.
‘ time ’ is here feminine.
^3 circling,’ cf. Mth. Chr. Sal. 7.
toi' W, loc. of
Nats are a tribe of gypsies who arc famous for their wrestling powers. Hence
the word is used for any great wrestler. The meaning is that Krishna left all such
32 G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man^hodh’s Ilarihans. [Sp. No.
instantaneously, and felled Mm to tlie ground. (40) Blood flowed in
torrents from Ms mouth, and nose, and the earth for a highd round him
became thereby a morass. Chanura the wrestler became crushed to
pieces,^ and died, what life can there be to him whom Hari hath touched
in anger ? Just as^ Hari had done^ to Chanura, so also did Haladhara
slay Mushtika. Toshala the wrestler, seeing this, became wroth, and rose
clapping his hands as a mighty challenge. When he had slain Toshala
Hari approached Kamsa, and (like) what bird of the air did he become
(in that he was able to ascend the lofty stand) ? (45) Upon the stand,"^
in real verity,^ he hurled him down, and without letting him go dashed
him down to the ground.® He thrust on him an infinitesimal portion of
Ms weight^ (in his character) of the universe, and Kamsa immediately^
gave up his breath. (Pretending) to think that Kamsa was annoyed
in his heart (at the treatment he had received) Krishna seized him by
the hair,^ and dragged him some distance. On seeing this Kamsa’s
brother, named Sudaman ran up challenging him, but, swooping down
between them Haladhara seized him, and laughingly treated him in the
same way.^® (50) When the five men had been killed, (although) other
(demons present) were spared, the arena became as (horrible as) a
burial-ground.
Then Kamsa’s mother, wife, and younger brother’s wife came up,
and in piteous grief rolled^^ upon the ground. Into Hari’s ears^^ came
the cries of the dying,i® and even his eyes filled with tears. (He consoled
petty devices as tricks to Channra, and forthwith killed him by sheer display of
force.
1 ‘ ground to powder.’
2 ^ ^ in V. 38. head and not
^ is here used for
is here the general obi. form of
^ Obi. of ‘ real truth,’ a reduplication of
® ‘ below.’ Cf. Bangali in my notes on the Rangpur
dialect, see J. A. S. B., No. 3 for 1877, p. 199, 1. 15.
^ ^X = VK.
® ‘ immediately apparently the indecl. part, of a y/ which I
have not met elsewhere.
^
i^ the correlative of There is no form corresponding
to
‘ how much,’ hence ‘ exceedingly.’
^'T’SR, Mr
^X ^ common expression for ‘ a person at the point of death.’
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man'^hodh^s Harihans. 33
them), giving them advice and hope, and went about quietly and
ashamed.^ (Then Krishna said to Kanda) “Ko one knows what may hap¬
pen. My father, do thou return now speedily before me (to Gokula). (55)
While I am absent, watch, I pray thee, my mother (Yasoda) that she
waste not away.” With these words Hari gave him leave to go, and gave
him ten million jewels out of Kamsa’s store^. Going a little forward
Hari and Rama, made salutation to the feet of their father and mother
(Vasudeva and Devaki), saying “For so long was it impossible to
honour you, I pray ye to pardon my fault. It was difficult even to save
my life, so that I might be preserved from Kamsa’s (60) hand.” Vasu¬
deva remembered the former portents^ (which had occurred at Krishna’s
birth), and with Devaki fell at his feet. Understanding (who Kriffina
was) Vasudeva sang greatly of his virtues, and then Krishna again cast
his illusion over him, (and caused him to again become ignorant of his
supernatural origin). All the members of the house of Yadu who were
there made to him fit salutation, and the tree of Vasudeva’s faith bore
fruit, for the eternal Essence had (humbly) fallen at his feet. Then
Krishna sent for Ugrasena and with modesty had his bonds cut, saying,
“ Let not the Yadavas feel grieved, although they are under Yayati’s
curse. The fourteen worlds move at his commands, whose servants I
and Haladhara are.” He then waved chowries^ over the king’s throne,
and set the umbrella of state over Ugrasena’s head.
The friend of the miserable, the Lord of the lordless, the one giver
of happiness, the holy lord of Vraja, these names are all called Krish¬
na’s sport, and may holy Rama put difficulties far off. Saith Man’bodh,
I have told the tale of Kamsa’s slaughter. What happened afterwards,
that remains to be said.
End of Book IX.
Book X.
There have arrived^ the wives of Kamsa, the daughters of Jarasan-
dha. In many ways they display their state of widowhood coming
is here the instrumental used as Nom. before the past tense of a
transitive verb. see note ^ p. 24. (Skr. ^srf^HT), ‘ without brilliancy,*
hence, ‘ashamed.’
^ Lit. ‘ kept by Kamsa.*
2 Lit., ‘qualities.’
is the usual phrase for waving a fly-flapper.
5 is the Skr. ‘ there is,’ is fern, of = -5115^; i^sed in Mth.j
to mean ‘ arrived.’
E E
34 G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man%odVs Sarihaiis. [Sp. Ko,
running to tlieir father’s palace. In piteous plight, how much had they to
tell ! and hearing their story he could no longer contain himself. (Said
the widows), “The son of Nanda hath made me a widow.^ A thing
which ought not to have been possible by the strength of any one.^ (5)
The moon may fall (from the sky), the earth may dry up. Mount Meru
itself may desert its site, and go elsewhere. All this may rather be done,
yea, can^ be done, but not that a gowala, a (common) stave-bearer,
should kill a mighty warrior. We will not drink water, until we take
(vengeance on) the enemy of our husband.” Jarasandha comforted
them, collected his camps and roughly counted^ their numbers. (From)
Sorath, Bhorath, Garh’pal, Anga, Banga, and Nepal ; from Betia, Tirhut,
and other countries, his majesty summoned all the kings. They could
not be contained in all his forts, there was no room even in the whole
land of Magadh.^ The army waxed in size for ten or twenty days,
and then all issued in the direction of Mathura. The sight of the sun
was obscured by the dust, and it is lucky that the back® of the mundane
tortoise did not break in (with the weight) . There was not a drop of
water or (a grain of) food to be found in the moon or on the earth.
The ocean itself took refuge in (the hell called) Tala.
(15) At eventime there rose a hubbub from the army, on hearing
which His Majesty got a headache'^. So then old and reverend ushers,
with wands in their hands went about calling in all' directions, ‘ silence ’
‘ silence.’ The camp stopped, and surrounded the fort (of Mathura)
as a falcon swoops upon a quail. To Hari the gate-keeper said
respectfully® “there is a sound of drums near^ the city. Who can
tell the size of the army ? It is as if the whole universe were densely
collected^® together.” (20) When they saw this their faces became
^ Lit.) ‘ taken tke vermilion from my hair,’ — a sign of widowhood.
^ Lit., ‘ which one wonld not think (proper) for the being done by the strength of
any one.’ is obi. form of the verb, noun of ^ ‘ be.’ The is an
euphonic addition as in see Mth. Gr. §. 189, 3, add. ... ^ = ‘ strength,’
‘ power.’
3 ‘ to be able to be done.’
See note to 9, 28.
^ Jarasandha’ s kingdom.
® The pandits translate by ‘ back,’ but they are doubtful as to the exact
meaning of the word.
' Lit., ‘ pain in his mind.’
^ ‘ a camel- drum.’
Cf. coll. Mth., ‘ the clouds are dense/
.1884.] G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man'hodV s Harihans. 35
dry,^ and in tlieir montlis tlie lips^ of tlie Yadavas were parched.
Only one was joyfnl, the holy Lord of Vraja, (as he thought) “To-day
will I raise the harden of the earth.” When the others considered that
Hari w^as joyful in his heart, all knew certainly that there would he
victory. Every one took up his weapons, and the Yadavas all became
ready, and assembled. Ugrasena, Uddhava, Akriira, and Varmasura
whose deeds were famous in the world. (25) Akriira became an extreme¬
ly excellent hero, imposing in his chariot, he shone like Arjuna. All
began to talk of the battle, and in union with their bodies, their hero¬
ism awoke. Daruka^ brought and equipped the great chariot, and each
side began to play its drums. Hari went outside with all the chariots,
as the Brahmans all blessed them. With a laugh Haladhara advanced
and took the betel. ^ In the battle-field, who ever was such as he. (30)
“To my knowledge, this (Jarasandha) was exceeding wicked, let us
consider how to deal with him.”^ (Jarasandha) who had done many
evil deeds joined in battle with him who was devoted to wine,^ and
Halayudha went in front of the excellent battle. Equal with equal
began the fight, in order that nothing might be done contrary to fair
play.”^ Jarasandha joined combat with Haladhara, for who else could
stand before him. The king took his club, and fought with it, while
Haladhara raised his pestle. (35) Knowing that success would be fruit¬
less, an oracle proclaimed from the sky, “ Come now, spare him, spare him
Haladhara. I have arranged a method of killing him.” The king^ hear¬
ing this portent began to run and this favourable oracle became unfavour¬
able to him. Leaving the battle-field the king fled,^ and Haladhara
threw aside his pestle. The victory was given to the strong, and defeat
^ is a kind of ring-worm, wliick, when it drops, leaves a dry place be¬
hind, at the place which it had attacked. The translation is, literally, ‘ the ring¬
worm dropped from the faces of all,’ that is to say, ‘ the faces of all became dry
with fear.’
is ‘parching’ or ‘cracking of the lips.’
si
^ Krishna’s charioteer.
^ see note to p. 13. When a forlorn hope is wanted, those who volunteer,
signify their willingness by stepping forward, out of the ranks, and picking up a
betel roll deposited for the purpose. Cf. Chand, Kevatata 16.
® Lit., ‘ how it will be done.’
® This half line is very diflB.cult. The above is the best meaning I can make out
of it, but it is not much. It appears to be literally, ‘ he, having done bad qualities,
joined with him who had the quality of wine.’ Haladhara was by tradition a great
drinker as well as a great hero.
< Lit., ‘ virtue.’
* Lit., ‘ the enjoyer of the earth.’
" v" W = ‘ run away,’ cf. Bangali
3G G. A. Grierson — Translation to Man’hodh’ s Harihans. [Sp. No.
to the wicked, and all the men of Anga, Banga and Tailanga were scat¬
tered. (40) On that day Hari showed unlimited prowess^ like a hundred
Arjunas and two hundred Bhimas, and the enemy fought as much as it
desired with him, as a moth leaps and falls into a fire. It cannot even be
counted how many men Hari slew, in order to raise the burden of the
earth. Some of the generals fled towards their home, and those who re¬
mained behind were killed. The Yadavas remained thick as clouds in the
month of Bhado, and none of them were scattered having Hari for their
support.^ (45) They showered arrows like a rain (so heavy) that the
enemy thought that creation was coming to an end (in a flood). Every
king, who joined combat with the Yadavas, immediately found himself
close to the gates of death.^ So the army returned, and the portion which
was left behind was washed away in a stream of blood,'^ in which the
floating shields were like the tortoises, and the turbans, snakes. Krishna
let a few of them escape, so that he might grant (the world) a benefit, as
he would again (be able to) collect (and carry away) the burden of the
earth. (50) Those who had been^ so stout (and valiant) and now so
small, did not, out of shame, return to their fortress. The brave enemies^
of the earth again collected, and again shamelessly arrived (against
Mathura). For their reward they all got arrows (sharp as) scorpions,
and again they returned to the place whence they had ridden. Again
they began to fight, and again were beaten, nor did there remain to them
a comrade, or joy, or love. Again they mounted and came, and again
were defeated, and thus the war was repeated fifteen times.
(55) Saith Man’bodh, “ The Lord of Magadha returned, and the
troops who came with him all died.”
End of Book X.
^ Lit., ‘ made an unlimited battle.*
' ‘a support.’
‘ blood and the like.*
^ old form of Cf. the old Bangali form for I^^TTW.
^ Lit., ‘death.’
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man’hodli s Haribans.
37
PART III.
Index to Man’hodh’s Haribans.
Introduction.
The form of the index explains itself. The only point to he made
clear is the alphabetical order, which differs somewhat from that hitherto in
nse. Neither the annnasika nor the distinction into short and long vowels
is allowed to affect the order of words. Or, to put the matter another
way : each of the sets % % WT, f &c.,
so far as alphabetical order is concerned constitutes one letter only.
Accordingly, I first give all words containing the sound a, irrespective of
that sound being short, long, or nasalized, and simply arrange them
according to their consonants ; next come all words containing the sound i,
similarly arranged ; next, in similar order, those containing the sound u,
and so forth.
This principle of disregarding quantity and nasalization secures a
distinct and important practical (as well as scientific) advantage, which
could not be obtained by any other arrangement ; for it results in bringing
into more or less close juxtaposition pairs, or sets, of words of identical
origin and meaning : as and ‘ a courtyard.’ ‘ sleep’,
and ‘ cause to sleep’, a/ ‘ die’, and y' ‘ kill’. The
advantage gained from this is obvious, when we consider that Bihari roots
containing a long vowel, shorten that vowel whenever it falls in the ante¬
penultimate and is followed by a consonant, and that hence in the case of
such roots many forms will be found occurring derived from the same root,
and only differing in the quantity of the antepenultimate vowel.
This system of alphabetical arrangement for Gaudian languages is
put forward tentatively, and criticism on its practical and scientific advan¬
tages and disadvantages is solicited.
II ^ II II y
y' pres. 3 sg. II, 41 : WTW,
V, 42 : ^rr^, II, 46 : 3 pi.
X, 54 : imperat. 2 pi. YI,
32 : 3 sg. IX, 27 : fut. 1
sg. 1, 32 : YII, 16, 50 :
YIII, 23: 3 sg. YIII,
43 : past. 1 sg. I, 17 : 3
sg. IV, 25, 40 : Y, 5, 6,
14 : YI, 7, 24 : YIII, 36 : IX, 10,
31, 52 : X, 9, 23 : fern.
Y, 45 : YI, 2 : IX, 51 : 3 pi.
II, 25 : II, 2 : YII,
46 : X, 55 : past part. X,
19 : periphrast. pres. 3 sg.
IX, 27 : verb, nouns obi.
YIII, 46 : instr. sg.
38
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man%odli s Harihans.
VIII, 35 : indecl. part. I,
35 : V, 2 : IX, 55 : X, 36, 51 :
(cf. y/ ^T5f) ^Tf%, II, 5, 16,
49 : V, 48 : VIII, 45.
fern. VII, 55: see
III, 10.
II, 59.
, VIII, 38 : IX, 21 :
VI, 26 : VII, 18, 27, 37 : VIII,
7, 36: VI, 43: X, 24,
25 : gen. VI, 49 : VIII,
35 : VII, 17.
VIII, 32.
I, 36: gen. II, 5:
X, 35.
fern. II, 56.
past 3 sg. IV,
40.
IX, I.
^Tf%, IV, 23, 40 : V, 45 : VI, 8,
II : VII, 23, 51 : IX, 52.
IV, 49, 53 : VII, 5 : fern.
WTJifw, I, 18.
III, 15 : V, II, 31 : VI, 16 :
obi. II, 7, 45 : VII, 43 :
^J[^, III, 2.
^JlcfT, see
I, 3.
gen. sg. VIII, 39.
^3TT, IX, 7.
VIII, 29 : II, 35.
fern. II, 30.
^Tf^, III, 6 : IV, 21 : V, 32 : X, 41.
VI, 43 :
>v/ indecl. part. VI, 41.
obi. adj. IV, 7.
I, 9, 12, 39 : VI, 42 : VII, 6, 8 :
VIII, 7 : IX, 15, 22, 57 : X, 31,
[Sp. Xo.
33 : obi. ^-RT, IX, 29 : (?) loc.
^R, IV, I.
y/ indecl. part. IX,
54.^
^R, II, 62.
y/ ^T^n:, indecl. part. Ill,
16.
IX, 70.
III, 12.
VII, 28, 29.
V, 32 : X, 9, 39.
V, 28, 46 : VIII, 6.
y/ pres. I pi. fl^, IX, 66 : 2
pi. fww, V, 22 : 3 sg. I, 2,
3, 15, 37 : IV, 19, 49 : V, 18 : VI,
34, 35, 45 : VII, 38, 39 : X, 19 :
^w;^, VIII, 18 : 3 pi. wtR, IV,
35, 59 : VII, 32, 51 : past 3 sg.
W, II, 53 : IV, 57 : VI, 6, 48 :
VII, 5, 60: VIII, 16, 17: IX,
58, 59, 62 : JX, 11, 30 : fern.
VII, 33 : 3 pi. X, 50.
^RT, I, 17 : III, 14 : IV, 22, 59 :
VI. 30: VIII, 18: IX, 26: X,
21 : gen. (witb empb. 1% or ?
obi.) VIII, 40.
^WJTrr, 62: IV, 27: V, 56:
VIII, 2.
VIII, 31.
III, 19.
^^1%, I, 10.
y/ past 3 sg. IV, 17 : IX,
20: X, 11.
y/ past 3 sg. VIII,
34, 36 : X, 17 : past part, (form¬
ing passive) VIII, 1.
VI, 40.
IX, 28 : X, 8.
I, 32 : II, 4 : V, 53.
G. A. Grierson — Index to Maidhodli s Harihans.
39
1884.]
IX, 36.
<v/ indecl. part. II,
52.*
TT, IV, 39.
II, 7 : IV, 40, 50 : V, 44 : VII,
56 : VIII, 25, 32 : IX, 5, 23, 33,
50 : X, 25.
VII, 22.
I, 3.
VII, 29.
II, 27.
V, 45 : VI, 26 : VIII, 44 : IX,
11.
II, 22.
WTV, VI, 31 : VII, 11 : VIII, 41,
VIII, 15 : IX, 31 .
fern. ^Wf^, VII, 48 :
VIII, 25.
pres. conj. 3 sg. VI,
39 : imperat. 2 pi. I, 28 :
indecl, part. (c/. y' WT)
III, 3.
IX, 50 i X, 29, 33.
X, 53.
X, 5.
II, 37.
gen. I, 18 : II, 20 j
IX, 68.
III, 20.
II, 41 : V, 23 : VII, 20.
V, 37.
\/ ^•TR, indecl. part, IX,
64.
II, 35 : IV, 18 : VI, 22 :
IX, 66 : fern, II, 30.
II, 39 : IX, 23.
^rTPT, IX, 65.
VII, 38.
I, 26 : VI, 30.
s/ indecl. part. ^«r?TTf^,
IV,''34 : X, 22.
X, 30.
IV, 51 : VI, 44 : VIII, 30,
VIII, 20.
Vj
VII, 13.
^4r, IV, 61 : V, 59 : VI, 26 : VIII,
44 : loc. IX, 21.
I, 22 : V, 31.
X, 14.
I, 24.
II, 21.
IX, 26.
nom. I, 32 : V, 18 :
VII, 41: X,27: W,V,43: gen.
dir. II, 47, 63 : IV, 41: V,
19 : VI, 24 : VII, 8, 29 : IX, 8 :
X, 23 : X, 27 : obi.
(?),III, 21: IV, 11: II, 9.
X, 14.
VII, 22.
wrv, IV, 49, 52 : IX, 58.
IX, 53.
WW, IV, 5, 22, 53, 56 : V, 42 : VII,
15, 32, 36, 39: IX, 2,54: X,
36. IX, 27.
\/ indecl. part.
VIII, 25.
VIII, 26.
pres. 3 sg. V,
55 : fnt. 1 sg. I, 20 :
past 3 sg. V, 29 : fern.
IV, 15 : IX, 16 : verb,
noun. VI, 45.
I, 24, 31 : V, 29, 58. [58,
x/ indecl. part. IV,
I, 12 : II, 63 : VI, 24.
VII, 30.
VII, 30,
4.0
G. A. Grierson — Index to MardhodJis Harihans. [Sp. No.
X, 51.
VI, 40 : VII, 56.
VII, 40, 43.
VI, 30.
X, 13.
I, 15, 26.
^iTTT^, I, 26.
V, 57.
X, 35.
X, 18. [I, 24.
III, 11 : X, 25, 40 :
^TTfT, II, 52.
VII, 58: VIII, 21. [33.
\/ indecl. part. H?
^fK, X, 41, 45.
VI, 14.
VI, 22.
IX, 31.
I, 36.
^Wf, IV, 50 : VI, 36.
\/ indecl. part, 11,48.
V, 35.
II, 16.
I! ^ II
t, snbst. nom. or dir. adj. i;, I, 26,
38 : II, 28 : VII, 57 : VIII, 29 :
IX, 59 : X, 6 : snbst. nom.
IV, 19 : F^, V, 56 : X, 30 :
VII, 39 : II, 61 : snbst. acc.
t, I, 22, 36 : II, 6, 36, 39, 62 :
III, 8 : IV, 51 ; V, 49 : VI, 25,
VII, 17, 31, 52, 59: VIII, 10,
II, 26, 42 : IX, 56, 58 : F^, II,
7, 34 : VII, 5 : VIII, 48 : snbst.
obl. ^1%, IV, 38 : adj. obi. F^^,
Skr. pres. 3 sg. X, I.
IX, 36.
WTT, VII, 13.
VIII, 47.
II, 58.
II, 54 : X, 28.
X, 40.
VI, 6 : VII, 10, 12, 15 :
I, 15 : gen. VII, 14.
Wfw, VIII, 5.
W, VIII, 29.
I, 25.
W^, IV, 3.
acc. sg. V, 18.
V, 53.
^ past 3 sg. fern.
IV, 15 : IX, 16.
^fTT, IV, 12.
VIII, 9.
y/ fnt. 1 sg. I, 14 : 3 sg.
I, 3, 4 :. ^ rr, I, 36 : JI, 4 :
IX, 59 : pres. part. obl. II,
42 : VII, 46.
II t II
1, 17; IV, 5, 54, 56; V, 43, 57:
Vll, 14 : instr. sg. X, VI, 5 : Vll,
46 : IX, 38 : X, 54 : gen. sg. dir.
IX, 69 : I, 38 : IV,
22 : VII, 39.
II, I : VIII, 9.
X^, I, 36 : V, 21, 23, 34 : VI, 37 :
VII, 14 : X^) Ij 24 : gen.
V, 27.
X, 14.
I, 27.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man^hodh^s Harihans.
41
11 ^ INI ^ II
VIII, 10.
II, 19.
VIII, 22.
^^1x, III, 8, 9 : III, 16.
^ indecl. part, IV, 8 : V,
51.
VI, 29 : IX, 64, 67 : X, 24.
VI, 8 : IX, 9.
^rr, I, 38 : IV, 5.
y/ ^1^, indecl. part. X. 41.
VII, 7.
y' ^3, pres. 3 sg. V, 37 : X,
15 : past 3 sg. VI, 40 : VIII.
10 : IX, 28, 43 : indecl. part,
V, 32 : VII, 29.
y/ indecl. part. I, 35 :
V, 15 : VI, 37 : VIII, 31 :
X, 34.
y/ past 3 sg. II, 29 :
indecl. part, I, 36 ; II, 32.
, VII, 20.
^WcT, IV, 2 : V, 26 : gen.
V, 52.
y/ indecl. part, VIII, I :
obi. verb, noun, ^cTTp, VI, 14.
II P\\
II, 48, 55, 63 : III, I : IV, I.
II, 18, 25, 29, 34, 36, 39, 45 : V,
1, 12, 18, 21, 29 : VI, 2, 16, 20,
23, 36 : VII, I, 8, 53 : IX, 12,
29, 33, 35, 46, 68 : 10, 21, 43 :
VI, 4 : with empb.
VII, 48 : with empb. WT,
VIII, 43 : obi. adj. ;^f%, V, 19 :
nom. distributive, ‘one eacb,’
VI, 4 : or (?) gen. pi.
V, 11 ; gen. sg.
VII, II.
y/ ^flK, fut. 1 Sg. ■'3r<K^, X, 21 :
obi. verb, noun, X, 42.
I, 31.
X, 24.
VI, 45.
y/ past 3 sg. II, 58.
y/ past 3 sg. II,
60, 61.
VI, 14 : X, 49.
V, 21.
y/ past 3 sg. II, 17.
y/ past 3 sg. IV, 7 :
indecl. part, IV, 5, 7.
IV, 4.
III, 3 : VIII, 4 : IX, 45.
VIII, 14.
W5, IV, 22 : VI, 19 : X, 36.
y/ past 3 sg. III, II :
IX, 13 : indecl. part.
WR, V, 46 : VI, 13.
y/ pres. 3 sg. V, 13.
y/ indecl. part. V, 36 :
X, 1*9.
II, 41.
V, 49.
I ^ 11
IV, 33.
IV, 26,
I, 3.
^rr, V, 56 : IX, 58 : V, 33 :
obi. prT^, VIII, 14.
VI, 15.
III, 16.
see
]^cr, II, 21, 57 : IV, 46 : V, 18 :
VI, 42 : VII, 25, 36 ; IX, 26 :
X, 29.
42
G. A. Grierson — Index to Maidhodli’s Hariham^. [Sp. No.
II II
snbst. nom. IV, 8 :
IV, 58 : VI, 23 ; 5^, I, 29 :
dir. adj., %, IV, 58: IX, 36:
snbst. obi. sg. V, 13 :
IX, 49 : VI, 15 : (with empb.
I, 31 : IX, 37 :
adj. obi. I, 29 : IV, 6, 8,
57 : V, 54 : VI, 3, 24 : VIII, 16 :
IX, 62 : X, 40 : VI, 41 : ^*t,
VI, 20 : VIII, 16 : gen. sg.
VIII, 18 : IX, 47 : snbst.
nom. pi. VIII, 35 : obi. pi.
IX, 23 : X, 36 :
IV, 17 *. gen. pi. VI, 23.
II ^ II
tr, IV, 37, 10, 9.
II '5
sgn. of acc. I, 34 : II, 49 : V,
7, 18 : VI, 2.
sgn. of dat. I, 19, 29 : II, 4, 40 :
III, 5, 15 : IV, 6, 16, 40 : VI,
15 : VII, 51, 60 : VIII, 13, 15 :
IX, 42 : X, 1.
4^, I, 34, 35, 37 : II, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11,
12, 18, 31, 35, 39 : VI, 21, 26 :
VII, 16, 30, 32 : VIII, 34, 40,
44 : IX, 9, 44, 70 : gen. II,
29 : VI, 16, 41 : VII, 31 : VIII,
27, 29 : IX, 14, 17, 24, 46, 48,
51, 56, 59 : X, 1.
IX, 54.
IV, 31.
IX, 47.
II, 45 : IV, 23.
II, 47.
II
a/ indecl. part. II, 43.
VII, 2. [Ill, 9.
^ past 3 sg.
^TfT, IX, 35.
V, 13.
II, 56 : VI, 3, 41 : VII, 50.
I, 8 : VIII, 16.
wrfjl, V, 61.
VII, 38.
VI, 12.
VII, 54.
VI, 9 : fern. II, 26 :
obi. II, 57: loc.
I, 8.
II II
X, 10, see
II
^TW, X, 48.
V, 33 : VI, 30, 42, 45 : VII,
15 : gen. II, 56.
x/ past part. obi. II, 52.
VII, 7.
V' pres. 3 sg. VII, 2 : see
past 3 sg. IX,
64 : see ^ WTS.
X, 8, 11, 17.
II, 7.
VII, 35.
loc. sg. VIII, 27.
m3, gen. IX, 4.
^?rT, V, 15.
V, 15 : IX, 59.
VII, 36.
ms, II, 60.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — hidex to Mardhodli s Harihans.
43
IV, 39.
^ indecl. part. YII, 43.
IV, 43 : V, 39 : Yl’ 36 : IX,
51 : X, 3.
YIII, 30.
II, 31, 56 : lY, 54 : Y, 17,
52 : IX, 9 : X, 11.
I2[, 69.
, lY. 50.
III, 1 : Y, 21 : X, 43.
I, 39.
^r5^, see
see
'j
X, 31.
gen. lY, 23.
I, 4.
^rsr, I, 22 : YII, 24 : IX, 52.
^ ^T^r, pres. 3 pi. lY, 32 :
pres. part. fern. YIII, 12.
YII, 21 : IX, 11.
Y, 23 : YII, 20.
I, 11, 16.
^T, II, 28.
YI, 8 : IX, 34.
^TT, YI, 8.
\/ pres. 3 sg. 3FT^, I, 13 :
indecl. past. YI, 9.
YII, 35.
I. 1 : YII, 24 : YIII, 48.
gen X, 13.
I, 5 : str. from III,
11 : «IW^TW, Y, 4 : I,
12 : II, 1.
pres. 1 sg. 2r»f^, I, 5, 17 :
lY, 22, 53: 1 pi. II, 61:
2 pi. WK, Y, 25 : 3 sg. X,
16 : II, 15 : lY, 26 : Y,
5, 20, 26 : YII, 23, 40 : 3 pi.
II, 8 : pres. conj. 1 sg. ^t.
IX. 31 : YIII, 29 : 3 pL
IY,43 : imperat. 1 sg. X,
30 2 sg. YI, 35 : 2 pi.
Y. 35 : YI, 30, 39 : YIII, 9 : 3
pi. IX, 69 : mild imperat. 2
pi. YI, 19 : IX, 2, 65 : fnt. 1
sg. I, 33 : YI, 31, 32, 46, 47:
YIII, 41 : X, 7 : 2 pi. II,
39 : YIII, 46 : IX, 58 : 3 sg.
Y, 18 : YI, 36 : past 1 sg.
lY, 52 : 3 sg. II, 11 :
IV, 24 : YI, 17 : 1^, VII, 8, 17,
31: VIII, 40: IX, 57, 62: X,
18 : II, 37 : III, 20 : IV, 41 :
V, 10, 47 : VI, 18, 25 : VII, 29 :
VIII, 5, 19 : IX, 3, 9, 49, 56 :
X, 40 : IV, 27 : VII, 3 : 3.
pi. VI, 6 : IV,
19 : VII, 49 : VIII, 3, 29 : perf. 1
Sg.^^^, I, 2 : verb, nouns, obi.
^pc, Y, 55 : YII, 34 : X, 26, 45 :
YI, 42 : gen. lY,
39 : indecl. part, YII, 40 :
I, 30 : lY, 21, 55 : YIII, 21,
31 : X, 3, 35 : $, II, 34 : IV, 46,
57, 60 : V, 14, 20, 30, 33, 36, 53:
VI, 10, 43 : VIII, 2, 7, 26, 30 ; IX,
29, 30, 31, 43, 51 : X, 31, 52 : (as
auxiliary affix to form conj. part,
of another verb,) (^, or
f , II, 50 : X, 41 : ws, III, 5 :
IV, 44 : V, 6 : VIII, 2, 16 : IX,
14 : X, 54 : II, 12 : lY,
30 : Y, 10, 61 : YI, 3 : IX, 49 :
adv. part, lY, 46, 62.
II, 8. 17, 18 : YII, 8, 57 : YIII,
31 : X, 13.
gen. YIII, 15.
II, 35.
44
G. A. Grierson — Index
gen. II, II.
indecl. part. II, 51.
IX, 4 : VI, 34 :
IX, 15. [;^*rTHp, I, 19.
^•TT, I, 19 : YII, 40 : IX, 51 : X, 3 :
YII, 37.
II, 4, 10 : lY, 57, 61 : Y, 39 :
YI, 34 : YIII, 16 : IX, 38 : X,
51 : gen. II, 13 : IX, 9.
II, 2 : YI, 15.
^Tf%, I, 38, see sffTt^.
^f#r, lY, 19, 51, 60 : Y, 56 : YI, 18.
^Tf^, YI, 25, see
Y, 61.
^ pres. 1 pi. YII, 35 :
3 sg. II, 61 : lY, 48 : YIII,
10 : ^^*T, YI, 5 : II, 18 :
lY, 34: Y, 17: YII, 42, 45:
pres. conj. I sg. YII, 26 :
2 pi. YII, 43 : mild im-
perat. 2 pi. lY, 53: fnt.
1 sg. II, 26 : 2 sg.
YII, 44 : I, 34 : past I sg.
I, 39 : IX, 70 : 3 sg.
I, 8 : II, 34, 35 : Y, 27 : YII,
30 : YIII, 27, 34 : IX, 25 :
YIII, 21, 43: 3 pi. I,
28 : III, 7, 8 : Y, 23, 30, 34 : YI,
16, 19 : YII, 32, 50 : YIII, 5, 22,
23, 40, 45 : IX, 22 : verb, nouns
dir. II, 20 : YI, 41 : obi.
^T, I, 12 : IX, 70 : I, 14 :
II, 42: lY, 51: YI, 21: YII,
13: YIII, 24, 37: X, 3, 19:
gen. YIII, 3 : indecl. part.
I, 36 : II, 13, 28, 36, 39,
60, 62 : III, 8 : Y, 42, 49 : YI,
25: YII, 17, 52, 59: IX, 56:
adv. part. IX, 31.
to Mmi’hodV s Ilarihans. [Sp. Xo.
II, 28 : YI, 46, 47.
sgn. of indecl. part. II, 12,
^c. see ^
(in some places), IX, 6.
sgn. of acc. X, 36.
see
«h33<sl«i, lY, 9, 10.
subst. nom. or dir. adj. III,
14, 16: YII, 53: IX, 41, 54:
subst. acc. Y, 25 : dat.
I, 37 : instr. flfT^ (why ?) YII,45 :
acc. indef. II, 54 : €ttt,
IX, 9 : adj. 1%^, IX, 44.
Y, 22.
I, 7, 12, 20, 39 : II, 15, 29 :
lY, 39, 51 : Y, 42 : YI, 42 : YII,
14, 45, 49, 50 : YIII, 3, 7, 8, 22,
24, 33, 48: IX, 20, 24, 47, 57,
60 : X, 32 : gen. II, 44.
YIII, 32.
liW, YII, 2^.
past 3 sg. lY, 23, see
v/ f pres. 3 sg. f VII, 4 :
VII, 4 : see
YIII, 29.
fern. YIII, 25.
YI, 35 : YIII, 45 : IX, 14.
YIII, 20, 26.
X, 37.
I, 24, 25 : fern. fiTTtx, X, 1 :
^^fk, I, 1.
see
IX, 32.
fi^, lY, 26 : IX, 65 : IX, 7.
lY, 35 : YII, 28, 30.
YII, 22: gen. YII,
41 : YIII, 15.
IX, 2.
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Index
Wm, I, 2: II, 16: IV, 16, 29: Y,
16, 22, 27, 31, 42, 59 : VI, II,
33 : VII, 5, 6, 12, 49 : VIII, II,
26 : IX, 12, 22, 36, 37, 39, 61,
69 : nom. (with emph, or (?)
case of agent before transitive
verb in past tense) V, 10 :
gen. IV, 34: V, 45, 57:
VI, 4 ; VII, 9.
%, nom. snbst. or der. adj. %, I, 16 :
II, 9, II, 38, 42 : V, 18 : VIII,
37: IX, 27: X, 19, 29, 33:
II, 60 : V, 58 : gen. sg.
dir. II, 58 : V, 58.
(sgn. of acc.) I, 25 : IV, 60 :
VI, 22: VII, 36: IX, 64: %,
(sgn. of dat.) IV, 2 : if , I, 30 :
II, 25: V, 34: VI, 19: VIII,
34 : X, 20.
nom. sg. II, 7: IX, 9:
^T, II, 45, 47 : III, 7 : IV, 17,
20: V, 48, 51: VI, 5, 9: VII,
40, 42, 43, 45, 55 : IX, 24 :
II, 45 : VII, 25 : acc. sg.
VI, 30 : obi. <^1^, I, 7 :
dat. IV, 39 : VIII, 33 :
gen. IV, 17.
IV, 16.
II 5
^T, pres. 3 sg. IV, 38 : 3
pi. III, 4 : VII, 14 : fnt.
, 3 pi. IV, 10 : past 3
sg. V, II : VII, 18 : 3
pi. V, 30 : indecl. part.
VI, 38.
IV, 55.
II, 44.
VII, 2,
G G
to Mmdhodlt s Harihans. 45
%f%, VI, 22 : %ft, VI, 24, 25 : VII,
6.
VII, 60.
(How many ?) II, 45 : III, 2,
4, 6: IV, 43: V, 41: VI, II:
VII, 39 : IX, 4, 34.
^ (sgn. of acc.) IV, 20.
IX, 52,
X, II, 17, 50.
V, 37 : VII, 39 : IX, 56,
gen. IX, 3.
VII, 7.
nom. sg. snbst. V, 59 :
VI, 9 : obi. snbst.
1,3: obi. adj. III, 2: VII,
39 : nom. snbst. VII, 37 :
see also %.
>v/ indecl. part, IX, 41.
loc. VII, 35.
^TfirT, V, 26.
II, 14.
VII, 52.
V" ^T(^),pres.3pl.’^Tf^,IV, 16.
gen. IV, 45.
see
III, 5 : VIII, 31.
f^, VII, 24, 30 : X, 24 :
VII, 58: VIII, 21.
II
WiT, II, 6.
past 3 sg. V, 23.
IX, 5.
V" P^st 3 sg. IX, 4,
IV, 9, 10.
VI, 46.
V, 5.
VI, 47,
V, 9 : gen. X, 39.
G. A. Grierson — Index to MtcL^dhodh s Havihcins. |[Sp.
4G
IV, 50,
IX, 34. ^
y' pres. 3 sg. V, 3:
II, 52 : fut. 3 sg. V, 48 :
past 3 sg. III, 12, 14 : VII,
57 : indecl. part. ^Tf%, X, 5.
^ past 3 pi. VI,
13 : IX, 45.
r^Tx, VI, 38.
f%f%^T, indecl. part.
IX, 47.
instr. VII, 2.
Ov ’ <?s
^ indecl. part, IX, 12.
!1
^ 3rr(^), pres. 3 sg. 3ITW, II, 46 : 3
pi. 3IR^, IV, 10: past 3 sg.
IX, 61.
3ip (sign of fnt.), II, 19, 26 : see
(indecl part, of see
^T.
3rT^, III, 13, 17: V, 40, 50: VI,
7, 28.
3R^, II, 24.
3Tm, VII, 12.
3IT1^, V, 4.
31^, VII, 21 : IX, 13.
JIT’S", II, 6 : IV, 44 : V, 43 : IX, 8.
X, 9.
JTT^, pres, conp 2 pi. II,
23 : past part. 3lfw, VII, 41.
JITfT, IV, 27 : gen. VII, 22.
31^, II, 17 : X, 34.
y^ 3T*f, pres. 3 sg. 3T^p, VI, 33 :
fut. 3 sg. JRfT, IV, 60 : VI, 34 :
past part, with emph.
X, 42.
3l*f, II, 61 : V, I : VI, 48 : VII,
20 : X, 44, 46.
V, 12 : , V, 14 : gen.
IV, 9.
V, 24.
^ fut. I sg. VI, 27.
II, 37.
y^ mild imperat. IX,
2: past 3 sg. V, 14:
VIII, 42 : IX, 31.
IX, 26. [12.
y^ ^^T(^), past 3 pi. I A,
y %, pres. 3 sg. fnt. 3 sg.
VI, 20.
’^T’^, fern. %fT, II, 18.
3T 11
3if^^T, IX, 6.
31^^, VII, 45.
3IHT, IV, 30, 31 : VIII, 14, 19 :
gen. sg. VII, 55.
JWif, VII, 33, 41.
I, 23. .
^ past 3 sg. fern. IV ,
15 : IX, 16.
irx, III, 1.
31^, indecl. part. II, 24.
3lT^, X, 18.
3IT^, X, 15.
3iT^f^, IX, 34.
3iT^, VI, 48.
3IKV, II, 14 : see Jlir.
31^, gen. 31^^, IV, 54.
3IV, I, 29 : see 3IX:M.
31^, V, 20. [47,
y^ 31^, indecl, part. 3if^, IX, 13,
31^, IX, 4.
ftrf, IV, 10, 62.
f^f^, I, 1, 16: IV, 6: V, 50, 54:
VII, 9 : V, 54 : fufK^Xy
V, 25, 47.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — -Index, to Ma'idhodli s Ilarihans.
47
past part. III, 10.
IX, 4.
VIII, 82: IX, 60, 61:
VII, 59: gen. VIII, 17.
gen. 3T^, VII, 24.
3IWT^, III, 21,
31% I, II : VIII, 15, 21, 23.
31, (sign, of fut.) VI, 25: see 31^.
(indecl. part, of ^ ^T), see ^
^T.
3Tl^T% V, 58 : VII, 19, 47 : VIII,
36 : IX, II : fern. 3fr^TtX, II, 43,
45 : see 3^.
3nfi^, II, 25 : IV, 2, 15 : V, 34,
47: VII, I, 18: VIII, 36: IX,
16.
3lV, I, 28 : IV, 43 : V, 15 : VI, 9 :
VII, 3, 7, 12, 15, 45 : IX, 63 :
n
past 3 sg. IX, 20.
VIII, 8, II, 14.
indecl. part. IX, 32.
VIII, 12.
V, 39.
IV, 25, 29, 39, 45: V, 18:
VI, 36 : IX, 12, 33.
^IrT, V, 26.
II, 24 : V, 38 : VII, 7 : X, 55.
II, 89, 45, 47, 50 : IV, 16 : VI,
20 : X, 43 : gen. IX, 26.
VI, 20.
II
II, 17.
^ pres. 3 sg. VII, 2.
.y/ past. 3 sg. fern. VII,
53: indecl. part, IV, 23:
VI, 39 : VII, 52 : X, 54 : verb,
noun, IX, 8.
I, 2 : V, 41 : fern. 3rTf3:, VII,
39, 53.
3fli^, VII, 3.
3Ttf3n:, III, I.
3rTfr, IX, 35.
3iX V, 25, 35, 40, 50 : VII, 3, 5 :
gen. iTpr^, V, 20 : fern. V,
40, 50 : gen. iTlf^, VI, 4 :
IV, 34. [54
VII, 45 : ?rm, VI, 7 : VII,
V, 28, 46 : VI, 18 :
IV, 6 : V, 60. [21.
VII, 33 : gen. ^fk^, III,
art^fT, VII, 52, 53, 54.
art^Tfr, IV, 30 : V, 16.
?frr, VI, 7.
imx, X, 6: obi. IV, 6: see
afmi^.
II
indecl. part. IX,
28.
indecl. part.
IX, 47.
.y/ or war, indecl. part, wf^, IV,
25 : wf^, IV, 25 : V, 38, 41.
Os
P^es. 3 sg. warT% V, 8.
>y/ WT, indecl. part, IV, 25 :
V, 38 : X, 17.
WTW% VIII, 38,
VII, 4,
flrw, VI, 38 : VII, 47.
f ll
II, 19.
VI, 32.
'^T*rw, VIII, 23, 24 : see
VI, 34 : VIII, 39 : IX, 23,
41, 42.
VII, 20,
48
G. A. Grierson — Index to Ma^dhodlds Harihans. [Sp.
VIII, 28 : see
IV, 28.
indecl. part, II, 43 :
VII, 63 : see ^
VIII, 28,
I, I : II, 58: IV, 55 ; V, 42 :
VII, II.
WTf%, IV, 12, 13.
IX, 22.
•/ W, pres. 1 sg. IV, 54 :
3 sg, W, IX, 66 : 3 pi.
III, 5 : imperat. 2 sg. IX,
54 : mild imperat. '^1%^, VIII,
21 : past 3 sg. IV, 46,
57: V, 36, 37: VII, 36, 47:
VIII, 7 : IX, 15, 40 : X, 38 : 3
pi. VIII, 8: IX, 53:
indecl. part. *^1%, II, 56 :
VI, 24 : verb, nonn gen.
VII, 17, 50 : see v'
III, 5.
\/ WT(^), indecl. part. V,
7.
^f%, I, 38.
/y/ pres. 3 sg. (forming dese-
derative compound)
VIII, 38: fut. 2. pi. II^
34.
X, 16 : see
f%f K, VII, 34.
f^Tf, VIII, 24.
IV, 33.
III, 4.
^^fx, V, 44.
<N
^TJ, X, 16.
^ past. 3 sg. II
54.
y/ indecl. part, III, 20.
^X, II, 43.
fern. IV, 41.
V, 3.
V, 41, 44.
X, 16.
IX, 66.
IV, 3 : IX, 5 : see
IX, 67.
11 W W
I, 28 : II, 13 : VIII, 37 : obi.
I, 29.
^ WIf , indecl. part. Wife, II, 19 :
V, 24, 46 : VI, 27 : Vll, 49 :
IX, 39, 45 J WT^r, IX, 36 : c/. ^
VIII, 37.
V, 47 : IX, 67.
wfl, VI, 48.
IV, 12.
W^T, IV, 7.
WT^, IV, 42.
V, 37.
IV, 35 : VII, 24.
y/ mild imperat. X, 36 :
of. a/ ^^tT.
* W, II, 39 : IX, 58.
.y/ past. 3 sg. VI, 47.
(deceit), V, 14 : IX, 33 : (was)
see >y/^W.
^ fl^^, past 3 sg. VIII,
3t.
-y/ pres. 3 sg. III, 6.
II, 3 : I, 10.
-v/w, conj. pres. 2 pi. wf%WT, II,
23 : past 3 sg. III, 11 : IX,
41 : obi. past part, (formmg jpass.
with a/ ^T) WW, VII, 12.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man^hodh^s Harihans,
49
pres. 3 sg. V,
43 : V, 61 : fnt. 3 sg.
IX, 26 : past. 3 sg. X, 13 :
fern. IV, 47 : indecl. part.
Wfl:, VIII, 26 : VIII, 11.
II, 37.
>v/ mild imperat. IV,
52 : cf. ^
VII, 30.
tvs, I, 2 : X, 50.
y/ t^, past. 3 pi. X, 49 :
cf. ^
II sr II
y' pres. 2 pi. III, 8 : 3 sg.
II, 46: III, 10: IV, 37:
V, 1, 16, 17, 28, 50, 60 : VI, 19,
38 : VIII, 1 : IX, 54 : X, 42, 52 :
3 pi. III, 2, 4 : pres. conj.
3 sg. II, 32 : imperat. 2 pi.
' I, 28 : IV, 56 : 3 pi.
X, 5 : past 3 sg. II, 14, 35,
44, 55, 59 : IV, 7, 18 : V, 32, 44,
51: VI, 9, 17: VII, 1, 10, 46,
54 : VIII, 20 : IX, 10, 40 : X,
32, 47 : (always at end of
line), I, 7, 10, 26: II, 39, 74:
III, 1 : IV, 8, 14, 21, 47, 58, 62 :
V, 15, 21, 31, 53 : VI, 5 : VII,
12, 54, 56 : IX, 44, 46, 60 : X,
37, 43 : fern. 3?!%, II, 48, 55 :
5l1%, I, 6: II, 28, 56: III, 19:
VII, 55 : 3 pi. 3I^T^, VI, 1 : VII,
52: VIII, 1: X, 50: indecl.
part, I, 34 : IV, 38 : V, 9,
34 : VI, 16 : VIII, 8, 16, 31, 34 :
IX, 22, 57 : sr?, VIII, 7 : IV,
27, 30: V, 8, 35: X, 29: verb,
nonn obi. VIII, 43.
II, 2, 52 : VIII, 32 : VII,
56 : VIII, 11 : IX, 14.
II, 40 : III, 1 : V, 21, 32,
45, 47 : VI, 37 : VII, 58 : VIII,
3.
I, 27 : II, 9.
^ WT3r, fnt. 3 sg. ^pirfT, I, 34 : past
part. II, 53.
^T3T, VI, 32 : VIII, 30.
^rr, III, 12 : VIII, 42 : X, 24.
W3r, VI, 1 : VII, 21.
^31^, X, 11.
gen. IX, 65.
III, 5.
Wlf, gen. V, 40.
W, I, 15 : II, 34 : IV, 57 : V, 30 :
VI, 28 : VII, 5, 35 : VIII, 36 :
IX, 62 : X, 42 : X, 11 :
VII, 33 : I, 23.
.y/ ^f<T, indecl. part, V, 49.
III, 10 ; WW, III, 2 :
X, 52. , [V, 33.
V, 25 : IX, 33 : gen.
IX, 62.
VI, 27: X, 20, 23, 44, 46.
orf^, II, 10. VIII, 28.
IX, 65: IX, 62:
I, 7 : II, 60 : IV, 15 : V, 10 :
IX, 16, 24, 50 : gen. IV,
61.
^ pres. 3 sg. WT^T, II, 9:3
pi. VI, 42 : mild imperat.
VIII, 46 : indecl. part.
^rf%, I, 18, 27: II, 16, 49: IV,
20, 34 : VIII, 45 : IX, 36, 54 :
X, 22, 35 ; verb, nonn instr.
for IV, 49.
60
G. A. Grierson — Index to Manlodlds IIa7'ihans. [Sp. No.
<v/^T(^), pres. 3 sg. IX,
17: past 3 sg. II, 63;
IV, 29 : VI, 26 : VIII, 44 : fern.
III, 18 : indecl. part.
VII, 27 : IX, 64.
IX, 57.
^ past 3 sg. II, 16,
37 : IV, 59 : perf. 3 sg.
I, 15, 37.
I, 2, 21, 23, 33 : II, 21 : V,
57 : VI, 18 : VII, 44, 58 : VIII,
21 : gen. II, 10.
(adv.) II, 53 : IV, 7, 8, 33,
59 : V, 38 : VII, 8, 20 : X, 17,
19, 40, 41 : see also
negative, II, 31, 34 : IX, 65 :
adv. = X, 45, 48.
x/ ^1?, fut. 2 plnr. VII, 4.
X, 7 : ^Rrf, VII, 51 : IX,
VII, 56. [55.
IV, 60.
III, 11.
II, 26 : IV, 18, 20, 28, 38, 47,
57 : VIII, 1, 6 : gen. sg.
VIII, 4.
^ indecl. part, IV, 21.
X, 1, 8, 33.
IV, 22 : VII, 12 : VIII, 2 :
loc. sg. IV, 42 ;
III, 19 : VII, 22 ; IX, 19 :
f^fV, X, 14.
IV, 1.
I, 33 : II, 27, 48, 55, 62 :
III, 5, 15, 17 : IV, 32 :
II, 40 : IV, 31, 59.
IX, 32.
pres. part,
VIII, 43: IX, 18: ubl. verb,
noun II, 8.
IV, 1.
V, 49 : see
\/ f^nr, indecl. part.
IV, 44 : ^fcf, VII, 46.
f^, V, 13.
€tfH, V, 13 : IX, 29.
II, 4, 6, 9 : IX, 41 : gen.
III, 5 : see
IV, 61.
VII, 2,
WJT, VI, 5.
^Jifn, III, II.
-v/ pres. 3 sg. T^, IX, 37 :
past. 3 sg. I, 22.
'v/ past. 3 sg. 1, 15 : V,
19 : see ^ a/
^ indecl. part, X, 34 :
see V \/
VI, 2.
IV, 42 : VII, 16 : VIII,
"*47 : X, 31, 54 : ^h, X, 40 :
3^, X, 32 : gen. X, 26.
I, 25.'
^ oW, indecl part. IV, 25.
i^, snbst. nom. or der. adj., I, 23,
34 : II, 3, 4, 9, 29, 33, 37 : IV,
37, 60 : V, 13, 60 : VI, 39, 40 :
VII, 33, 60 : IX, 7 : X, 4, 10,
46, 47, 50, 52 : ^T, II, 28 : snbst.
acc. VI, 18 : VII, 14 : X, 3 :
snbst. obi. sing. ^rf%, IV, 13 : IX,
41: (dat.), V, 24 : I,
1: adj. obi. II, 21: VI,
17 : inst. sg. W, I, 23 : VI, 17 :
IX, 42 : gen. sg. VII,
38 : VIII, 30 : IX, 66 : nom. pi.
II, 53 : VI, 47 : gen. pi.
VI, 45: V, 43;
VI, 46.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man^bodJds Ilarihans.
51
conj., VI, 37 : IX, 59 : 5T, X,
32.
YIII, 22 : YII, 48.
I, 32 : III, 17 : Y, 55 : YII,
3 : YIII, 46 : IX, 7 : X, 30.
X, 39.
IX, 65.
lY, 55: YIII, 43.
gen. VII, 43.
oilJi, II, 27 : #T3I, I, 27 : II, 15,
-v/ ^T3TT^, pres. 3 sg. ^RT^, IX, 37,
IX, 1, 8.
X, 32 : instr. X, 32,
^[f?r, Y, 51: YII, 21.*
^ ^TT, indecl. part, ^ifr, II, 8^
18: YIII, 32,
11 11
YI, 20 : YIII, 35.
indecl. part. YII,
59.
n, 17.
vfi-z, Y, 61 : YII, 2 : IX, 39.
Y, 3, 10.
^ past 3 sg. YI, 11.
il, 22.
III, 14.
iffR, pres. 3 sg. I, 13 : Y, 38 :
YII, 34 : indecl. part. 3, 19.
-v/ past 3 pi. X,
17 : indecl. part, IX, 39'3,
49.
Y, 38.
past 3 sg. IX, 14:
X, 20.
\/ past 3 pi.
IX, 11.
pres. 3 sg. -jfhi, VII, 3.
^ WVR, obi. verb, nonn Xj
53 : see J J
11
^ ^efi, indecl. part. II, 57.
z^, TV, 33.
II, 59.
zfii, III, 7.
SJI, YII, 3.
^ indecl. part. V,
n
x/ 3^, past 3 sg. 3^, Y, 17.
x/ 3Tf , pres. 3 sg. STf , II, 6 : Y,
43 : IX, 21 : indecl. part. 31%,
11
40: YIII, 10.
x/ 3^, past 3 sg. 33^, II, 40, 59.
x/ 3^, indecl. part. 3%, II, 3,
x/ 3^, indecl. part. 3%, II, 58.
3^W 3^, Y, 12.
11
lY, 1 : YII, 43, 52 : YIII, 20 :
IX, 19.
3Tf , lY, 44 : IX, 8.
52
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man'bodJds Ilarihans. [Sp. No.
3^^, Y, 37 : obi. V, 37.
3m, II, 45 : III, 2 : IV, 5, 6, 54,
56 : V, 54 : YI, 13 : YIII, 4 : IX,
4, 62 : X, 5 : loc. 3mf?, Y, 41,
54 : YIII, 4 : - 3mfi Y, 43 :
II
^ ^73, indecl. part. ^Tf3, YI, 10.
^ ^tf, indecl. part, ^tf^, YI, 27.
past 3 sg. fern, YII,
53.' ’ [IX, 24.
I, 5 : lY, 54 : Y, 48 : YII, 14 :
^ verb, noun YI, 48.
.y/ pres. 3 pi. YII, 14.
II
y/ 3T, past 3 sg. 3?:^, Y, 29 : IX,
20.
^ ^T(3), indecl. part. IX,
67.
3?TT3i:, IX, 3.
y/ 3^TT, indecl. part. 33TT;5, IX, 28,
y/ 3^, IX, 29 : 3^3, II, 44 : YI,
12.
313, II, 33.
II
YII, 51.
YI, 23.
y/ pres. part. 335^, YII, 18 ;
indecl. part. YIII, 2.
im^, II, 45.
%TfT, III, 16.
YII, 17.
II
3T^, X, 48.
y/ 3T3, past part. 3T^^, YI, 48.
tft, IX, 3.
II cT II
#, YII, 43.
Wr, YII, 52 : see rrm.
y/ 3T^, pres. 3 sg. WT^, lY, 33 :
verb, noun (with emph. ^T,)
?r^T, VIII, 38 : obi. 3^T, III,
6 : dat. 3T^f%, lY, 6. [12.
y/ 3^13, indecl . part. 3^Tpf, YI,
3^, I, 26, 27 : II, 21, 35, 49 : lY,
41, 58 Y, 11, 15, 19, 22, 29,
34, 46, 59 : YI, 26, 29 : YII, 12,
30, 57 : VIII, 3, 5, 44 : IX, 25,
61, 64 : gen. 3'^3^, II, 26, 42.
3m, II, 23.
y/ 3^, indecl. part. 3f^, X, 5,
38 : see y/ 3^.
?r3, I, 15 : X, 42 : 33f%, X, 52 :
33^, I, 7 : 33^1^, lY, 57 ; YI,
34.
3T3, IX, 54, 57 : X, 2.
33, I, 13.
33P, II, 9 : lY, 33 : YI, 33 : IX,
21.
3f^, Y, 61.
?T3, Y, 23.
3m, IX, 27 : X, 7 r see 31.
y/ 3T, indecl. part. 3f^, Y, 60.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — hal^x to Maiohodlis IlariTjans.
53
ITK, (1) II, 44 : V, 60 : see TT^.
rix, (2) V, 1, 5.
?TTT, V, 3, 8, 11 : gen. 7fTT3lf, II, 53 :
V, 2, 10.
VII, 3 : gen. rTT^cff, II, 47.
?{% I, II : II, 7, 52, 53 : III, 12,
14 : lY, 23 : gen. III, 13.
rT^^T, lY, 21 : Y, 52, 56.
?r^, X, 14 : see rfT.
IX, 28, 38, 43.
<T^, (1), III, 19 : see (1).
WW, (2), IV, 38 : VI, 23 : see wf ,
(2), »rif%.
?rf, (I), IX, 19 : see WW, (1).
(2), V, 39 : see (2), rflf?.
y fRT, II, 30 ; IV, 43.
III, 7; seecT?, (2), (3).
frf*r, V, 10 : VII, 32 ; IX, 6 : itsf,
IV, 36.
V, 51.
fK, (bank) I, 10 : II, 3 : (arrow)
IV, 12 : -fiTT, VIII, I : gen. sg.
IY, 21.
YII, 17 : IV, 35.
I, 28 : see
gtxfr, IY, 47 : see ^Ts{,
YII, 22.
past. 3 sg. II, 5 :
fern. II, 49.
pres. 3 sg. tw, YII, 40:
past. 3 pi. YIII, 12 :
II ^
^ indecl. part. YI, 12.
v/ past. 3 sg. YIII, 3.
v/ indecl. part. I, 13.
fern. ^Tf%, II, 26.
V' pres. 3 sg. f^, II; 9 : Y;
H H
indecl. past, III, 13 : see
<r^.
^ rfWT, past. 3 sg. IY,
25 : Y, 6.
II, 43.
I, 32 : YII, 15, 60 : YIII,
46 : IX, 7.
X, 23.
X, 39.
tiw, IX, 43, 44.
^ mild imperat. III,
7 : indecl. part, ^rf^, YIII, 32.
./ ^Tf^rr, YI, 22, 39 : YIII, 6, 21 :
IX, 54 : see
%f, II, 23 ; VII, 26 : VIII, 4 : see
rTT.
%f^, nom. wH, I, 33 : I, 28,
33: IV, 56: VIII, 9; wrl',
VIII, 40 : ^lf%, I, 36 : VI,
22: tf, VI, 35, 49: wf, III,
8 : acc. cTT^ , I, 33, 35 :
VI, 27: tif?, I, 37: gen. sg.
dir. mx, II, 37. WRT, II, 4, 5 :
IY, 56 : gw, YI, 30 : YIII,
23 : fern. YII, 39 : ^TT, I,
38.
rrf, III, 7 : YII, 44 : see %t.
IX, 59.
Wrf%, (Skr.) Y, 42 : YII, 5.
f^cT, IY, 21, 60 : YI, 34.
I, 1.
V, 27.
12 : YII, 51 : I, 4 : YII, 3,
25 : 3 pi. f^T^, Y, 58.
X, 44.
^TT, VI, 40.
54
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man’bodVs Ilarihans. [Sp.
II
^T^T, IX, 35, 36.
^trr, IV, 27 : VII, 7 : see
VI, 38 : see
IV, 48 : VI, 41 : VIII, 1, 5,
6, 9.
I, 28.
IX, 13, 15 : see ^fcT.
^ indecl. part, VI, 9.
IV, 24, 50 : IX, 30, 43 : see
4/ indecl. part. IX, 22.
IV, 60 : VI, 18.
IV, 37.
X, 15.
>v/ indecl. part. VII,
6.
VI, 43 : X, 13.
VII, 6 : IX, 48 :>ee
VII, 9.
X, 27.
^T^iT, V, 41.
IV, 29 : see
V, 37 : VII, 40.
V, 15 : X, 12.
VII, 21.
\/ ^3 past. 3 sg. II, 34.
(1) VIII, 4.
(2) obi. ^T, VI, 8.
VII, 47, 48 : III, 4 : see
II, 54 : V, 58 : IX, 35, 44 :
tt, IX, 9.
^%T, see (2).
II, 22.
I, 20 : II, 5, 48, 55 : IV, 1,
7,11, 18,36: V,1, 12,21,49,53,
54, 56 ; VI, 3, 16, 19, 20, 35, 38,
^ II
41 : VII, 1, 32 : VIII, 40 : IX,
58 : X, 12, 40 : abl. VI,
19 : VII, 8 : X, 13.
gen. sg. II, 20 : IX, 68.
III, 1 : V, 21, 49, 52 : VI,
18 : VII, 60.
f^, VIII, 17.
f^, VI, 8 : X, 43 : fN, X, 12.
VII, 19 : II, 45 :
X, 46 ; see f T^IT, ^FT.
II, 20 : III, 10 : IV, 34 : V,
10, 27 : VI, 4 : VII, 11 : VIII,
27 : IX, 6 : X, 1, 40.
IV, 29, 64.
VI, 21.
II, 50, 51 : VI, 38 : VII, 47 :
IX, 20.
^fir, X, 27.
I, 13 : fem. VIII, 25 ;
IX, 55.
(interj.) I, 38.
VII, 19 : VIII, 7, 8 : IX,
47, 57 : VII, 27 : IX, 69.
IV, 19.
II, 26.
^4ffr, VI, 29.
X, 30 : fem. ^1%, IX, 33.
I, 13 : IV, 11, 14, 23 : V, 1 :
VI, 27 : VII, 24, 28 : VIII, 8,
34.
X, 2 : VIII, 42.
pres. 1 sg. f^, VII, 43 : 3
sg. fw, II, 43 : VIII, 18 : IX, 34 :
pres. 3 pi. IX, 36 : imperafc.
2 sg. VIII, 10 : VI, 22 :
2 pi. I, 18 : II, 8 : f^,
IV, 48 : V, 24 : fnt. 1 sg.
1884i.] G. A. Grierson — Index to Mmlhodli s Harihans.
55
II, 34: VI, 31 : VIII, 41 : 1 pi.
t^, II, 34 : 2 pi. I, 29, ^ I,
30 : II, 36 : 3 sg. ^ft, II, 19, 37 :
^tl, V, 33 : past 8 sg. II,
24,58: III, 13, : IV, 44: V,46,
54: VI, 37, 48: VII, 49: IX,
39, 56 : X, 38 : I, 19 : II,
3, 13: VIII, 13, 26, 32: IX, 29,
46, 53 : X, 8, 28 : fern. H,
28: 3 pi. II, 4.3, 50: in-
decl. part. IX, 36, 43, 46 :
^5, VIII, 19: t, II, 19, 54: V,
14, 31, 61 : VIII, 24, 32 : t
II, 12.
pres. 1 III, 16 : conj.
pres. 1 pi. VII, 51 : 3 sg.
VII, 26 : fut. 2 pi.
II, 32 : IX, 55 : 3 sg. IV,
55: fern, VII, 58: past
3 sg. I, II : VII, 19: VIII,
2: tW, VII, 19, 20: VIII,
4 : 3 pi. VIII, 8, 15, 29,
II, 53 : indecl. part.
II, 17: III, 15: IV, 19,
30, 40, 45 : V, 4, 20, 45 : VI, 1 :
VII, 8, 27: VIII, 14, 18, 20,35:
IX, 14, 21, 37, 43, 48 : X, 20 :
VI, 9: IX, 1, 20: pres,
part VIII, 28 : adv. part.
II, 61 : VII, 26,
past. 3 sg. VII, 7 :
indecl. part. IX, 48 : obi.
verb. nonn. VII, 6.
I, 9 : V, 25, 55 : gen. sg.
VII, 15 : I, 8.
II, 36 : IX, 19 : I, 21,
29, 30: II, 4, 6, 17, 18: IX,
60.
VI, 31 : VIII, 41 : X, 10.
VIII, 20, 21, 23.
IX, 6.
VIII, 36 : see
II, 36 : IV, 52.
^TJT, II, 55.
^ IX, 6.
VII, 25, 37: X, 29:
X, 33.
It, IX, 9 : see
pres. 3 sg. VI, 8 :
past 3 sg.
III, 13 : IV, 24, 31 : V, 20 :
VII, 8: IX, 48: indecl. part.
VII, 6.
X, 37.
1%^, X, 22.
VIII, 17.
IX, 63.
III, 3 : VIII, 45 : IX, 11 :
X, 18 : see
i) ^ i)
II, 40 : IV, 15, 61 : VI, 28 : VIII, 31, 35 : '^^T, VI, 32.
IX, 16. VI, 44 : X, 13 : see
VI, 44 : VIII, 16 : see '5^^. V, 14.
V, 6, 8. y pres. sg. I, 5 : 3 pi.
W, VIII, 30. IX, 37 : coiij. pres. 3 pi.
G. A. Grierson — Index to Mardhodld s Ilarihans.
[Sp.
5G
IV, 43 : fut. 1 sg.
VI, 45 : 2 pi. I, 20 :
VIII, 45 : past. 3 sg.
VII, 37: w, III, 20 : IV, 41 :
V, 4, 10, 47 : VI, 18 : VII, 29 :
IX, 3, 49 : IV, 27 : VII,
3 : imperat. 2 sg. V, 6 :
mild imperat. II, 10 : IV,
53 : IX, 2 : indecl. part, vfx, I,
10 : II, 38 : III, 3 : V, 8, 26 :
VI, 12: VIII, 18: VT, IX,
36: II, 32: VI, 11, 47:
VII, 28: ■§, I, 6: V, 10, 54:
VII, 1 : obi. verb, nonn, III,
4 : past part, IX, 56. [19.
III, 19 : V, 54 : VII, 22 : IX,
I, 14, 19 : IV, 32 : VII, 10 :
I, 6, 9, 12, 20 : VI, 45 :
gen. sg. I, 7.
If
5r, II, 36, 38, 41 : III, 11, 14 : IV,
17, 20, 33,35, 54,56 : V, 3: VI,
9,32 : All, 4, 22: VIII, 24, 25:
IX, 27, 45 : X, 3, 7, 11, 14, 53.
I, 13 : II, 41 : III, 15, 19 :
IX, 17, 19.
IX, 40.
V" pres. 3 sg. VIII,
47.
I, 25.
^TT^I, IV, 51 : V, 56 : fern,
IV, 48.
VII, 59 : VIII, 28, 47 : gen.
sg. X, 18 : fern. st. f.,
IV, 8 : see •f’T.
cfRT, fern. IV, 15 : IX, 16.
X, 32, 46 : see
^ indecl. part. VTip, IX, 67.
W, I, 25 : see
past 3 sg. II, 60 :
lY, 30 : indecl. part. t:fTp, II, 50 :
III, 17 : IV, 22, 32 : VII, 27 :
X, 2.
X, 25.
VII, 10.
I, 10 : III, 21.
III, 17.
V, 5.
I, 19, 20 : IX, 63 : X, 3, 8.
Vtfsr, VIII, 8, 11 : VIII, 10 :
VIII, 11, 14: fem.
VIII, 10: -iirftf*!, VIII,
12.
fH3l, IV, 37.
fkfw, VI, 15,
B
^rirxT, X, 18.
II, 42 : see
-x/ pres. 3 sg. iTT^, II, 45 :
3 pi. IV, 10 : adv. part.
II, 46.
II, 47 : IV, 46 : IX, 6.
IX, 39.
>v/ indecl. part, ^T^p, X, 38.
srm, 1, 18 : II, 20 : Ili, 11 : IV,
18 : VII, 28 : IX, 13, 30, 68.
STF^, II, 52 : VI, 10.
^TT^T, V, 28.
IV^ 16.
II, 49, 54 : III, 13 : IV, 11,
13, 31, 33, 45, 59 : V, 23 : VI,
27: VII, 19,45,48: IX, 11, 56:
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man^hodJds Haribans.
57
IV, 1 : gen. sg.
5nr, VII, 22 : IX, 17.
•rm, I, 17 : V, 12, 36, 43, 54 : YII,
37 ; IX, 48, 69.
IV, 48.
•rr, IX, 22.
^TTT^, II, 2, 19, 29 : VI, 15 : VII,
13, 17.
X, 38.
IX, 23.
■suTx, II, 30 : VI, 4 : VIT, 33 : X, 1.
X, 10 : gen. sg. VIII,
19.
VII, 23, 40.
•r^, indecl. part. VIII, 1.
•f1%, VII, 18 : I, 2, 4, 7 : II,
9, 32, 44, 60: III, 2, 16: IV,
5, 9, 17, 22, 26, 28, 31, 39 : V,
39, 42, 51, 52, 59: VI, 33:
VII, 14, 25, 34, 35, 37, 45, 48,
49, 50, 56 : VIII, 18, 33, 34,
43, 46 : IX, 20, 24, 26, 32, 54,
55 : X, 11, 13, 14, 44, 50. See
•rTl%, III, 7.
IV, 8 : IX, 3 : I, 4 :
VII, 25.
tW, II, 57 : VII, 23 : X, 18.
f^, II, 30, 35, 62 : VI, 33.
V, 61.
fiT^, I, 27 : II, 15 : 1^^, II, 27,
40.
f^ir, IX, 30.
V, 13.
\/ indecl. part. f^Tf%, II,
25.
x/ IV, 56 : see
V, 47.
x/ indecl. part. IX, 17.
I, 38.
VIII, 39.
V, 35.
II, 7.
I, 3 : see f^T^.
f^TT^, X, 51.
II, 12 : III, 9.
IV, 3 : VI, 5.
IX, 2. ^
X, 42 : X,'32 : see ?r, ^rfl,
abl. sg. IV, 12.
X, 9.
V, 40, 50 : III, 17.
VIII, 20 : IX, 17.
«r, X, 4 : see
^TT, I, 13 : II, 41 : IX, 52.
x/ ^T, past 3 sg. III,
15 : fem. V, 45.
.y/^Trf, indecl. part. %f^, VI, 32,
^tfr, VII, 31.
V, 28.
IV, 45, 62.
f^q-, V, 36 : X, 8, 46.
VI, 21 : X, 15, 34.
II ^ II
qpf, (but), VIII, 22 : see^. II, 33.
x/^J^, past 3 pi. III, 6. ^tf^, VII, 23.
Vifw, IX, 40. X, 48.
58
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man'hodli s Harihans.
[Sp. No.
qjl, V, 29.
.v/ pres. 3 pi. VII, 14.
IX, 50.
II, 22 : IV, 20 : IX, 44.
qr^, see qiW.
Vj
q^T, IX, 23, 38 : loc. qi^f^,
IX, 30.
qWIf , indecl. part. qi^f%, IX, 39,
45.
qiW, VI, 10 : IX, 29 : obi. q^, I,
39 : qm, I, 9.
qW^TT, VII, 51.
qtsr, III, 9.
q^, IV, 4.
q^, IX, 39.
x/ qr^, indecl. part, qif^, V, 39 :
VII, 10.
^ q^% fut. 2 pi. q^q, II, 32 :
3 sg. q^rf, I, 35 : past 2 pi.
q^qf^q, I, 37.
VIII, 13.
q^fq, indecl. part. q^T;^, VI, 37.
\/ q^, see q^.
y' q^, fnt. 3 sg. q^q, IV, 60 : in¬
decl. part, qf^, II, 54.
qiq, II, 14 : V, 52.
qqrqr, I, 28.
qfq, II, 24 : IV, 13, 52 : V, 24, 32.
VI, 41 : VIII, I, 5, 6 : X, 43,
55.
qqr, I, 35 : see qmT.
qiqr, II, 32 : V, 35, 41 : see qq?:.
qq, I, 5 : IX, 57.
q^fqfq, VI, 2.
qrq, (drinking), X, 7 :] (betel), X,
29.
qifq, I, 18, 27 : IV, 20, 28, 35, 48 :
VII, 31 : IX, 25 : X, 7.
y' qfqqi, verb. noun. obi. qfqqrp,
V, 2.
q^qq, X, 54.
qqq, I, 24 : VII, 56 : IX, 44.
qqm, III, 20 : IX, 20.
v/ qq, qf , pres. 3 sg. qf^, IV, 38 :
qq, II, 6 : pi. qqfq, X, 5 :
imperat. 3 sg. q^, past 3 sg.
qfqr, X, 41 : q^^, II, 22 : IX,
14, 63 : X, 20 : pi. q^qfpq, VIII,
22 : qrqrqff^, VII, 27 : indecl.
part. qGc, IX, 60.
qq, (another), VI, 15.
qq, (upon), IX, 39.
y' qqr, indecl. part. qTT^, III, 8 :
X, 38.
y/ qiT, pres. 3 sg. qiT, I, 16 : II,
11, 42 : VIII, 24, 37 : X, 6, 19.
qPT, VIII, 6.
qqqrr^, VIII, 37.
qw^, IX, 5.
y' qqqrq, indecl. part, qq^lfr, III,
12 : IX, 22.
qqflfq, III, 18.
qTTq, II, 9, 51 : see qiq.
qTqm, IV, 57 : IX, 57, 62.
qrrqq, fem. qqiqfq, X, I.
qqqq, IV, 26 : V, 26, 29, 48 : VI,
8, 37.
qqq, VII, 52 : see qq.
qqq, I, 31 : III, 18 IV, 25, 42 :
V, 6 : VIII, 6 : IX, 23, 30, 63 :
X, 30.
qr^p, IV, 10 : V, 39.
q^^^, V, 14; Ig. form, qqqn^,
V, 19,
qqq^, V, 20 : qrq^T, V, 55.
qqqqfq, VII, 57.
qT^, VII, 16.
q^^rq, VI, 39.
qTqTT,II, 15.
qlT, I, 3, 23 : VI, 5, 17 : VII, 46 ;
IX, 38, 42, 49 ; X, 54.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man'hodV s Harihans.
59
IX, 26.
YIII, 18.
I, 15 : IV, 3.
VII, 42.
indecl. part, VI,
31 : VIII, 41.
past. 3 sg. VIII,
33.
xrtx^, IV, 26.
^f^, I, 2.
TTT^, II, 13 : X, 9.
>y/ TTl^, pres. I sg. V, 42 : 3
sg. VIII, 46 : XTT^, X, 52 :
fnt. I sg. VI, 28 : VII,
16 : 2 pi. I, 38 : 3 sg.
VIII, 43 : past 3 sg. II,
63 : III, 9 : IV, 29 : V, 59 : pi.
^Nrf^, V, 30 : indecl. part.
V, 9, II : VIII, 39 : X, 44.
\/ Wrx, indecl. part, II,
24.
II, 22 : IV, 20.
IX, 5.
^X, I, 23.
VI, 17.
-v/ indecl. part, VIII,
19.
xrf^^, obi. VI, 21 : obi.
V, 5.
\/ pres. I sg. q^rf^qr, IX, 55 :
past 3 sg. q^^^, IV, 32 : V, 2 :
X, 51 : q^^, VII, I, 18 : fern,
qi^, III, 17 : X, 2 : imperat.
2 pi. V, 48.
q^lfq, VIII, 37.
v/ ?t, pres. 3 sg. fqq, IV, 20 : past
3 sg. fq^^, II, 51.
\/ fq^(q), indecl. part, fqqfip, 11,
50.
fr^T, VII, 21 : fq^x, VIII, 13 :
fern. fNfK, VII, 55.
fWTT, II, I : VIII, 9.
fq%, VII, 13 : VII, 51.
fxpf, VIII, 45 : %, VI, 35 : IX,
14.
fqrfxc, V, 9.
fqqjq, IX, 31.
qqrrx, X, 16.
y/ qw, pres. 3 sg: q^, VIII, 18 :
pi. VII, 44 : past 3
sg. q^^, VII, 28 : pi. qw^f^,
V, 22 : VIII, 30 : adv. part.
qfWrlf^, VIII, 31.
\»
^ q^, past 3 sg. q^qf, V, 28 : in-
decl. part, qf^, V, 25.
q^, V, 24 : q^, V, 21, 23 : q^T,
\J v»
V, 27.
q^*r, V, 24.
III, 8 : x^, X, 4.
q?T^. II, 30, 49 : V, 56.
qf^, X, 51 : X, 49 : q^, I, 4,
5, 32 : II, 46 : III, 1 : 'iV, 27 :
V, 8, 59 : VII, 16 : VIII, 24,
38 : IX, 25, 37, 38, 49, 53, 55,
61, 70.
q^q, gen. sg. q^qqf, VIII, 17.
qx, pres. 3 sg. qx, VII, 24 :
past 3 sg. xrx^, IV, 39.
qx, (city), I, 6: IV, 3 : V, 60:
IX, 19.
q^, (full), I, 15 : VI, 43.
qXT^, I, 31.
qXT^, V, 17.
q^, VII, 20.
qxq, IX, 60 : gen. VII,
49.
qft, IV, 8.
q^xi, I, 31 : V, 17.
vj
60
G. A. Grierson — Index to MatuhodJi s Ilarihans.
[Sp. No.
II, 51.
X, 21 : see
It, IV, 44 : VII, 27, 38 : IX, 60 :
IX, 29 : instr. pi. VIII,
7 : IX, 63.
pres. conj. 1 sg. IV,
22 : past 3 sg. II, 50.
IV, 52.
tmt, IV, 12.
tw, VI, 23.
IV, 43 : VI, 24, 36.
// pres. 1 sg. 1, 1.
II ^
xuT^r, indecl. part. V, 44 :
VII, 10.
IV, 46 : xtf^TT, II, 24.
IV, 19, 26, 43, 44, 46.
X, 41.
II, 24.
past 3 sg. IX, 63.
indecl. part, VI, 46.
VII, 47.
w, I, 38 : III, 16 : V, 9 : X, 52.
^ indecl. part. IX, 46.
fx?rT, fnt. 3 sg. VII, 39 :
past 3 sg. VIII, 28 : X,
55 : pres. part. f%TI7T, VIII, 23 :
indecl. part, f^fc, VII, 54 : X,
47.
^ past 3 sg. VII, 34.
past 3 sg. II, 59 : X, 13.
VII, 50.
VII, 47.
f. VII, 55.
IV, 33.
II, 42 : VII, 46 : VIII, 47 :
loc. sg. , VI, 31 : VIII, 41.
VII, 57 : VIII, 14.
VIII, 40.
IV, 35 : IX, 46, 59, see
VIII, 19.
II, 16, 21, 57 : IV, 50 : VIII,
7, 25 : see
'j
Wl*, I, 39.
VI, 25.
itf^. III, 18.
^TR, VII, 27, 49.
II
VIII, 23.
IV, 26.
X, 20.
pres. 3 sg. VII, 37 : past
^ 3 sg. IVr39 : VIII, 33.
W, VI, "*2 : VII, 22 : w, VIII,
C\ v.*
18.
^ indecl. part. 58 :
adv. part, V, 6 : obi.
verb. nonn. VI, 10.
y^ indecl. part, I, 14 :
VII, 50 : X, 53, 54.
^ W, pres. 3 sg. W, VIII, 5.
y/ -^T, past 3 sg. II, 36 :
IV, 42 : indecl. part,
III, 18.
X, 12, 47.
W II
II, 59.
II, 59.
VII, 4.
IX, 36.
II
1^84.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Mmi^hodli s Ilarihans.
61
IV, 7.
II, 18 : V, 26.
w, n, 12.
m[', X, 9, 39.
\/ pres. 3 sg. IX, 9 : fnt.
3 sg. IX, 59 : past 3 sg.
IX, 50 : X, 43.
YIII, 3 : IX, 25 : X, 26, 37.
IV, 14.
^ pres. 3 sg. IX, 24 :
X, 27 : pres. part. fern. I,
13.
5fT^, (a falcon), V, 38 : VIII, II :
X, 17 : (abstaining) I, 17 : (mu¬
sical instruments) pi. ^TafiT, IX,
6.
rV, 44 : V, 35 : gen. sg.
V, 41.
\/ qaiTi., indecl. part, IV, 24.
x/ WWTW, past 3 sg. I, 27 :
VI, 26 : VIII, 44 : indecl. part.
IV, II : V, 34 : VI, 22 :
VIII, 39.
III, 14 : VIII, 12 : loc. Sg.
VIII, 12.
x/ indecl. part, ^tf^, VI, 31 :
VIII, 41.
V indecl. part. X, 51.
V, 38 : X, 17.
x/ fnt. 3 pi. ^^TcTT^, X, 49,
past 3 sg. X, 8.
IX, 10.
I, 2 : II, 25, 33, 39, 60 : IV,
24, 29, 49 : V, 56 : VI, 6 : VII,
16 : VIII, 38 : IX, 8, 33, 58 :
X, 27 : V, 15 : fern.
II, 30 : IX, 38 : VII, 9 :
obi. ^%, IV, 15, 29 : obi.
IX, 16.
x/ past 3 sg. VI,
24 : indecl. part. H? 52.
, V, 24.
pres. 3 sg. '^T^, IX, 1 : past
3 sg. V, 15 : VI, 19 : in¬
decl. part, IV, 1 : VI, 23 :
VII, 52: viil, 20: IX, 19:
verb. noun. loc. VI, 38.
VI, 38.
pres. 3 sg. II,
41.
^rf, IV, 20, 60 : VI, 34, 40.
V, 52.
W^T, VI, 25.
VII, 26 : IX, 21.
I, 33 : II, 27 : VI, 17.
x/ indecl. part. III, 4.
I, 10.
verb, noun obi. IV,
49.
VII, 31 : IX, 70.
IV, 49 : IX, 58.
IV, 34.
VII, 32.
x/ fnt. 3 sg. '^rf, I, 32 : X,
30 : past 3 sg. VII, 15 :
IX, I, 4, 42 : X, 25.
V, I, 5, 26.
X, 45, 52.
y'' fnt. I sg. I, 32.
indecl. part. VI, 16 : VIII,
22 : verb. noun. gen. IX,
7.
II, 5 : IV, 48 : X, 35 : ^p?t,
IV, 41.
III, 13.
II, 10, 13.
II, 20 : IV, 55 : IX, 68.
V, 20: gen. II, 37 :
6*2
G. A. Grierson — Index io ManlodJd s Ilarihans.
[Sp. ^s'o.
loc. VIII, 5.
IX, 62.
y pres. 3 sg. II, 38 :
IX, 34 : past 3 sg. IV,
27 : pi. III, 8 : indecl.
part.
WTf^, II, 10.
, III, 18 : IV, 42 : IX, 64.
IV, 37.
^xfi, IX, 14 : X, 20.
x/ indecl. part. ^Tf%, VII, 7.
IV, 12.
VI, 13 : IX, 29.
VII, 25.
(excellent), V, 25, 47, 50 : VI,
35 : IX, 15 : X, 31.
(a boon), V, 31 : VIII, 19.
IV, 9 : VI, 49 : V, 39.
VI, 9.
>v/ pres. 3 sg. I, 1 : conj.
pres. 1 sg. A^I, 49 : fnt.
1 sg. V, 39 : past 3 sg.
III, 21 : verb, nonn obi.
^X^T^, I, 16 : VIII, 48.
VII, 11.
VII, 19.
X, 24.
XJX^JX, IV, 4.
IX, 15.
x/ indecl. part. III, 19 :
see x/
III, 14 : VI, 49.
IX, 63.
I, 8, 9 : IV, 13.
see
^Tf^, II, 2*4 : VII, 49.
>v/ pres. 3 sg. IX, 19 :
II, 24 : see x/
II, 8, 10 : III, 13 : X, 6.
^31, X, 28.
1, 1, 35 : IV, 50 : V, 14, 19, 20 :
VI, 7, 12, 33 : VIII, 31 : IX, 23,
30, 43 : gen. X, 39 : instr.
IV, 42 : V, 8.
I, 28 : II, 4 : III, 21.
V, 7.
II, 8, 13, 14, 31, 33 : VI, 20.
IX, 33.
VI, 47.
IX, 35.
x/ past 3 sg. VII, 17.
x/ pres. 3 sg. I, 21 : past
3 sg. VIII, 14 : imperat. 1
pi. IV, 5 : indecl. part.
II, 13 : V, 58.
VI, 7.
I, 36 : IV, 5, 61 : VI, 3.
VII, 21 : VIII, 9, 13.
II, 18 : VI, 17 : I,
21, 33 : II, 8, 11, 36 : VI, 29 :
IX, 21, 61 : gen. II, 25:
VI, 33 : IX, 63.
W, V, 30.
'J
past. 3 sg. X, 47 : in¬
decl. part. IV, 47.
XIXX, V, 53 : VII, 55 : X, 28.
x/ pres. 3 pi. WXXJf^, HI, 2 :
past 3 sg. X, 12.
^Tf%, IV, 24 : VII, 9 : IX, 32 :
see
II, 38.
II, 38.
IX, 51.
VII, 8 : see ^tf%.
IX, 35.
I, 19 : II, 1, 52 : IV, 16, 47,
54 : VI, 24 : IX, 40, 61 : X, 2.
II, 57.
183i.]
G . A. Grierson — Index to Man^bodJds Ilarihans.
63
II, 50 : IV, 53 : gen. sg.
IV, 21 : IV, 20.
f^T, IX, 40.
f^, VI, 4 : VII, 20 : loc. f^f%,
IX, 49.
v' pres. 3 sg. VIII,
24 : indecl. part, IV, 2 :
V, 5 : IX, 25.
II, II : IV, 4, 19 : VIII, 6.
y past 3 sg. X, 39,
44.
>v/ indecl. part, VIII, 13.
ftfw, X, 52.
ftw, pres. 3 sg. fta, IV, 10:
pres. conj. 3 sg. f%7T, VI, 49 : in¬
decl. part. f%fw. III, I : V, 21 :
VI, 5 : frfH, VII, 46.
i^^T, IX, 56.
VIII, 42 : X, 24.
fwVTfTT, II, 12, 36.
f%fV, gen. f%fw, II, 55.
X, 47.
VII, 13 : IX, 64.
f^fer, II, 8.
f^, IV, 36, 37, 45, 49 : VII, 59 :
IX, 8 : III, 6.
X, 14.
X, 28.
fkX, X, 51 : fr^, VIII, 28 : X, 25,
26.
VI, 26 : VIII, 44.
gen. VII, 53.
IV, 42.
-v/ indecl. past, X, 32.
VII, 34.
VI, 32 : IX, 2.
IV, 61.
fk^, VIII, 32.
X, 12.
v/ fnt. 3 sg. IV, 55.
II, 2.
x/ indecl. part. V, 57.
IX, 46.
III, 14.
\/ indecl. part. II, 3.
V' pres. 3 sg. X, 4 :
IV, 6 : VIII, 48 : past 3 sg.
JW, V, 19: VIII, 35:
V, 51 : pi. II, 12 : in¬
decl. part, I, 25 : VII, 29 :
VIII, 3, 17^26, 47: IX, 61.
V, 22 : q-S -qs, X, 16 : gen.
pi. IX, 1.
w?f, X, 4.
e\ ’
V, 44.
fern. I, 6.
-v/ pres. 3 sg. II,
46 : indecl. part, f X, 2.
gen. sg. VIII, 27.
iw, X, 16.
ifrrWT, X, 10.
VI, 45.
y/ tw, pres. conj. 2 pi. II,
23.
^fK, I, 29 : II, 21 : III, 2, 4, 6 :
V, 57 : IX, 34 : m, VII, 50 :
X, 54.
loc. IV, 61.
X, 2.
IV, 55 : VI, 29 : X, 7.
y/ pres. I sg. IV, 22 :
past 3 sg. IV, 2 : fern.
II, 50 : VII, 33,
42.
VI, 36 : gen. IV, 9.
tr^f, IX, 53.
V, 27.
VII, I.
64
G. A. Grierson — Index to Marihodlbs Ilarihans. [Sp. No.
IV, 32. 68 : X, 21.
fut. 2 pi. VIII, 46 : IV , 3.
past 3 sg. VIII, 17. Ill, 10.
IV, 57 : VII, 41. VI, 15.
^frr, VII, 31. II. 37.
W5T, IV, 18, 36, 37 : V, 12 : VI, IV, 5, 14 : VI, 3.
28 : VII, 28, 33 : IX, 13, 30, ^fs, V, 35, 51 : X, 45.
W VT II
fern, IX, 38.
\r^, IV, 11 : V, 1 : VI, 22 : VIII,
8, 22, 34 : IX, 48.
VII, 29.
VI, 42 : see
.y/ fnt. 1 sg. VII, 4.
>y/ VP§, pres. 3 sg. II, 7 : VII,
5 : pi. VII, 35 : past 3
sg. II, 29 : indecl. part.
^Tf^, II, 31.
^T^I, VI, 44.
V, 25 : see
VI, 6.
gen. sg. II, 1.
V, 32, 33 : X, 39, 53.
IV, 23.
IV, 36 : VI, 17.
VII, 44.
II, 16 : X, 44.
^ ^if, pres. 3 sg. I, 39 : II, 63 :
III, 21 : IV, 62 : V, 61 : VI,
49 : VII, 60 : IX, 70 : X, 55.
V, 60.
II, 46: V, 25 : VIII, 24 : X, 2.
I, 21, 33, 36 : III, 19 : X, 2.
IX, 51.
I, 29.
WT, past 3 sg. IX, 20:
fern. IV, 15 : VIII, 24 :
IX, 16 : past part. VIII,
17 : indecl. part, vfr, II, 40, 51 :
III, 9 : IV, 40, 52, 61 : V, 8 :
VI, 12 : VII, 28, 44, 51 : IX, 1,
4, 40, 52 : X, 13, 41.
VK, I, 6, 13, 16, 20 : V, 11, 13 ;
VI, 14: VII, 47: X, 21, 42,49:
IX, 46.
VII, 41 : X, 48.
^tT^, VI, 23 : IX, 53.
V, 9, 12 : IX, 18.
past 3‘Sg. VII, 57,
>v/ past 3 sg. X, 48.
%, IX, 14.
V" past 3 sg. III, 10,
f^rTT, V, 9.
VIII, 45.
X, 40.
-y/ indecl. part. IX, 34.
I, 24.
vw, VI, 33.
VrT^, II, 15.
IX, 66.
X, 29 : VII, 9 : VIII,
'^48: IX, 5, 40, 50, 51: gen.
VI, 14 : X, 21, 42, 49.
V' past 3 sg. vw, II, 22.
VII, 36.
V, 46,
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man'hodli s Ilaribans.
65
-v/ indecl. part. II, 28. X, 9.
v/ iTTJT, fut. 1 sg. VI, 30. f^, IV, 56, 58.
VIII, 37 : VT^, V, 30.
II ^
W, IX, 51 : II, 62 : ^T;^, IV,
37 : IX, 55.
I, II, 19.
iT^rf^fT, VII, 24.
V, 32.
^ ifTJT, past 3 pi. VIII,
16.
I, 14 : VI, 6.
X, II, 55.
miM, I, 5 : III, 20 : X, 37.
IX, 6, 7, 8, 9 : obi.
IX, 45.
VII, 10 : loc. VII, 10.
wfw, loc. sg. IV, 44.
^Tlfa:, V, 44 : VI, 10 : IX, 32.
IX, 5.
iiW, VI, 5.
??rr, I, 26 : ijfrr, IV, 40 : V, 22.
^ ^TTrr, past part. ^TTrf^, II, 15 :
indecl. part. ??Tfw, VI, 17.
??m, fern. ilTfrf, II, 27.
(req. part.) IV, 53.
VII, 34 : IX, 34 : obi. ?T^T,
. II, 43.
JiTSTJ, I, 21 : X, 12 : loc.
'j \j
VII, 18.
X, 31,
iii^,'’vi, 36.
VII, 58 : VIII, 33.
IV, 7 : VII, 32.
?T?r, I, 2 : II, 17 : IV, 17, 34, 51,
59 : V, 24, 60 : VI, 35 : VII,
26, 57 : VIII, 3, 29 : IX, 1, 17,
U
65 : X, 15, 41, 45.
^ TfR, pres. 3 sg. IV, 1 7 :
??T^, VII, 45 : pi. VI, 23 :
past 3 sg. iTT^r^, II, 20 : IX,
24 : indecl. part. V, 48 :
VII, 31.
??T^, X, 19.
\/ pres. 3 sg. IX, 17.
II, 63 : III, 21 : IV, 62 :
VI, 49 : I, 39 : V, 61 :
VII, 60: VIII, 48: IX, 70:
X, 55.
^Tf%, I, II : IV, 36.
IV, 43 : V, 33, 46 : VI, 36 :
VIII, 42.
\/ iTW, past 3 sg. VIII,
42^
I, 8 : VI, 1.
ITTfw, VIII, 27.
^ iWTT, fut. 2 pi. II, 33 :
gen. VII, 23.
^ ?r^, pres. conj. 3 sg. IX, 18 :
fut. 3 sg. VI, 36 : past 3
sg. X, 55 : V, 41 :
IX, 41, 50 : past part. VI,
14 : VII, 12.
^ ?TTT, pres. 3 sg. ^TT, X, 6 : fut.
I sg. VI, 25, 29 : 3 sg.
?RTXR, I, 37 : past 3 sg. V,
8 : VI, 12 : VIII, II : IX, 28 :
X, 43 : indecl. part. iflGc, III, 5 :
IV, 23 : VI, 13, 27 : IX, 44 ;
verb, noun gen. X, 36.
G. A.. Grierson Index to J^Icin hodlis IIciYiljcins.
[Sp.
IX, 5.
IX, 17.
past 3 sg. IV, 46 :
VII, 36.
(a garland), VII, 41 : VIII,
16, 19 : i?T^T, VIII, 15.
(a wrestler), VI, 34 : YlII,
40 : IX, 43 : Xiw, VIII, 42 : IX,
41.
fern. IV, 35.
^TTf%, VIII, 17 : Iq. f. gen.
VIII, 6.
VII, 23.
i?W, see
V, 12.
II, 16, 21, 57 : III, 12 : IV,
50 : X, 6.
IX, 12.
Xi^X, VII, 45, 48 : fern, ^^fx, II,
49 ; IV, 1 : fern, with emph.
VI, 2.
X, 6.
(obi.) IX, 6.
V, 53 : X, 14, 37.
VI, 38 : see
II, 44, 63 : IV, 34, 41 : VII, 9.
V, 40, 50: VI, 28 : see
V' f^TT, past 3 pi. V, 9.
pres. conj. 3 sg. VI, 35.
indecl. part, III, 20 :
IV, 4 : V, 11, 28 : VII, 34.
IV, 2.
(obi.) V, 19.
VII, 21 : IX, 11 : gen.
VII, 23.
II, 31, 38 : IV, 33, 35 : VII,
38 : VIII, 10 : IX, 20.
IX, 18.
V, 22.
IX, 4.
V indecl. part, VI,
11 • IV, 23 : verb, noun loc.
VI, 8.
Hfir, VI,25: VII, 17: Wfir, II, 2,
29.
^^XJTx, III, 12 : IV, 23, 59 : VI, 4.
VI, 34 : IX, 33 : obi. IX,
33.
VIII, 39 : IX, 42.
X, 34, 38.
iiwm, X, 34, 38.
VII, 1, 7 : V, 2, 3 : IX,
40 : X, 20.
V, (pronoun) obi. HI, Ig .
V, 16: VI, 21, 35: VII, 16:
VIII, 25: $if%, I, 37- geji_
dir. jftV III, 14: IV, 52:
VI, 22, 23, 30, 44: VII, 38:
VIII, 21 : IX, 58 : X, 4, 30 :
fern. IX, 55.
(sign of loo.) V, 18.
V, 34 : VI, 37 : X, 44 : bg.
form, V, 37 : V, 53 ;
gen. $siqi, V, 36 : VII, 13.
i/ HZ, verb, noun obi. Hzp, II, 11.
V" flSTW, past 3 pi.
VIII, 12.
H^fsr, VII, 2.
H% X, 5.
HTH, X, 35.
HTZ, X, 50 : fern. Hlfz, IX, 32.
V past 3 Eg. hVt?^, VII,
9 : X, 12.
Hlfil, VII, 21.
v/ hit, indecl. part. Htfr, IX, 29.
V, 59 ; IX, 61.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Ma7dhodlds llarihans.
67
II ^ II
f/ pres. 3 sg. II, 7 ;
imperat. 2 sg. VII, 5 :
Trf%, II, 31 : indecl. part. TTf%,
VI, 11.
II, 15.
T^W{f<, V, 5.
TW, II, 40.
Tl®, indecl. part. Tf^, IX, 39.
VIII, 48 : IX, 5, 50 : X, 53 :
TJT, X, 29.
past 3 sg. V, 28:
VIII, 6 : X, 36 : mild imperat.
IV, 4.
II, 12 : VIII, 30, 34 : see
I, 34 : see
X, 13.
IV, 29 : VI, 30 : IX, 67 : X,
21 : gen. VIII, 9.
VIII, 9.
Tlf^rr, X, 25.
W, II, 40 : IX, 56.
TfrT, II, 63 : IX, 46.
II, 16, 27 : IV, 36 : V, 49 :
VI, 1, 3 : VII, 46.
VI, 35, 39 : VII, 56 : VIII, 1,
7 : X, 25, 27, 28.
TTVT, V, 45 : VI, 2.
X, 38, 43.
•^Tf^, III, 3.
VI, 48.
IV, 31 : VI, 33 : VIII, 4, 19 :
IX, 57, 69.
X, 37.
VII, 38, 58 : gen.
VIII, 38.
VI, 6 : VIII, 37 : X, 26.
vra, VI, 3 : gen. VI, 5, 6.
I, 14.
VI, 44.
pres. 1 pi. II, 61 :
IV, 54 : VII, 26 : 3 sg. IV,
18 : V, 39 : VII, 53 : VIII, 42 :
IX, 32 : III, 10 : VI, 21 :
X, 3 : pres. conj. 3 sg. II,
33 : imperat. 2 pi. V, 48 :
fnt. 1 sg. VII, 44, 50 : past,
3 sg. I, 8, 39 : II, 20 : V,
27, 52 : VI, 9, 41 : VII, 30 :
VIII, 27 : IX, 70 : X, 43, 47,
53 : X, 11 : IV, 31 :
fern. II, 48 : m. pi.
V, 49 : imperat. 3 sg. VII,
42 : fnt. 3 sg. T^cT, I, 34 : pres,
part. T^?T, IX, 18.
V, 51.
VII, 8.
^ indecl. part. 1X3T, III, 8.
frg, V, 39.
VII, 4.
V, 5 : VII, 1, 26 : I, 6 :
II, ]9: VI, 47: VII, 38.
V' adv. part. V, 6.
K^frT, VII, 48.
\/ past 3 sg. IX, 43 :
I, 34.
y past 3 sg. ftw, IX, 30,
TTf%f^, I, 30 : II, 14.
G8
G. A. Grierson — Index to MmdhodJds Harihans. [Sp. No.
I!
\/ past 3 sg. fern. VI, 2 :
3 pL f V, 11 : f X,
27 : indecl. part, II, 32 : V,
60 : (for) X, 42.
1, 11.
^PsT, IX, 3.
IV, 11 : V, 7, 42, 45 : IX, 44.
^ ^JT, pres. 3 sg. ^IJT, V, 56, 67 :
X, 48 : I, 9, 12 : VI, 42 :
VII, 6 : X, 26, 31, 33, 46 : im-
perat. 3 sg. ^R, VI, 32 : pres,
conj. 3 sg. II, 23 : fnt. 2 pi.
^R'^, I, 36 : past 3 sg. II,
22 : IV, 51 : V, 2, 4, 55 : VI, 10,
14, 21 : VII, 13, 19 : X, 35, 45,
53 : fern. ^Rf%, I, 14 : VII, 34:
X, 3 : periplirast. pres. 3 sg.
IV, 3 : V, 55 : I,
3 : past part. ^R^, II, 53 : VII,
19 : indecl. part, II, 44 :
X, 32 : verb, norm loc.
III, 17.
// fnt. 1 sg. VI, 28:
past 3 sg. IV, 30 : V,
59 : IX, 32, 61 : ^3^, II, 54 :
fern. ^3rT^f%, III, 18 : indecl.
part. Wn;^, I, 35 : II, 48 : III,
8 : V, 8, 16 : VIII, 10 : verb,
noun pi. obi. VI, 15.
^RT, VIII, 22 : IX, 24: gen. sg.
II, 38 : X, 50.
X, 6.
\/ past .3 sg. X, 41.
V, 7.
^ II
\/ past 3 sg. V, 7 :
past part, VI, 7.
II, 53.
indecl. part, ^fr, II, 19.
X, 15, 19.
\/ indecl. part, V, 32.
y/ past part. II, 11 :
IV, 33 : see ^
IV, 40 : VII, 10 : X, 47.
pres. 3 sg. V, 61 : fnt.
1 sg.
VI, 28 : past 3 sg. II,
40 ; indecl. part, VIII, 11.
verb, nonn acc. VIII, 14.
./ #, fnt. 1 sg. VI, 27 : ■%X, I,
21, 25 : VI, 29 : IX, 21 : X, 7 :
2 pi. #W, I, 30, 33 : II, 8 : 3 sg.
#fT, I, 35 : V, 43 : past 3 sg.
11, 51: y, 34: VII, 31, 48:
VIII, 11:* IX, 47: X, 34:
W, I, 10, 23 : II, 21, 30, 63 :
IV, 9, 21 : V, 40 : VI, 40 : VII,
12, 54, 56 : VIII, 13 : IX, 29 :
X, 50 : IV, 25 : V, 36 :
VI, 37 : VIII, 39 : V, 38 :
pi. IV, 11 : V, 46 : VI,
13, 41: VIII, 31: X,
29 : past part, (on acconnt of)
II, 38 : indecl. part. I,
26, 37 : II, 23, 28, 55 : VI, 30 :
VII, 2, 31, 36, 47 : VIII, 40 :
IX, 1, 13 : X, 23 : I, X, .34 : §,
II, 6 : III, 4, 19 : IV, 14 : VI,
13 : VIII, 20, 45 : X, 52.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man’hodJds Haribans.
69
fnt. 3 sg. IV, 55 :
fern, VII, 58 : past 3 sg.
^^^5 VIII, 2 : hided, part.
V, 57 : see
IX, 3.
VIII, 14 ; I, 8 : IV, 2 :
II
V, 30.
'J
II
VII, 10, 47 ; IX, 6 : 6’ee
II, 39.
TO, II, 58.
TO^, II, 58, 60 ; gen. TO>i^, II, 55,
57, 59.
II, 2 : IV, 4 : V, 47, 58 ;
VI, 16, 28 : VII, 15 : X, 10.
IV, 30 : fern, HI, 20.
VI, 7 : VII, 46, 59 : VIII, 28.
IV, 56, 58 : V, 60.
I, 4.
I, 30.
IX, 69.
n, 17.
TO, I, 7, 9 : IV, 30 : VI, 2 : VIII,
22 : IX, 11, 19, 21 : X, 53 : TO,
IV, 26 : V, 1 : X, 28.
TO, IX, 45.
indecl. part. TO5T, X, 27.
VII, 40.
X, 15.
TO, VII, 42 ; IX, 53 : TO, VII,
53.
TO, X, 25.
TO, IV, 9 : V, 49, 52.
IX, 10 : gen. ^TTO, IX, 52.
^ITO, VII, II.
// past 3 sg. VII,
9 : fern. IX, 51.
#R, X, 45.
gen. VII, 54.
II
II, 14 ; IX, 10, 52.
^ II
’mTO, I, 30 : II, 14.
TOR, pres. part. obi. TOf^rff%,
VI, 7.
TO, VI, 19: VII, 60 : acc. sg. TOf%,
VI, 39.
IV, 18 : IX, 15.
I, 11.
V' TO, past 3 sg. TO^, IV, 27.
TO, II, 21 : IV, 26, 44, 50 : VI, 8 :
VII, 7, 38 : X, 48 : fern,
VIII, 26.
toIr, VIII, 18.
II, 10 : see
X, 19.
to|, IV, 1, 3 : V, 57, 58, 59 : see
TO, III, 4 : IV, 24, 28, 38, 50.
X, 48 : loc. toI%, IV, 28.
.y/ indecl. part. TOf^, IV, 7.
I, 17 : II, 61.
TO, empli. TO, II, 34 : VII, 5 :
emph. TO^, I, 7 : nom, pi. TO^,
II, 34 : III, 20 : TO^, II, 53 :
IV, 38 : V, II, 22, 28 : VII, 35 :
X, 22 : obi. pi. TO^, VII, 57 ;
70
G. A, Grierson — Index to Man’ bod fd 6 Haribans. [Sp-
IX, 62 : gen. IV 17 : V,
2 : see
III, 13 : IV, 24 : VIII, 33.
X, 52.
I, 29.
I, I, 10, 20 : II, 3, 22, 31, 35,
43, 47, 59 : IV, 2, 7, 16, 18, 30,
32, 42, 62 : V, 22, 30, 31, 34,
48, 53, 55 : VI, 9, 19, 23, 27,
41 : VII, 34, 43, 54 : VIII, 36 :
IX, 6, 10, 11, 18 : X, 12, 20, 23,
26, 28, 51, 52: V, 23:
empli. V, 40: IX, 18: gen.
I, 22.
^T, VI, 40 : IX, 22, 24.
IV, 45.
VI, 31 : VIII, 41 : X, 25 : fern.
VII, 39.
^?TT, indecl. part. ^T]5, II, 41.
IX, 27 : X, 15 : see
VII, 49.
V, 17.
VII, 24.
WT, I, 15.
IX, 50.
v' indecl. part, IX, 47.
^■5f, I, 10 : II, 3 : X, 5.
V, 36.
fut. 2 pi. II, 32.
III, 9 : see
^ indecl. part. ^ II, 50.
VI, 28.
^Rjr, I, 18, 27 : IV, 35, 48 : VII,
31 : IX, 25.
gen. VII, 23.
VI, 1.
I, 18 : II, 58 : V, 42.
IV, 49, 53 : VII, 5 : fern.
1, 18.
X, 14.
II, 17.
IV, 47.
^ pres. 3 sg. VIII,
38.
^f^T, X, 47.
VIII, 28 : X, 26.
^t, IX, I, 31.
rv, 29.
I, 17.
II, 10, 13.
^T^T, V, 36.
IV, 33.
VI, 1.
^ indecl. part, VII,’ 57.
IV, 36 : X, 5.
IV, 16.
y pres. 1 sg. IV, 54 :
IX, 27 : 3 pi. ^^fw, VII, 35.
I, 17.
I, 25.
II, 25.
VII, 26.
II, 51 : IV, 56, 58 : V, 31 :
VIII, 2 : IX, 60 : X, 26.
II, 34.
VI, 31 : VIII, 41.
pres. 3 sg. IV, 12:
fnt. 2 pi. III, 7.
IV, 21.
V' past 3 sg. IX,
35.
IX, 67.
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man’ljodli’ s Ilarihans.
71
1884.]
Tm VI, 11, 13 : VI, 11.
, V, 26 : VI, 10.
IX, 8.
VIII, 15.
II, 43, 44: V, 44:
VIII, 12 : X, 4.
II, 6 : IV, 13 : gen. II,
I.
f^, IX, 67.
fkr, IX, 7.
II, 61 : V, 1 : VI, 27.
II, 23.
VII, II.
V, 18, 61: VII, 16: IX,
18.
\/ pres. 3 pi. X, 5.
IV, 38.
IX, 68.
IV, 58.
^5iT, II, 2.
VIII, 47 : gen. IX,
37.
-/ pres. 3 sg. IV, 6:
VII, 56 : VIII, 48 : IV, 28 :
past 3 sg. VIII, 35 : peri-
phrast. pres. 3 sg. VI,
20.
^ past 3 sg. II, 15 :
fern. II, 27: (?
IIj ’ indecl. part.
II, 48 : VI, 17 : past part,
fern. ioc. II, 27.
^ff, II, 1, 62 : IX, 20.
-v/ past 3 pi. II,
56.
VII, 4 : fern. VII, 44.
IX, 48.
pres. 3 sg. V, 60 : X,
3: fut. 3 sg. I V, 60: pnst
3 sg. V, 32 : VI, 37 : VII,
33, 38 : IX, 24 : indecl. part.
I, 22 : II, 6, 60 : III, 13 :
IV, 24, 51 : V, 6, 14, 27 : VI,
21 : VII, 41 : VIII, 10, 11, 33,
42 : X, 15, 37 : ^fiT, I, 34 : II,
2, 29.
^•T, (empty). III, 15 : VII, 59.
V, 44.
X, 28.
pres. 3 sg. VII,
59 : imperat. 2 pi. II, 5.
IX, 60.
IV, 15 : IX, 16 : I, 6 :
I, 11 : IV, 13 : V,
24, 32.
VII, 18.
I, 6.
subst. nom. or dir. adj. %, VI,
39: X, 43: t, I, 37: II, 4, 5,
9, 14, 28 : III, 2 : IV, 6, 10 : V,
13, 24, 43 : VI, 6 : VII, 24, 32 :
VIII, 14, 30 : IX, 8, 27 : X, 46,
47, 55 : subst. nom. #r, IX, 70 :
subst. nom. pi. erf^, VI, 48 :
subst. acc. IX, 31 : #, II, 3,
29: IV, 30, 53: V, 4, 20, 27,
45 : VI, 13 : VII, 11 : VIII, 3,
5, 33, 46: IX, 13, 14, 37, 43,
48: X, 15, 20, 30: VII,
21: pi. VII, 29: IX, 49:
general obi. subst. rrf%, IX, 30 :
IX, 7 : pi. rff^^r, IV, 13 :
VI, 46, 47 : obi. adj. VII, 9 :
cTTf^, I, 12: II, 25: VII, 20:
pi. r(f^, VII, 36 : instr. sg. ^ , I,
5 : II, 24 : VI, 42 : VIII, 25 :
IX, 18 : X, 49 : #, IX, 42 : gen.
dir. VIT, 48 ; I, 3 : IV,
72
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man’^hodlds Ilarihmis. [Sp. No.
24, 37 : V, 12, 13, 37, 48 : VII,
42 : VIII, 33 : IX, 65, 66 : X, 3,
rf^, VI, 13 : emph. I, 23 :
rr^T, I, 4; pi. rrfir^, VI, 45:
II, 33 : obi. I, 21 :
I, 9.
X, 47 : see
VII, 40.
I, 24.
V, 3.
^ imperat. 2 pi. V. 25.
iw, IV, 13 : IX, 58.
VIII, 2 : see t^.
I, IV, 43, 60 : X, 40 : see
tt, I, 7, 8, 17, 30, 35 : 11, 9 : III,
2, 3, 6 : IV, 8, 17, 46 : V, 9, 14,
25, 29, 54 : VI, II, 18, 21, 46,
47 : VII, 19, 27, 52, 57 : VIII,
36 : X, 18, 31, 33, 41, 46.
V, 33.
II %
I, 16 : VII, 1, 56.
-v/ past 3 sg. X, 10.
iiidecl. past II, 30 : IV, 2.
WK, II, 35, 42 : VIII, 47.
>y/ verb, nonn, IV, 17.
IV, 3 : IV, 53.
IV, 3.
IX, 35.
II, 20, 23 : III, 6, 11, 15 :
VII, 28 : IX, 9, 13, 15, 30, 34,
59 : X, 16 : loc. '^f%, II, 23.
III, 1.
I, 16.
X, 23: gen. 1, 16.
VIII, 44.
>v/ '^^5 pres. 3 sg. X, 42 : fut.
3 sg. VI, 34 : past 3 sg.
%m, VIII, 26 : tnff, VIII, 43 :
IX, 29.
II, 51 : IV, 46, 47 : IX, 40.
.v/ til?, past 3 sg. ^tW, IV, 13.
X, 9.
II, 46.
pres. 3 pi. IV, 16.
V, 2.
^T«T, VIII, 13.
^rr, VII, 7.
IX, 65.
VII, 11.
it, X, 21.
it^, IV, 3.
itqffT, IV, 52.
it^^TTq, IX, 68. [II, 1.
itvfJI^T^, I, 22 : gen. itwi^R^,
itKT^T, IX, 69.
V, 35 : X, 45.
^Tf^, IV, 48 : X, 7.
11
VII,. 15 : IX, 13, 42 : mild
imperat. II, 31.
IX, 25.
II, 29 : VIII, 27.
nom. sg. I, 5, 14, 17, 20,
21, 32, 33, 39 : II, 18, 61 : III,
21 : IV, 52, 53, 54 : VI, 25, 29,
46, 47 : VII, 4, 16, 44 : Vlll,
23, 25 : IX, 23, 27, 55, 66 : X,
7 : empb. I, 31 : I,
2 : IX, 26 : VI, 44 : gen.
dir. II, 36 : IV, 55 : VI,
34, 39 : VII, 32 : VIII, 40, 43 :
IX, 59 : empli. '^^TTT, V, 33 :
fern. VII, 39 : obi.
III, 7 : dat. III, 7 :
nom. pi. VII, 35.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Index to Man’hodlis Ilaribans.
73
fnt. 1 sg. I, 20 : 3 sg.
V, 18 : past 3 sg. X,
4 : indecl. part, VII, 36 :
verb. noun, instr. used as in-
decl. part. V, 16.
^ ^rx, pres. 3 pi. X, 54 :
indecl. part, VII, 33, 42.
VII, 25.
\/ '^Xr, indecl. part. II, 51.
II, 26, 42 : VI, 43, 49 : VIII,
38 : X, 22 : gen. II, 41.
III, 3 : IV, 14, 45, 62 : V,
50: VII, 58: VIII, 8: X, 21.
loc. 18 : see
^X, I, 5, 14, 26 : II, 25, 44, 48,
51, 54, 63 : III, I, 9, 18 : IV,
9, II, 14, 36, 40, 41, 51 : V, I,
17, 31, 47, 54, 60 : VI, I, 6,
10, 12, 18 : VII, 8, 28, 36, 41,
46, 58, 59 : VIII, 2, 3, 4, 5, 13,
15, 19, 20, 27, 37, 39 : IX, 15,
41, 42, 44, 56, 57 : X, 18, 22, 28,
40, 41, 42, 44, 49 : empb.
IX, 53 : gen. IX, 52.
^fx, V, 13 : IX, 28.
IV, 8.
II, 18.
^ pres. 3 pi. VIII, 25 :
past 3 sg. 'fW, V, 16 : VI, 12 :
VIII, 7 : IX, 12, 45 : V,
7 : pi. VI, II : IX, 39 :
past part, IX, 41.
^^^X, I, 31 : IV, II, 14, 40 : V,
I, 4, 7, 9, 16, 17, 19 : VII, 29 :
VIII, 2, 13 : IX, 15, 42, 49, 66 :
X, 29, 33, 36.
X, 31.
w/ll, 19, 31: V, 1: VI, 10:
VIII, 32 : X, 22.
pres. 3 pi. III, 3 :
past 3 sg. III, 12 : VI, 43 :
VIII, 14 : indecl. past =^1%, VII,
28 : X, 29 : adv. part. xf%-
rrf^, IX, 49 : "Ifwfl, VII, 15 :
V, 29 : verb, noun obi.
"^^5, V, 4.
IX, 13.
III, 15 : VII, 33, 42 : 1x5,
X, 22.
fxrr, VI, 39.
I, I.
1x^X5, IA;, 47 : see f^5.
-v/ past 3 sg. V, 4.
IX, 66.
\/ indecl. part. ^1%, IX, 12.
Xa^, IX, 45.
xg, II, 56 : VI, 42, 43.
^ XX pi’es. 3 pi. xxlx, II, 57 : in¬
decl. part, xf^, I, 14 : II, 31,
verb, noun dir. witli empb.
Xf^^, II, 38.
XTT, past 3 sg. XTT5^, III, 15 :
verb, noun instr. XXX, (for
XX^,) III, 17.
^ pres. 3 sg. Xl^5, X, 15 :
Xl5, X, 32, 49 : XT5, X, 45 : X>W
VII, 26 : VIII, 30 : IX, 10, 38,
54 : XT% II, 38 : IX, 18 : X, 6 :
pi. xtxfx, VIII, 4 : pres. conj.
3 sg. XT, I, 4 : XlW, II, 10 : VII,
26 : IX, 55 : imperat. 2 pi.
V, 17 : 3 sg. VII, 60:
fut. 3 sg. I, 4 : VII, 32 :
xA?:X, III, 14: X, 35:
VI, 20 : X, 22, 33 : XTX, VIII,
47 : past I sg. IV, 53 : 3
sg. I, 9, 22, 24 : II, 14, 27,
42 ; III, 5, 16 : IV, 28, 42, 44, 45,
74
G. A. Grierson- — Errata to Man’hodJt’s Sarihans. [Sp. Ko.
49, 51 : V, 50, 51, 58 : VI, 3, 40,
43 : YII, 6, 11, 16, 41, 59 : VIII,
47 : IX, 5, 8, 25, 33, 38, 50 : X,
14, 39, 44, 45, 53, 54 : I, 7,
19, 23, 26: II, 3, 13, 21, 39,
47, 62: III, 1, 12: IV, 8, 9,
14, 35, 47, 58, 62 : V, 15, 21,
31, 53 : VI, 5, 14, 40 : VIII, 26 :
IX, 44, 53, 60 : X, 8, 28, 37, 43,
50 : V, 12 : fern. I,
12 : II, 26 : VII, 43, 52 : IX,
19 : ef%, I, 6 : II, 56 : III, 19 :
VII, 55 : pi. masc. II, 12 :
X, 31 : fern. III, 9 : peri-
plirast. pres. V, 22 : 3 sg.
IV, 4 : IX, 2 : past part.
V, 54 : indecl. part. V, X,
23 : w, II, 55, 59 : IV, 32, 43,
48 : VII, 1, 44 : IX, 10, 40 : X,
37 : I, 32 : V, 7, 27 : VI,
3, 36: VII, 42, 53, 54: VIII,
6, 8, 17, 23 : IX, 41 : verb. nonn.
obi. X, 4, 6 : X, 35.
VII, 1.
IV, 19, 20, 28, 38, 57, 58 :
see
I, 5 : II, 48, 54 : III, 18 :
IV, 19 : VII, 25, 36 : IX, 25, 37 :
X, 22 : obi. VIII, 48 :
see
Tlrrata to Man^bodh’s Harihans.
TEXT.
Inteoduction.
p. 130, 1. 8 from bottom, read
I, 30, read
II, 7, „
1^3 3J
22, for read
45, read
III, 2, „
7, ,, sfir.
15, „
IV, 4, „
15, „
17, „
Text.
21, read
25, „
39, „
V, 11, „
31, ,,
55, „
VI, 2, „
Cs
^3 33
5, „
7j 53
83 33
vf>
1884.]
G. xV. Grierson — Errata to Matihudlt Ilaribans.
75
VI, 11, read
46, read
26, „
IX, 16, „
41, „
28, „ “fife 5^f3.
43, „
37, „
45, „
59 Kv^\
VII, 15, „
42, „ -qf?; ,gfq.
30, „ if.
63, „ qqjFf
36, „ y^iT.
65, „ ^ifcflTT.
43, „ ^5fifT.
67, „
VIII, 16, „
X, „ 1; %T^
26, „
12, „
si
34, for ^ (in some copies)
n, „
read
48, „
41, read
49, „ q2^?:cITl.
^4, „ f^fefcT.
Teanslation.
p. 2, note \ 1. 7, for read
p. 30, note add, see X, 20.
p. 35, note add, see note 2, p. 30.
Index.
p. 38, after art. ^ ^
ih. art. omit tlie entry IX, 20 : , and add, verb.
norm IX, 20.
p. 39, art.
p. 43, col. 2, 1. 25, after IV, add 43,.
p. 50, art. for 29, read 28.
p. 68, col. 2, 1. 21, for 63, read 62.
76
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaislinava Hymns. [Sp.
Twenty-one Vaislinava Hymns. — Edited and translated by
G. A. Geierson, 0. S.
All the following hymns are in the Maithili dialect of the Bihari
language. Mithila boasts of a long series of vernacular authors com¬
mencing with the famous Bidyapati who flourished at the end of the
14th century, and ending with many living poets like Bhanunath and
Harkhnath.
I have endeavoured to make the present short selection as repre¬
sentative as possible, and have therefore given samples of the poetry of
fourteen different writers. Of most of these poets little is known even
by tradition. Jayadeb must be one of the oldest, for according to the
hymn herein quoted, he sang before king Sib Singh, who was Bidya-
pati’s patron. Concerning the patrons of the other poets, except those of
Bhanunath and Harkhnath no information is available. Maheswara
Singh, mentioned by the former was the father of the present Maharaj
Bahadur of Darbhanga, and Harkhnath addresses the present Maharaj
himself.
On another occasion I may perhaps have time to arrange the mate¬
rials which I have accumulated regarding the ancient kings of Mithila.
The present article can only be taken as showing that poems by several
writers of very varying dates, who were natives of that country, are still
extant.
These poems partake of the usual character of Vaishnava hymns
concerning which I have treated at some length in the Introduction to
Bidyapati’s poems in my Maithil Chrestomathy.* Suffice it here to say
that the relationship of God to the soul is always exhibited as that of a
lover to his beloved. The lover is represented by Krishna, and the
beloved by Badha or some other Gopi of Vraja. Krishna, it need hardly
be mentioned, appears under various aliases, such as Murari, Hari or
Yadupati.
I.
Umapati.
In the following hymn, God is shown as entreating the soul to
abandon itself to him.
fsift, inra wjr i
ii
• J. A. S. B., Extra Number, Fart I for 1880.
1884.]
77
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaislmava Hymns.
?tf€ 11?: wi i
fjift ?i?T jre^ ?iT«f *ifi II
qr?:if?: i?;f^ ifjT, fstui i
^fcT f^qfci ijfi ffig itfci ?:?r sij^ n » n
C\ «
Translation 1.
1. The dawn hath appeared in the east, the whole night hath
flowed away, the moon hath disappeared in the sky. The waterlily*
hath closed, and yet, O Lady, thy lotns face is unopened.
2. Thy countenance is like unto the lotus, and thine eyes the dark-
blue lily. Thy lip resembleth the carnation. f Thy whole body hath
been created of flowers. Why, then, is thy heart of stone ?
3. Because thou faintest, thou wearest not the bracelet on thine
arm ; and (thou complainest that) that the necklace o’er thy heart is too
heavy. Yet the burden of scorn which is weighty as a mountain thou
throwest not off. Strange are thy ways.
4. Give up thy waywardness, and gaze upon me joyfully, 0 Lady.
Let the sunrise be the end of thy scorn. Saith the wise Umapati, The
king of kings, the Lord of the Hindus, knoweth every sentiment.
II.
Subject — the same as the preceding.
?njn it if?: %% i irPfi if?;^, ^ i if?:^ 1:% n
itfi uTi I 111 m 11531% II
Pti q^ra?; fiif?: 1?: iTif l ire, iPr, 531 i>fi 11
it tif?;5if% w?i tT?:if% I mi i?;! 111 iif %'fi u
<\
iimfcT Ml i?;?TT% 1 itit ifi 111 11 11
c\
Translation 2.
1. O proud one, if thou art angry at my fault, be appeased, and show
not wrath.
2. Thy brow is a bow, and thy glances arrows. String thy bow
and strike me, 0 moon-faced one.
3. Consider thy firm bosom as a great mountain,]; and bind me to
it. Lady, with thine arms for bonds.
* The waterlily is supposed only to open its flowers by night, and the lotns by
day.
t The Madhuri is a flower of a deep carmine colour, — Pentajpetes •phecnicia,
t Of. Bid. 53, 5, 6.
K K
78
G. A, Grierson — Twenty-one VaisTinava Hymns. [Sp. No.
4. With what act of submission wilt thou be pleased ? Place thy
lotus feet upon my body (and they will be but) an ornament to me
(and not a penance).
5. The wise Umapati saith a true saying. The Lord of the Hin¬
dus knoweth the mother of the universe.
III.
Here, the distress of the soul imagining itself to be deserted by God
is allegorically depicted.
cftf”' cfSTf II
■WpS; € 3T% I
ft <1?; 'i»T icRts, ^cur iift?n% n
SJ -<
%ft ^ %Tfl^ “st St ii
fctftft ftft ^ ^ it ^T% I
sictit gft sifting, ?ttxi if nT*ra %t% ii
gnft 'ift it^ci JiTit ’itw i
?tqt^ fqqft qft fti^ qft ftt^, q^ ft?;iiT% ii ? n
C\ '
Translation 3.
1. O friend, be not unhappy. I shall but enjoy the fruit of my
own fate. Wherefore dost thou give up thy life (in sorrow for me) ?
2. Hopefully did I bring my love to Hari, and there I obtained
but disappointment, I slept beneath the shade of a cloud, (but it passed
away and) in the end the burning (rays of the sun fell upon me) .
3. Never again will I reveal my love, for its only fruit is slighting.
If thou moisten a stone ten thousand times with ambrosia, never couldst
thou soften it.
4. If he have forgotten the manner of his former love, the fault is
not his in the least* (but that of his inborn nature). Even as if thou
wert to cherish a snake with many efforts, still it would not remem¬
ber thy tender care,
5. The wise Umapati saith, Hari will be appeased, and (the sun of)
his pride will set. May the king of all kings, the Lord of the Hindus
live, and with him the queenf in whom his heart delights.
* Tfw ^ ‘ not even a raW or ‘ small weight.’
t is the principal queen who sits on the throne with her husband
and was proclaimed queen at the time that he was proclaimed king.
1884.]
79
G. A. Grierson — Tv)enty^one Vaishnava Hymns,
IV.
Nandipati.
Subject,— the same as the preceding.
i
^ii5T tpi '?!! ctrft if^i n
5nf% sill?: "^51 sif^ ^h?: § I
i%sf list 3ifsi«ii ^siT^?:, :3f^ sf frt n?: %t% ii
■'J ^
?tJtSI ^55^ ftjCJISI ^51^ %t, ^if*r 31^ % I
^1131 fti 355Fi3r ifJt 5t3tT II
^ ^isf 3T?i ii^jrre^r, crfii^i i
fjrf?; ctif% ffifJT?: m q?:, ftsi n
sif^m ?r;?i ?isr ^ift? irsr, tjg f?fg ^3?} n 3% |
sts^lrfa WW t* ^ Sfit « 8 II
Translation 4.
1. 0 Madhab, such is the day which hath come to me. I shall
but enjoy the fruit of mine own fate, and what fault is that of thine ?
2. In the city where the sandal tree is not known, there they plant
the castor tree with honour. He who showeth dishonour through not
understanding qualities, on him anger is unseemly.
3. If he who is void of qualities blamed the man who possesses good
ones, and showed favour^ to a fool, — If all men praise the are
the virtues of the lotus less on that account ?
4. If one’s fixed qualities were displayed (not in his presence, but)
elsewhere, was he therefore heedless (for not perceiving them). If a
man remain in the darkness of a mountain cleft, is the might of the
sun diminished thereby ?
6. Describe qualities to one who hath an intelligent mind ; beasts,
children and the ignorant cannot appreciate them. Saith Handipati, if
a blind man look in a mirror, what doth he see ?
V.
The following song refers to the famous lesson which Krishna gave
to the Gopis that they must come to God naked and not ashamed, and
must give themselves to him unreservedly.
’33*3?: ^531 I 315 5C3I II
5^ 355 I =?!?: ijftvpr ti ll
* Lit. ‘ gave livelihood.’
t A small white creeper that grows in marshes.
80
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaislinava Hymns.
[Sp. Ko.
I ft pfci^si ii
^ ^T?: ww I % =tft II
Sic iJ§ ^tift I ^=f =fft cTcT^ 5tnft II
ifT% I ftst^ w ht% II u, II
Translation 5.
1. They took off their garments, and laid them (on the shore,) and
Murari climbed with them into the kadami tree.
2. ‘ Take an ornament from me, bnt, O Hari, give me my wearing
apparel.
3. ^ All my companions have got their garments. Why dost thou
delay me only so long ?
4. ^ I know thine object. 0 Hari, do now what is in thy heart.
5. ‘To my face comes fire. O Hari, thou art doing this to make
me angry with thee.’
6. The poet Handipati sings ; Hari the son of Handa knoweth a
nature full of sentiment.
VI.
In the following hymn the first occasion on which a soul gives itself
unreservedly up to God, and its misgivings, are described under the
similitude of a bridal night. The bridegroom represents the deity, and
the bride the soul.
wrejt* 'gT'f ftf ?: *t?:, a’fsift ^ i
gwwft ^ n
%ft^ ifinft, stftjtft ^5 n
sTi??; I
JtiJi?:, ?r5r^f, u
%r?; Hft h^i 1
iiTai?; 51 siTft ^Tg, ?|5i^, ’Bfi't n
gif% ^ftcT pft 3W I
^15^ itpcf llftstw II i II
Translation 6.
I. The weight of my tresses, 0 friend, is on the point of breaking
my naturally slim body. When I first met my husband, a great love
sprang up within my heart.
* is ail optional way of writing
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one VaisJinava Hymns.
81
2. I slept far from Mm and turned my face away, concealing it
under my scanty raiment, and when I heard the mere name of young
dalliance, I rose trembling and said, ‘ No, No.’
3. He took off my anklets and cast them aside, and removed all
my garments. The young bridegroom’s love increased, and I saw him
very frantic.
4. Mine eyes filled with tears as I cried ; ‘ this is a fine fulfilment
of thine oaths.’ But, O friend, a lover doth not understand a woman’s
grief, he only seeketh his own pleasure.
5. The Poet Nandipati sang, this was proper at the time and place,
but, with courage, the pangs are light, and the end will be full of
pleasure.
VII.
In the following hymn, a Gopi complains to Yasoda of the wanton¬
ness of the infant Krishna.
• •
sTBTflftt AT?: I n
SiTftT q^ 1 qJT ^ II
%RT I qiT^qi’’5iii*T^ it??; Pf<%Ri ii
creqqf cii i ftt qf'iq in qiqq qiqi^ ii
%K Bk 1 q in qwi ik ^ n
pqq qjKfi qq qti 1 qqqq? qni ii
q=qtqrq qffq jiiI: i nk 5r%Tnfq qfi qk^itl: ii -s ii
Translation 7.
1. 0 Yasoda, it is my calamity. Hari’s actions appear very wicked
to me.
2. To-day as I was going to the river Yamuna, the prince appeared
from the wood.
3. Thy darling who was born but yesterday, caught the hem of
my garment.
4. What am I to say now about my fate, and of how he then con¬
ducted himself ?
5. He sleepeth in thy lap, but do not therefore think that Hari is
a baby.
6. Here he drinketh from the body, and there he is able to outwit^
a full-grown man.
7. The poet Nandipati singeth. His mother Yasoda did not be¬
lieve her.
* ^»r ‘ to cut tlie ear,’ lienee ‘ to outwit.’
82
G. A. Grierson — Twenty -one Vaishnava Hymns, [Sp.
VIII.
In the next song, faith in God is shown as the one boat in which the
troubled Sea of Existence can be crossed. A Gopi is represented as ask¬
ing Krishna to ferry her across the Yamuna.
'tfi; f I m?:T ii
srgsfT 51^ sRcfs Jt iziif I m m?: w? ii
^ ^ fl'fi I ^ ii
wfwft SIR I 3?fK:5r ?=rf int n
?rfjg TOftt* Fim '5T€t I ?: q’«r ji stTCt n
5i5t ^in?: I 5JWir %5it 11 ^ 11
Translation 8.
1. 0 Hari, my mind is much distraught. How much anxiety,
which is thy sport, am I to bear ?
2. The water of this Yamuna is nowhere fordable, take this neck¬
lace (as a fee) and pass over with me.
3. All round the clouds are raining heavy drops. What, 0 my
companion, can I do ? There is doubt if even (I shall keep my) life.
4. The boat is full of holes, and the oars are broken. How shall
I pass over this sea of existence ?
5. All my companions have sat down hopeless, for without a manf
a woman dare not mount the path. Kandipati saith, the waves (appear)
impassable, and in the midst of the stream the boat is moving to and fro.
IX.
Mod Xaratan.
The following Hymn illustrates the utter abandonment of the soul
to God and God’s love for the individual soul, as illustrated by Krish¬
na’s love for Kadha.
5W5tt cr: t, 5^ I
tiffct 51^^ si*r ^ix II
^ JXJtfH wftt t, ^ 5 'fft ^ix^ft i
siXR mz %, II
“f fc '1^1 I
TOil ^ifwil m f , 5^ II
* Another reading is
t Or (allegorically) the Man of Ages.
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Ttuenty-one Vaislinava Hymns. 83
?:i' ftfi?;f^ '«fi; sifjr ?;cra^ l
srf^ ?:'WcT nsr ^ , g^^ir sjjt ?n% i
t, ^si5Fn% n
f^qf% W<1 W ^5rcl^ %, SR tre IIRHI% I
si^Tjii ^ %, 5tT^ II e n
Translation 9.
1. On the bank of the Yamuna, at the foot of the Kadamha tree
I saw a wondrous sight. It was as if the lightning and its cloud had
become incarnate in one lovely form.
2. Uadha (on seeing) his beauty became intoxicated with love as
Hari took her hand and drew her to himself. Even cruel words spake
he (to draw forth a reply from her), but the wise damsel answered not.
3. Her matchless eyes were like the Ichanjan,* and with them she
glanced sidelong at Hari. She lowered the cloth across her face and
gave one smile.
4. Wise in the arts of love she sat with her face turned aside, while
Hari walketh round her, as a miser walketh round a heap of jewels.
5. A mind full of love will not remain steady. The (ardour of)
youth woundeth every one in this world. The delights of embraces were
spread out (before him), and Banmali (Krishna) thrilled with affection.
6. King Pratap Singh, otherwise known as Mod Karayanf payeth
heed and saith. Love hath become incarnate in young trees, J and Syam
(Krishna) understandeth it.
X.
Kamapati.
The following treats of the pangs experienced when the soul fancies
itself deserted by God.
^ JTJf ^^51 II
^ ^ I
^ sifH fJiJrnfsi n
* A bird, Motacilla alba.
f This is the traditional interpretation.
X I. e., at the time of sprouting of leaves, as in the English Spring, love ac»
quires greater power in the human breast.
84
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaishnava Hymns.
[Sp. No.
NJ
^ ^5 3^ II
ci^Pl, ^ itfWl ^ I
€t, *ra n?;Tr ^jrij n
^ ^ ft^cT 5tf^ '?f«; I
5r}, ^51 *if?: JT i?f?; II
53 5fsT, ^ t, 5flfff KflTuft ffifi ^ I
^ €t, ^'S =if?; cif II \o II
Translation 10.
1. At first, alas, tlie moon-faced one heard of thy virtues from her
friends, and at every moment a twofold love for thee ariseth in her heart.
2. By chance, alas, the Lady saw thy moon face, and became as it
were plunged* in a sea of love.
3. Of a sudden, alas, she heareth the song of the cuchoof in the
fifth scale, again and again the lovely one fainteth, as she findeth it
unbearable.
4. Alas, the tender lotus leaf becomethj always quite burnt in a
moment when laid upon her bed.
5. If, alas, Hari, thou art pitiless, and wilt not meet her at the
appointed time, the maiden will not live by any means even for an in-
stant.
6. Saith the wise Bamapati, hear, 0 Lady, be patient, and thy
desires will be fulfilled by Hari.§
XI.
Mahipati.
In the following hymn, the state of uncertainty of a soul first con¬
vinced of its sin, is described under the illustration of a Gopi who desires
to meet Krishna, and yet does not wish to leave her husband and rela¬
tions.
* is feminine of f^^if per metathesin for
f Tlie song of this bird is supposed to bo an incentive to love.
X I. e., the lotns leaves were laid upon the bed to cool her body, but the heat of
her anguish was so great that it burnt them up, is locative of Skr.
a ‘ bed.’
§ is the sign of the instrumental case.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Twenty -one Vaislinava Hymns.
85
^T5T ^TT ^TT H
ft f ft ^cT %ft IIT, %ft ilT 11
^fpsi^gjgifT 5f5i srifc sir, ^R^rr fi?; arffe ijT II
fti ftf?; gfii ^T, ?;5r jtt n
flftilft JC'lt wm JfT, WJRT ^ ?;?f SIT*t IIT II \\ II
Translation 11.
1. The five-arrowed god of love aimeth his arrow at me, what can
I say to my husband and his company ?
2. Many times cried I ‘ Hari, Hari,’ and fainting I fell down as I
looked for his path.
3. The waters of the Yamnna have risen, and I am standing at the
foot of the hadamha tree.
4. What can I do now by beating my head in anguish, as I hear
the musical cry of the cuckoo.
5. The poet Mahipati saith the Friend of the world nnderstandeth
thy love.
XII.
Jayanand.
In this song, the grief of a soul which fancies itself deserted by God
is described.
'fft ift ift, 50?: i
o Ht^ ftwff ftftt, 0?:^?: ll
=50 OTO ^ I
3IP ft clft^ ft%5R II
?;'? cl ftsf, % iftft ^TfcT I
ftf ftktcf ^«r, % Tftft ikcT II
fto 5fg ^ft^ ^v<ei I
t?;5r O’? w?: ft^R, ^r^'^cr oo?: n ii
Translation 12.
1. In all directions, I gaze, I gaze, upon the way for Hari, and
there ponreth from mine eyes a stream of tears. My home no longer
pleaseth me night or day ; what am I to do ?
2. Between him and me there was not the difference of a grain of
sesamnm, onr very breaths were one. Yet he went away pitilessly to a
far country. What can I say of his wisdom ?
L L
86
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaishnava Hymns.
[Sp. No.
3. How many days will this ill day remain ? Who will tell me and
explain ? 0 friend, the Creator hath become opposed to me. Who will
be my help ?
4. Jayanand the Karan Kayasth sang, be not monrnfnl in thy
heart. Patience is best of all. The bee will come to its home.
XIII.
Bhanunath.
In the following song the allegory is the same as in the last.
I JIT^t II
sif5i5T wt% I 3im% n
%5 1 5if5i "ffW? n
lift: I ftrsT ft??;?! ?rcrci n
5Tpt I fro f^JT sfttifcr ?;'? ci^ itT% ii
WTPPrsf 1 ii u
Translation 13.
1. Learn and understand the ways of Yadupati (Krishna.) The
Lady is distraught with the fresh separation.
2. A bed of lotuses pleaseth her not. Gazing at his path she pass-
eth the day.
3. Some are anointing her body with (cooling) sandal paste and
some say that there is but little life* in her.
4. To what can she have recourse ? Even the cool rays of the
moon continually burn her.
5. She is as it were performing a penance with a fixed desire ; for
night and day she utters but his name.
6. Saith the poet Bhanunath, the wise Maheswar Singh under¬
stands the sentiment.
XIV.
Chaturbhuj.
An allegory explaining desire for communion of the soul with God.
sfp cw ^ pfjreni, Jiraw, pp ijftpp snJi n
p|fH*ip ^ ^ JTKP II
* hero means ‘ life,’ the Skr. ‘ birth.’
87
1884.] G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Yaislmava Hymns.
f^*r ^ cR m 5if*t ^ II
list 5ri mm, ii
mfi imff fitr =ft5: ii
^3^^ W*!; PIT *t WKPl II \ 8 II
Translation 14.
Refrain. Ah Madhab.
1. The forms of both are young, and so is their passion. The
young recognition of love is awaking.
2. IS’either of the young ones speaketh, for both have pride in their
minds.
3. Daily the bodies of both are fading away. Who knoweth how
many days must (thus) be passed.
4. Both minds dwell on one employment, but modesty stands be¬
tween them.
5. The more she concealeth her love within her heart, — the more
will it become manifested by her eyes.
6. Saith the skilful Chaturbhuj. Their love never groweth old.
XV.
Saras Ram.
The beauty of the soul. This hymn is apparently taken from some
religious drama, and was sung on the entrance of Radha.
iKH If inf?: i Jrafn ftigHtn ll
nn minim mnnn nnn^ i nifnff nn ii
nmx mftm nnn i mfn ftm mm mifm ^ rntn n
wifp sjfpn f m w?: nfnnm i n mft nn nnmm mm ii
mnif ?:!?( w nrar i nnr mw nnmn «q ii n, ii
Translation 15.
1. The exceedingly tender one entered, — the beloved of Brikh-
bhanu, with the elephant gait.
2. Her body is matchless and her face suffused with joy, like the
new moon rising over the summer lightning.
3. By her nose her playful eyes remain iiot steady, as bees sur¬
round each side of the sesamum flower.
88 G. A. Grierson — Twe^ity-one Vaishnava Hymns. [Sp. No.
4. Her full bosom would assuredly break, if love had not tied it
with the string of three fair folds below.
5. Saras Ram telleth of Radha’s beauty, and king Sundar knoweth
the sentiment.
XVI.
Jayadeb.
The soul is described as being on the point of abandoning itself to
God.
i
3jrff fftfuT: Brftr, TKst n
ilFcT II
’^T^isfi ^ ^ 5ITFcr 'g%T^ II
5IiT FTSTf , ?fKH g
s» ^ C\
%TH wn?: iit% ii
rftf wv % srTfnfsr, fitsi g
KT^iT FT?;rEIF, qifq 5^^^% || ||
Translation 16.
1?
1. Fair one, haste to the love-meeting. Even now will the moon
arise. Darkness will desert the night, and the means of obtaining* love
be removed.
2. Lovely one, expose not thy face, or on all sides will there be a
bright light. The Chakorf will take thy face for the risen moon, and
covetous of thine ambrosia, will coaxingly (approach you, taste it) and
go away.
3. Speak not inadvertently with thine ambrosial voice, or others
will think it nectar. When the bee seeth thy face he will take it for an
open waterlily, and will sip the honey of thy lower lip.
4. Thou art desirous of love and it is a night in the month of Chai-
tra.;|; (So haste) as thou desirest to return home. The new poet Jaya¬
deb sang this before Raja Sib Singh Rup Narayan.
* ^TT, literally t ‘ a shop.’
t The Greek partridge, Perdix rufa, said to be enamoured of the moon, and to
exist on moonbeams, and the ambrosia contained in it.
J March- April. In this month people are supposed to be inclined to oversleep
themselves. She is hence warned not to oversleep herself, or she will have to re¬
turn after sunrise, and her absence will be observed.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Twenty‘07ie Vaishnava Hy^yins,
89
XVII.
Kes'ab.
In the following’ the distress of the sonl on fancying itself deserted
by God is described.
151=5 W’gsf 15T 1
il^sr f5i^, ^=f5t n ?iT5r II
ill qft: ^5r5:^ =ff5; §5;5T Tjft ^5sr |
^ ^5f jcfi, 5r f5igf?r Bfe wtj3 ii
ifit if5f wtf5 If it'515 I
=5^: 'ffi; m ir u
ifi§ 151 f%5rf itfifif ^ s <f=f ill ^ifiTiT I
^51 f gif flf53 Jfif, ifif if^ ^ ^ ^T5f II
i?;! mi ik, m mif i
msf § IS %i^, 11 ^i; fiRfci gciTtf II l.'a o
Translation 17.
1. 0 friend, take heed unto my words, my body is about to be con¬
sumed to-day. My life longeth for the touch of air, as love setteth in
array his fiery darts.
2. How can I, ah Hari, Hari, come out of my difficulties, even
though I take patience ten thousand times. Every minute I faint, I
faint and fall, ‘ thy friend,’ saith thy friend, ‘ can live no longer.’
3. As I hear, as I hear the cry of the cuckoo, what am I to do ?
Its sweet sound no longer pleaseth me. Lamenting, lamenting I call
on Hari, but the pitiless one hath not yet come.
4. 0 friend, thou art making a (cool) bed of lotuses for me, that
from it I may be cured.'*' When I hear, when I hear the peacocks cry¬
ing in the dense forest, both mine ears are consumed.
5. The fruit of my virtue and of my good deeds hath disappeared.
In some former existence I must have committed many sins.f Saith
Kesab, bear patience, king Pratap understandeth love.
* or is often used to mean ‘ a cure.’
t Under the doctrine of transmigration sins committed in one life follow one
with their consequences in a future life.
90
G, A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaislinava Hymns.
[Sp. No.
XVIII.
Bhanjan.
Subject, the same as the preceding.
^>51 irft: f ft: ^fft:, tit;^ i
*1 5T5 itfcT, siRi stJttr ll
% =1 nt: sntfh tiw, ii ^ ^^t; i
Itf 5??! w 'wra, ftt:^ ^15 Hx^ II
fit ^citi 5fx?^ ^tx cTf ix?xr I
'gxtf RRt;sr fiii cnup, ti kmtt itt;^x^ ii
sx ^t; Rxsxtx ixf?!^ tx gtxtix^ |
%xk <x*x ^tx5, Rratx ii
% tx^ jflf^ 5X5 k* k^x^ 11
^ ^k %st; kitg^ fl35 % I
Rfq^ k«^ 5^ kxt: tif^, 5gf^t: ki^fx ^ trx^ « ii
Trmislation 18.
1. O Hari, Hari, bow can I pass over tbe river o£ separation alone.
Nowhere do I see Krishna, without whom all the world is dark.
2. Who is there my friend upon this earth, on whose hand I can
count in this ? Every moment my body becometh prostrate, and falleth
under the weight of the grief of separation.
3. What can I do ? where can I go ? From whence will come
my salvation P The very rays of the moon scorch my body. Now I
have no means by which to live.
4. Fan me not with lotus leaves, 0 friend, nor sprinkle me with
camphor. To me (even these cooling applications) seem as if it were
raining ceaseless (burning) smokeless coals upon my body.
5. To whom shall I tell my woes, for Love Invincible is slaying
me. Krishna hath forgotten and deserted me. What can I do, hoping
against hope ?*
6. Saith Bhanjan, the chief of poets, Who can wipe out what hath
been written in the book of fate ? Misfortune and wealth are both fleet¬
ing. Before long the essence of all virtues will meet thee.
* Lit. What shall I do with calcxilating good omens (as to the future).
means ‘ to calculate the future from omens.’
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Twenty-one Vaislinava Hymns,
91
XIX.
The next hymn, by the same author, deals with the same subject.
?f5r5Tt, II
jrjr?t JIK5I *1^ 535i^t, gst jri[ ||
^>5t ^151 II
^ki siar ^iit n
y?;3I ^T? t^^cT Tig?;! n
^nkrk w m^fNr n n
Tanslation 19.
1. The rainy season hath come near, my friend, what am I to say ?
for my Lord hath not come.
2. The new clouds thunder in the sky, and the peacocks are crying
in the forest.
3. What advice dost thou give me now, my friend ? Who can bear
such pangs of separation ?
4. Other damsels have sported with their loved ones, but for me a
single night appeareth an a3on.
5. Fair one, be patient. Krishna, the lord of Mathura will come
and meet thee.
6. The poet Bhanjan sang this, and the bee obtained the lotus.
XX.
Chakeapani.
Subject, — the same as the preceding.
%ki f«i^ ^ II
^ t II
f ^ II
wir; ^ ^ n
'fJT k'? mk ^ ii
%?(?: kd %re t n
?r:^ gk ^ «
5k *Ri w ^k ?rr;^ ^ ii
'g^mk w i« k^ Hfl?: ?i*n5i ^tsi 5^ I ii s^® y
02
G. A. Grierson — Twenty -one Vaishnava Hymns.
[Sp. No.
Translation 20.
1. My beloved brought the jasmine of love. He watered it with
the ambrosia of his voice, and clothed it with flowers.
2. The flowers blossomed, and the nectar exuded therefrom, but
the bee, whom I trusted, went away and lived in a far country.
3. In the first place I am smitten by fate, and the Creator hath
prevaricated with me. In the second place my beloved is afar ofl, and
my bosom is empty.
4. The splendour of the autumn moon is spread abroad. My mind
has become the cJiakor,^ and therefore it glided towards him.
5. Chakrapani saith, now, on an auspicious day, the bee and the
jasmine have met.
XXI.
Harkhnath.
The following song is different from the others. It is by Harkh-
nath the principal living poet of Mithila, a selection from whose poems
was published in my Maithil Chrestomathy.
The eleventh of the songs then published was a Soliar or congratu¬
latory birth-song describing the birth of Krishna. I have since ascer¬
tained that this was only a portion of the whole, and I now take this
opportunity of printing the song as it was originally written by the poet.
■ JiKSifi gif ^ i
t II
tiff cT 3IK5ICI %T?: ist I
^ ^ j
api iig =55^ 1 1
sf?; fisti ^553 t II
51^ 5|5T S’? I
SfillS ^ 11^51 1 1
l%SW5t snr ^ ii
siara jrf^3 'aisi i
51^ s?; CTJ ^ SR II
sfsf STPt?i sfcn ^ I
* A bird supposed to be enamoured of the full moon.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — Twenty -one Vaislinava Hymns.
93
oTcT JTf^ ^ II
Si
g?:jr, JTSf, niffi% ?;ciit, i^RctT % i
^ Vtz JTJi^ ^T II
1?; ITS! ^fftcT ^ i
sf
Si^ t II
Jisr f ^f^cf ^ |
^sfcT %T3 II
SJ
inft ^51 ^ I
^?;fisrcr ixm %ttc ^ li
c\
JTT^f^ 5i3T?; siTirft 5?; ji?; jzit^ % 1
^ilct X5Jr JT K’JXT SfiT HITJf ||
^5:^511^ H^r flil =ff< q?;?fiT ^ I
f^qfcf si^r ^ 11
si
^fiqfT^ ^ II II
>J ^ i
Translation 21.
1. Tire clouds thunder without intermission, and pour continuous
drops of rain. The throng of frogs is passionate, and the lightning
flasheth."^
2. The lightning llasheth, the clouds thunder, and the frogs cry
out. The darkness is intense, and the terrible midnight of the month of
Bhado causeth confusion.
3. The son of Devaki became incarnate, as it were (sweet) sandal
wood for the people’s joy. He is praised byf the gods, saints, and men
as the destroyer of Kamsa.
4. The sun of the lotus of the house of Yadu rose, a well-spring of
happiness to all men. Handa’sJ eyes were like the cliakor, and obtained
bliss from the full autumn moon (of Krishna’s face) .
5. He excelled the spotless lotus-leaf in beauty, and his eyes the
hlianjan. He was the destroyer of all calamities in the universe, and a
bringer of happiness upon the earth.
6. The bringer of happiness on the earth, the destroyer of calami-
* It is needless to remind the reader that Krishna was born in a storm, under
cover of which he was conveyed away beyond reach of Kamsa.
t Note the force of f^rf here.
J Krishna’s foster-father.
M M
94
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
ties, and his countenance excelling the moon in beauty. Shining like a
young cloud, his beauteous person (in fragrance) destroyed the pride of
musk.
7. And all the wise men in Nanda’s house, obtained wealth, in the
shape of jewels, pearls, tiaras, and golden ornaments.
8. The dancers, warriors, and astrologers, all at once obtained their
desires in the shape of horses, elephants, chariots, gold, rubies, jewels,
and pearls upon their heads.
9. Indra with the gods appeared in the atmosphere with glorious
pomp, and saw the loveliness of the house of Yadu.
10. The gods, pleased at heart, and their limbs thrilling with joy,
rained flowers, and in the sky played propitious melodies upon the
drum.
11. Great was the wealth given to the midwife who cut the navel
cord : and the wives of the cowherds in their joy sang the Sohar.
12. In their joy the fair ones of the city sang, and captivated the
minds of gods and men ; when birds and beasts heard them they became
motionless, and even saints desisted from their contemplation.
13. Harkhnath saith with all his heart, May Hari be propitious,
and bless king Lakshmisvar Singh with increase of wealth and subjects.
14. May Krishna the refuge of the three worlds, satisfy Harkh-
nath’s request, and fulfil the heart’s desires of the Lord of Mithila.
The Song of Bijai Mai. — Bdited and translated hy G. A. Grierson, C. S.
The accompanying poem is an excellent example of the pure Eas¬
tern Bhojpuri dialect spoken in the district of Shahabad. Its grammar
is fully described in Part II of my Grammars of the Bihar dialects pub¬
lished by the Government of Bengal. It is also interesting as showing
vividly the manners and customs of a district famous for its fighting
men. It is not necessary to allude to them in detail here, as a literal
translation is given of the poem, to which reference can be made. The
whole structure is founded on the difficulty experienced by a Bajput
father in marrying his daughter, and the large sums he has to pay to the
father of a suitable bridegroom.
The poem is sung, and the lines are arranged to suit the air, but are
not in metre. It abounds in useful long and redundant forms of sub¬
stantives.
I am unable to identify the names of persons and places mentioned
in it. The poem itself contains all the traditions that are known on the
subject. I may note, however, that in the famous Bundelkhand epic
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
95
of Allia and Rudal, there are fifty- two sub as or generals mentioned, and
that the name of one of the principal characters in the present poem is
named Bawan Siiba. So also in that poem there is a wonderful horse,
and there are other points of resemblance. This must be more than a
coincidence, bnt I am nnable to do more than point ont the fact.
The author and date of the poem are unknown. It is published
just as it was taken down from the mouth of a singer, under the superin¬
tendence of Babii Slv Nandan Lai Bay, to whom I am indebted for the
text, and the proof sheets have again been checked with a fresh recitation
by the singer so as to ensure accuracy. Only obvious, misspellings have
been corrected, and where one word is spelt in two places in two
different spellings, an uniform system has been adopted.
I
t gf ci^ ^ iii ii
wfctx ^ ^ jit ii
?:tjt % Jik w ^ ii
cl^ t 5IT II u, II
?;m ^ jit ll
JTvr ^ ii
iiTJT ^ «iT ii
cTsr iiT% ^ jit ii
?:TH ^ SIT II \o II
KW ix: ^ ifr II
^ t SIX II
51^ € *fx n
^ W » 5TX Skis' k kx ii
Kin ns ifflKf i jitKST K SI 11 »
Kin ns ^sits jftK K sx ii
^ ^ ^ o C/ ^ •s
Kxn sixnn nsi'sx s nx j^ssx k nx ii
Kxn nsi%f ftmKST k nx n
96
[Sp. No*
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
?:th iNI JifctT sn ii
k;w nsii^T JI55 ^ JIT II II
KtJT »TJIT%f Tlf^ i ^ JTT II
JITfi TTJIT^ ^ JIT II
KTfi Ti5ii%f JiifT flJir ^ JIT II
?;ttt flsitfr iim m'f^i ^ jit n
j;tjt if^i'jTJiTif 'i^nJigf ^ jit ii 5^4 11
J;TTT TIiIT%! ^f^JlT t JIT II
?;tjt iftf JTJtT%! ii^tjii ^ JIT n
KTJT if^iT nJiT^f ^^iTJi jftj; ^ jit 11
>i/ ^ o ^^>j/ o 'i' »:< "N
j;ttt juit'sit ^ jit w jtjit j: jit ii
?;tji «JiT%f f5i^t;?T jit 11 11
J;T!T ^%T JiTs? JTJiraf JITcIT ^ ^ ^ JIT |i
J;TJT JTJIT^f 3T^ i ^ JIT II
j;Tfl JTJifJtT 3tiq qi qj:’fqr j; jit a
^liT ^TjqT qiT 51^1 ^ ^T II
jrt JT fqssT Jijq^f 3iifT flqT ^ ^t ii ii
?;Tii %Tq m qri^jT qT%T qff qi ^ qi if
j;tjt firsi qiT qi«^ qt j; 'i qinqq! ^ qt a
^ V*
j:tji jqftiq JTJiT^f ^5311 ^ qr ii
q;T3T q^i" JT^Tq! f%f% Jitt^T k qr ii
KTJT JTqiq! ^q=f Jiqf q qT || 8 ° »
qTJT qq %qf qTJT ^ ^ q qT t qT II
qiq 5:wT qiqT f qi^T qqqqr j: qi ii
qTn qiw q^ iq» Jiq qiTs: ^ qi a
f^TT % Ii
qtqi %Tf% qT^ t qqqf % qT ii
qrflT ^fq %% 'qw^ jafqqT t qT ii 8i n
qTflT qifqi 37 qTqf flqqf q qT 11
qiTJTt ifq %q« t^fq q'qfqqf ^ qT 11
qiTflt fq^t srfqqT t qT II
1884.]
97
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
^ Jft II
?;TnT ?;T5rr ^ *it « h.» ii
KWt 3i% f?:?iT ^ ^rr ii
?;tht %Tf^ 37 iri:»ft 'e^^T ^ jit ii
niTT iiif^ trf^cim ^ JIT II
trftlcl sftJT^T ^ JIT II
ilfecl ^TT 5Io JIT II >i<j, II
nftBcI ^^I^T ^ftl ^f3^T ^'^fsiTio ^ JIT II
tlfecl % ^H^IT l?I^T f JIT II
IlfticI ^?I^T qfti ^5E; iff II
nftfcT gj; itTJt Tr)-f5i=fs 4 ^ *>r II
qftjcl 3f%^T «ITTT K JIT II II
qpucr iiTJT T§\f5ff J f ^wfysjT ^ JIT II
KTUT PcliJT ^'^JI % 1JI^% ^ JIT II
nfecl %5:% ^IRT $5I^T ^ Jn II
llftfcl §5% ^I^T T|^7^T ^ JIT II
j:tjit «% ^f%Ji i t^i^T ^ JIT II II
KTJTT «[TJT JITfl' ^^T ^ JIT ||
KTni i r^?IT %Tf5I K JIT n
KTUT 3tij;f^ f^BT %Tf^ ^ JIT II
KTJTT WSJI JTJTJ; tTfigcI TTITT ^ iiT 1|
JITJIT JfTf^ %TJlt ^J;^T ^ JIT II 'S® II
J:TJTT cI^ ’^ftl ^T^JI ^ JIT II
JJJTT JITT JITt ^ Jll'^ ?I^5IT ^ JIT II
j;t?it ^«t ^t7 g=5f <■ jit ii
JITJIT %Tf% 37 3TJ;«t ^T^ ^^^T ^ JIT ||
qftfcl JIT ^t%^T i "f^^T ^ JIT || 'QU, ||
j;i5iT ^sci jijij: ftufi: ^ jit h
KTJiT j;t3j: sit^ ^jui^! 7 jit ii
J:TJIT ^'^^JIT §tT3Tl mci^ JIT t JIT ||
?JJIT ?fIJIT ^’^JI ^ ^JI^^ ^ JIT II
?;TJIT 37 JITljff i:^^T K JIT II II
98
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
HfecT ^ ^ JIT II
llfecT 5im ^ 5tT II
sj nJ
TTfeci 3’5T ^xi '9% <15X1 ^ ^rr n
tifecx %T ^1$ fci^ %Tjr ^ Jtr II
tlfecl WilT ^’^SX i ^51% ^ JIT II 'll II
nfiiifx 'iifti ^xf < Jtx II
^ •s
nfecx Ji% ?:t5xt ?: ^xx ii
xanx ^W^x ^ ixx ii
?;x5n =1 Jxft sr^firaf ^ sxx ii
?:x5xx K?! 5xxi ^ m ii £.» ii
?;x5ix 'fxx ^5x 5;x^ ^T^^x ^ ^xx ii
?:xflx pxxjxx sx'gjx % ■g5xm% ^ six ii
KXJxi ?;x5xx jfts;x9 f^^x ^ six n
?:xm xsf^ %3x ^:si f^s:^x k jxx ii
5:X5RX ^ S[» f ffXSx! ^Vf%?IX ^ SIT II iii, II
?;x»ix f mx lx % ^ *ix II
?;x»xx pfxsix ^'g’x % ^ 5X1 II
?:x«x X37 53x xjt?:f ^ six n'
?;x5xx ^ §1 f fjxsx! gVf^xxx ^ *IX II
^5xx gi^5;x % ^5x ^ ^x^^ ^ six ii n
Kxsxx is: 'tfnxxT '^'“fisix ^ sti n
s;xnx ^x§xx wi ixx?^ ^ s^ n
?:xsxx txs: sxsisist^ ^ ^t ii
?:x3ix icxsTx f ^s:x Ix t: six u
s:xnT =37 ^:x5xx ixs;xsx fiw ^ six n ^ oij^ n
s:xin wfsx xxc^ If^xx^x k six ii
xrfexx sx^ ^XX5 ilf xc SIT g
qfigxx ^xx5 ii! 3x^x ^ sfx \\
ixPxixx ^xx5 ii! ^^x?: ^sx^ i six g
s:x«x cxtfi ii! 5xix3^ i *xt ii ii
s:xsxx x^s: ^1x3 iif ^^s:x sRs^^fisix i srx g
qfeci sRKi! f ^x;x i six g
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mol.
99
T.WJ ^ t 11
JlfecT irii ^ jit |i
j;tlTT ?;T5TT ^^=5 ftjJT t J|T II II
j:titt Ttfti trcw qf%cT^ ^ jit ii
?:T5rT ^fji infj; ^ jit ii
j:T5rT ^Tfl^ %TiT HirfgTiT ^ jit ii
J^SIT %TJT ^ jit II
j:t5it wj: %jt ^ jit ii ii
j;T5iT ^^<T JTTTt ^q^T ^ JIT II
?:t5it Jil ^TT§ Jitif t jit ii
^T5IT wl' Tlfjt^T ^5iqT t JIT II
j:t5it 'qTft Afii ^^tj: q^i^T ^ jtt ii
?:T5ir cflf^ ^iT5 flfjt K JIT II II
?:T5rT 5*: wtt3 itfit JRJ^qftqr ^ jtt ii
?::TnT Pctjit q'qji % ^ jit ii
KT^TT ttIt %t qiq^ ^%t ^ jit n
J:T5iT ^T3 f^Jiqf % y%T f^Jiq! ?: JIT II
JiTUT Ttr^i ?;t5it JTi;Ht qTqJT ^qqr ^ jit ii n
?jflfT %q» isr JTTfjiqi 'f^T < jtt ii
qqw 5T^^ % %I«T» MSK^T ^ JTT ||
NJ
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1884.]
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1884.]
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G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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1884.]
105
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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106
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
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1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mol. 107
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108
G. A, Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai. [Sp- No.
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1884.]
109
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai,
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110
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G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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1884.]
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Gr. A, Grierson — The Song of Bijai MaL
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112
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai. [Sp. Ko.
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1884.]
G. A. Grierson
The Song of Bijai Mai.
113
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114
[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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1884.]
115
G. A, Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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116
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mol.
[Sp. No,
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1884.]
117
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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1884.]
G. A, Grierscn — The Song of Bijai Mai.
119
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120
[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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1884.]
121
G-. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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122
G. A. Grierson — The Song of B-ijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
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1884.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai, 123
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124
[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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125
■G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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G. A. Grierson — The Song of Biiai Mai.
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1884.]
127
G. A, Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
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f«f^ flTO*!’! f
Kim % «i^r^ fliris fx jii ii il
?;TnT % *fT
KUTT H?:WT ^ ^«5IT JtC%T %I *IT
KTJXT i 'IT *11
?:TIXT VftJIT ^IfJT^ %T *11
si
?^HT ^xij 3i»Xf?;^ % sir II II
Ni •
KGiT %Tftr %fl ^it^rx tr *(t
^«Ei*: ri 1% Hif^^ n^iefirgT tr *11
?;Gn sx’^xt f ^1; “fx *ix
?;xnxl?i*[ixf sRii^x 'lx *ix
?:tox ifi; fsrifii bh *tx %x *it 11 11
Kxnx ^xfix It'fq’x sihg:^ |x *rx
Si
?:xflx *xx^ ^xxjx^r f«r§5ix |x *?x
?;xnx iixr?: ift?iT lx *ix
?:xnx *pxfe II lx six
?;xJTx nl ?:x5ix *xxfl^ lx sxx 11 \»^o 11
*n*XX ^ W I 51X2(1 ^Xft lx 5IT
5;x5xx ^5r%t ^1 lx sir
i^flX Iftsif lx SIT
i:xnT tl ixf X I fq^ftsix lx sir
?iJTr ^X5ix sxxfsx^ l^^x lx SIX n 11
?^sTX sfixi^nt ^xg’si ^'g'fft^rx lx six
KXHX ?TSI^ tR:f5l siSlfcJIX lx SIT
?;xsxx feffiW Hs;^ ftciw^?x lx sit
?;x«x lift ^x?sr Jrs;Ht i^srx lx sir
?:xnx 5E(Tt ^fin §cr® scxi fl=isi^ % sir n » • n
?;xsTx sfisilf ^3X5: |x six
?:xm a?fxi^ I ll'fesix 5isw^» |x m
?;xflx pcisix ^'gsi ^cfsi gill It six
128
[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
?;wT it *it
?nnT '^fti w !?t^ ’ft SIT II 8H. n
^tJTT wti it ®ii
?;TflT ^ifit Si 5i»fii:^r it *tt
KT«t Jttft; ^tfe ii fl<c5twf it jit
?;raT Si i;T5jt ^t^ ^w=rT it ^r
?:tnt ^i^tftstRtJi! it ^it ii \»i<> ii
^5^ i3f» ^i^fsigf it srt
f 'WJT 'w^“' ciYfi ^tt it 5tt
^w^t ^tl% fn?: fi^t;?t it ^tt
Ktflt iiitfit f f%?;wt it «tT
Ktflt Si it 5tt II \<>!i.l II
5cmt "gfi i% ^t^ii ^t Jtij^t it SIT
f 5i?:t Si gSfe^t it Jtt
Ktnt ^nfi sifi StKt ilT^t it sit
?;T»tt *ttfi ifi?it ^“tS^tt it sn
?;ret ^ttc stt ^^wt it sn ii n
?:tnt ^ ^;^t wit *11 ftiti^t it ^it
Kwt it^t fjti% ttitt^t it ?rr
KTOT stt ^etKt fti^it ’^cit it ’ll
?;tHt fci^it i tt^fi ’taifSm it stt
ft^it '35it% TJi?; sfiiif it sit II II
?:t«t 'gfi iit fii^it it ^tt
Ktnt ^it '^it Stfsigt it *ii
?;tnt fi^s;t i lfi?it n^it S sit
?;int itt Sit it\?J i S: ^rt
-J
T,W\ ^ ^T 11 II
^ Vt;! ^ ilT
sj j
^ ^tttt ^t5i itic % wzii it srt
S* Cv ^
Tjf^j % 5n
?jflt wfi wtfti iti it sit
1884.]
129
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
KTHT ^;r ^ ^ti n n
?:rnT <tsi sit
?;mT ti ^ six
?;TflT tiz WSIT s;’? § ST^?T ^ SIT
w^^T H«i sgsf ^^t:c[t sn
Sf^^T TTsr % nxto ^fjifii 'IT STT || \<>'c<> ll
SITSTT tx^cT ^ti ^firfsT ^S[gf ^ J(t
SCTJTT 3l€ ^TH^ ^^s;T f^^STT K s(T
KTSTT <flfsr %r^ ^tiTsi ^fcl^T t SIT
^rtnx irr^ 'itt?" sti 'ix sjx
?TnT m xxsi?: ^sigf ^ srr n n
s:tsit ^'^TK t srt
fsTWSfit f T^ S JIWT ^ SIT
fci^^ SEW JTxfs: 551^ ix six
s:xJTx jvtf^six ?"^^x wm t SIX
Kxsxx isc ^ SIX II II
wrsxt HSIX i sicl^ ^^%T ^ SIX
^fXflt %X5:^I ^t$%T ^?SI Jiffegx 'tx sn
5:xnx If^x tffsmx 'ix sn
KXflx s:x^ ^ SIX TX SIX
?:xJn 'fST i Jitf^sn 'ix six 11 \®4.u, 11
?;xnx ^sgxn € ^fir f^ftsix t six
?is:^ $$ sTf ^ ?ni5i Jtx iftsjx € sn
?;isxx f ^s;x % si^fjgx ^ sit
?nnx =5'wt m ?Mt 1ws;x ^ six
NJ *
?:xnx ^>f%six wra XT'? 153$ sn n \\oo n
^nsxt =ff % SIX 5iin? K SIX
KTnx sns: 5inx^ < six
'aw^ fixft 'xs;^ 5x;%xix ^ sn
?;xsn KT? t;faa! ^ ax
axsxx €fa^! % ^ snff ^ < ax 11 \\®>l n
?;xax aK i aaax ax
130
[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
flTCTS: ^ SIT
^:tht qft < SIT
fjtfk; 5tT ^ JtT
KWT §Tft ^ ^ 5tT II II
?:TflT wft; JTT ^ ^tT
ilT SIT ^1?;^ ^ ’ll
sRTfe silfl ^ SIT
^^IIT s:si W ^ stT
KTSIT ^tsif ^%! ^IJWT ^ sfT II II
?;tstt Bl’smfciTiT ^ six
?;tstt ^^TT % n^i^ t SIX
?ftsi^ 3'f ?fct^T ifJTS:# ^ SIX
^TUT ’^fs: ^iifsi sixcmqf ^ SIX
sj
5:tht ^s:t f^Ts: ^ srt n n
iN^TfftlsiTTC g?: ^ t SIX
<mT WT^ SIT ^ SIX
KTsiT ?fNnfiisjT t; six
iftsif i ^T^ ^f^T ^ SIX
ktut sftF^ ftsrax ^ six ii x,\=ti n
ifffsif 5IT5: ^I5W1» ^ SIX
«^T ftis^ f^=f% ^tl^?l^ ^ SIX
«T% ?IH % iT^f? flt^x t SIX
WXilT ?I« % iRiff flJIT^ ^ SIX
?:raT fsitsix ^ SIX II x.x,^' ii
W% 5IH W llf%S:W t SIX
xm 5IH % fifs^ fir^siT r six
^?IcI %^cl ^lf^% ji% SIX
KTTIT TTIT f ^ %% frr’ft SI?I^ ^ SIX
KiM\ Tj’f! %% ^ i^si! ^ ii ll
^^T «TiCt ^ ^5isis|f ^ SIX
?;Tnx ^JIT Si?I % ^ SIX
f^sn ^Jl ^JT fsfsis SIX ^fC^I^T t SI
^ftl I
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
131
TRANSLATIOIT.
Invocation.
I invoke the god of this place and earth,* and the village god :
then I invoke the feet of my mother, and of my spiritual preceptor.
Next I invoke the Brahm of the village, (5) and the snn god Snrnj
Mai, whose lamp is burning every day. I invoke Mother Ganges, whose
water flows in a clear stream. I invoke the five Pandavas, (10) and the
heroic Hanuman.f Again I invoke the goddess Durga : 0 goddess, be
thou a help to my throat as I sing this song. 0 goddess, if any letters
are forgotten, bring them together number by number. (15) Then will
I invoke the god GoraiyaJ of Delhi and the Musalman saint Subhan Gir.§
With what shall I honour, the god of this place and earth, the
village god, the feet of my mother, (20) and of my spiritual preceptor,
the Brahm of the village, Suruj Mai, Mother Ganges, the five Panda¬
vas, (25) Hanuman, Durga, Goraiya of Delhi, and Subhan Gir.
With oblations will I honour the god of this place and earth,
(30) and with grain the village god. With my ten nails (^. e., with
reverently joined hands) will I honour my mother’s feet, and with
yellow cloth my spiritual preceptor’s. With incense will I honour the
Brahm of the village, and with a stream of milk Suruj Mai, (35)
with cakes 1 1 will I honour Mother Ganges, with a golden brahmanical
thread the five Pandavas, and with sweetmeats of clarified butter the
heroic Hanuman. With a castrated goat will I honour the goddess
Durga, with a sheet Goraiya of Delhi, (40) with a fowl Subhan Gir.
Then will I call upon the name of Ram. Now will I sing the ballad
of the prince, O gentlemen, hear attentively.
The Ballad.
Up rose*I[ Queen Maina, (45) saying ‘ hear me, 0 Chalhki my maid
* I is a common compound, meaning- ‘ place.’
vj
O
in tlie text is long form of whicli is a provincialism for
X Goraiya of Delhi is the God worshipped by Dusadhs and other low-caste
tribes, South of the Ganges. Hogs are sacrificed to him.
§ I have been unable to identify this saint.
II instr. of f^3^T which is long form of
•[[ This is the literal translation of ^3" and is so carried out throughout
the translation of the poem. The compound, however, means idiomatically ‘ to
speak up.’ It does not mean that the person speaking actually got up to speak.
132
G. A. Grierson — TJie Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
servant.* * * § Up rose Queen Maina saying, ‘ Husband, bear my words. f
Our daughter has become fit for marriage. Go forth into the coun¬
try, and have search J made for a spouse for her.’ (50) King Bawan
Suba§ went away, and sat in his audience- chamber, and the proud
Bawan Suba thus spake, ‘ Hear, 0 well-read Pandit, my daughter is
ready for marriage. (55) Take with you a barber’s || lad, go forth
into the country, and search for a bridegroom. 0 Pandit, take money
with you, and go forth and search. Search for a house worthy of
my house, (60) and search for a boy worthy of my child. ^ Search
for a co-father- in- law worthy of a co-father-in-law.’ On hearing** * * §§ these
words the Pandit took money, and a barber lad (65), and went forth to
the south country, but he found not a boy worthy of Tilki.ff He searched
unsuccessfully in the east country, and in the north. He ran to many
cities and returned, (70) but found not a bridegroom worthy of Tilki.
Then he went to Bawan’s audience hall, and there the barber lad bowed
lowJJ and made obeisance. The Pandit blessed him, and up rose the
proud Bawan Suba and said (75) ‘ Tell me the news about the boy.’ ‘ 0
king, I have wandered to and from many cities, but, lo, your daughter
has been born an enemy to you. Nowhere have I found a boy worthy
of her ? (80) On hearing this, up rose the proud Bawan Suba and
said ; ‘ Go to the west country, to the city of Ghunghun, there is there a
great king and a boy worthy of Tilki.’ (85) On hearing this the Pandit
went to the city of Ghunghun, into the king’s audience-hall. Up rose the
Brahman Pandit and said, ‘hear my humble petition. §§ (90) Your
majesty has two sons, I would see the goods which your Majesty has
* lit. a barber’s wife, long form of wbiob is fern, of
‘ a barber.’ Women of this caste are much used as domestic servants, and are even
indispensable at ceremonies, such as marriages, &c.
f is a feminine long form of ‘ a word.’ This form gives a
diminutive sense, something like, ‘ my dear little word’.
J rfo is preterite conjunctive, in the rare sense of an Imperative. It is
from \/ the causal form of v/
§ This is evidently the name of the king, but there appears to be some confu¬
sion with the fifty-two Subas mentioned in the well-known Alha and Rudal.
11 In arranging a marriage a barber is the recognized negotiator.
<1[ is here used, in common gender, to signify ‘ child’. It refers to the
king’s daughter.
is locative of which is long form of which is the
verbal noun of ‘ hear’,
ff The name of the Princess.
XX indecl. participle of \/ *1^ to bow.
§§ as before noted is diminutive.
1884.]
133
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
for sale.’* * * § On hearing this, up rose king Gorakh Singh and said,
‘ Hear, my son, Raiidhir. (95) Tell the damsel Hemiya to bring the
prince.’ Up rose Randhir the Chhattri, ‘ hear 0 damsel Hemiya,
(100) bring now the prince.’ The damsel Hemiya brought him, and
the welhread Paiidit inspected him, and was satisfied, f ‘ 0 king, how
much TilahX will you take for the |)rince.’ (105) Up rose king Gorakh
Singh and said, ‘ Hear, 0 well-read Pandit, nine hundred thousand will
I take as a TilaJc, six hundred thousand as a dowry, § four hundred
thousand at the ceremony of Bucir puja,\\ (110) three hundred thousand
when the prince puts on his sacred thread, and two hundred thousand
at the ceremony of kanliwdri.^ On these conditions, 0 Pandit, will I
give the prince in marriage’. On hearing this, the Pandit returned
to the castle in the mountains, (115) into the audience chamber of his
king. Up rose the well-read Pandit and said ‘ 0 king, hear my petition.
There is a co-father-in-law w'orthy of you as co-father-in-law. There is
a boy worthy of your child. (120) There is a house worthy of your
house, but he asks for many rupees. He asks for a TilaJc of nine
hundred thousand, for a dowry of six, for four at the ceremony of
dud?' jpujd, (125) for three when the prince puts on the sacred thread,
and for two at the ceremony of hanliwdri. On hearing these words,
O king, I agreed to the terms, and eight days hence I fixed as the
day for the wedding.’ (130) Up rose the proud king Bawan Siiba
and said. ‘ Hear, 0 my son Manik Chand. Open quickly the treasury
and send an invitation** to some of the brotherhood. Load carts with
provisions. (135) Tighten the pad on Bhawaranan the elephant,ff
mount him and go to the land of Ghunghun. There offer the Tilah
for the prince.’ Hearing these words Prince Manik Chand departed,
(140) and went till he reached the land of Ghunghun. He arrived
* is goods for sale. Here it refers to the king’s marriageable son. In
certain castes, in which it is difficult to find a fit husband for a girl, a high j^rice is
paid to the parents of a suitable boy, to induce them to consent to the marriage.
This price is made up of various items, viz., the Tilalc &c., mentioned further on.
•f is long form of ‘ satisfaction.’
J The Tilalc is the price paid to bridegroom, on the settlement of thfe marriage.
§ The present given to the bridegroom after the marriage, on leaving the
bride’s house.
II The ceremony of welcoming the bridegroom at the bride’s house.
^ The ceremony of presenting a loin-cloth (Jcanhdwar) to the boy-bridegroom.
The name is derived from Jcandhd, a shoulder, because at the time of gift, it is laid
on the shoulder of the recipient.
** \/ means, in Bhojpuri ‘ invite.’ The Maithil form is
is long form of '^<511 a male elephant.
lit. ‘ lay upon the prince’s (head),’ the technical term for the ceremony,
R R
134
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mat.
[Sp,
at the king’s doorway, and saith king Gorakh Singh, ‘ Hear, my son
Randhir Chhattri, (145) the Tilah of the prince has come, haste
and make the necessary preparations. Qnickly give them sharhat,
and inquire as to what will he a lucky time for the marriage.’
He called a well-read Pandit, (150) ‘ 0 Pandit, hear my words.
Haste and look for a lucky time.’ Up rose the well-read Pandit and
said, ‘ 0 king, now is an excellent lucky time ; haste and olfer the
tilalv.'’ (155) Up rose now Randhir Chhattri and said, ‘ Prince Manik
Chand, hear me, come now within the courtyard, and haste to offer the
tilak.
Kuar Bijai* * * § sate himself down, (160) with some of his relations
and Manik Chand, and now arose the (sound of) marriage songs. They
now commence to offer the tilah, and behold, it was offered. (165)
They then all went into the outer hall, and in excellent manner were
called to dinner. f The whole assembly ate and drank and became
ready. Excellent was the manner in which they were ready. The
eighth day was the one fixed for the wedding (at the bride’s house),
(170) and Manik Chand returned to his palace.
Up rose king Gorakh Singh and said, ‘ Hear, my son Ran-dhir
Chhattri, send invitations abroad, and in excellent manner make ready
the wedding procession.’ (175) On hearing these words he invited
many of his brotherhood, and in excellent manner made ready the marriage
procession. In excellent manner did king Gorakh Singh the mighty
prince, make ready the procession and set out.J (180) They arrived
at the country of the fortress in the mountains, and Gorakh Singh
sent news of his arrival. ^ Ho watchman, hear ; go to the King’s
audience chamber and tell him (185) that the procession of the monarch
has come.’ The news reached the king,§ and then said Bawan Suba,
‘ Hear, 0 my son Manik Chand ; in excellent manner escort the proces¬
sion, (190) to the fortress of JirhuL’ On hearing these words Manik
Chand escorted the procession and caused them all to enter the fortress,
* This is the name of the prince, who was the boy-bridegroom.
f is the summoning to dinner, equivalent to the English, ‘ Dinner is
served, my Lady,’ of the fashionable novel.
J This marriage procession is the one in which the boy-bridegroom is carried in
state to the bride’s house for the wedding ceremony. After the ceremony the party
return with like pomp leaving the bride with her parents. When the bride is
old enough for the consummation of the marriage, she is fetched in a similar
manner to the bridegroom’s house. This last ceremony is called the gaund, and
will bo referred to later on in the poem. See vv. 777 and ff.
§ is a contraction of the weak genitive termination and of the pro-
nominal adverb 5,.^! here.
1884.]
135
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
and tliere he imprisoned them.* (195) Then was the Inchy time
(for the marriage). They tied the prince’s (i. e., the boy bridegroom’s)
horse under a ISTim tree, sent for some of the brotherhood (of the bride),
and in excellent manner the marriage takes place. (200) But all the
rest of the marriage procession they imprisoned. Then up rose king
Bawan Suba and said, ‘ Hear, 0 my son Manik Chand, put fetters on
their legs, load their loins with chains, (205) and hammer spikesf under
their nails.’ Lo, to this condition did Manik Chand bring them.
In the meantime the prince-bridegroom had entered the marriage
shrine J where there was an image of the goddess Durga. How at this
time the horse (of the prince which had been tied up under the Him.
tree) thought within himself, (210) ‘ 0 goddess Durga, hear me. Art
thou the guardian deity of the Prince’s childhood ? All the rest of his
marriage procession has Bawan cast into jail.’ Behold, the horse cuts his
heel ropes with his teeth, (215) he cut§ all his heel ropes. Then he
went to the marriage canopy, while the prince was inside in the
shrine.
How the horse winks to him, and says, ‘ Hear Prince Bijai. (220)
All the rest of the procession hath Bawan Siiba enticed into the fortress
of Jirhul. Only (yourself) one little grasshopper has escaped. You are
a fool to stay here. Leap upon my back, and ride away.’ (225) The
Prince leaped upon his back, and the horse Hichchhal flew into the air, ||
between the earth and sky. In the midst he described a circle. The
horse traversed the ten countries, (230) and arrived at the city of Ghiin-
ghun. In this way did the marriage of the Prince take place.
^ I. e., lie imprisoned the procession, but not the bridegroom. The cause of
this seemingly inexplicable act of treachery is the feeling of revenge which the
Rajput felt towards the man who had given his son in marriage. The giving a son
in marriage is looked upon as a great compliment, and as laying the father of the
bride under a heavy obligation. To this feeling Gorakh Singh added by demanding
an exorbitant price for his son, knowing well that Bawan Suba must give it, as there
was no other marriageable boy fit for the bride. By imprisoning the bridegroom’s
father Bawan Suba in the first place gratified his feeling of revenge, and in the
second place got a husband for his daughter for nothing.
t is long form of ‘a nail ’ or ‘ spike.’
J The is the shrine in which the married couple kneel before the
tutelary deities of their houses, on the conclusion of the marriage ceremony. Tlie
reader may be reminded that both bride and bridegroom were absolute children,
incapable of understanding what was going on. The prince, in fact, was too young
to remember in after years what had happened.
§ -v/ W = the Hindi v/ v/ is frequently used as the
latter half of an intensive compound in Bliojpuri.
II Lit. left the solid earth, is a repetition of without much meaning.
136
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
Now tlie prince’s sister-in-law* * * § Sonmati was sitting tliere, and her
eyes fell upon the horse. She became mad with rage,t (235) and np
she rose and said ‘ Hear, thon colt Hichchhal, what has happened to the
procession ?’ Hear LadyJ Sonmati, said Hichchhal, ‘ The whole pro¬
cession is in jail.’ (240) Up rose Sonmati and said, ‘ 0 Hichchhal, what
hind of corpse have yon hung to yourself ?’
(Here there is a pause during which the horse tells the story to Son¬
mati.)
So Sonmati was fain to take the prince and console herself with
him, — the one little grasshopper of the family.
After hearing all these things, (246) the Prince became twelve years
older, § and one day he went into his father’s garden, where the young
boys II were playing tip-cat.^ Up rose Prince Bijai and said, (250) ‘ O
boys, hear my little word. I also would play tip-cat with you.’ Up rose
a young boy and said, ‘ Hear, Prince Bijai, you are the king of the
city.’ (255) Up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ In boys’ sport, what kingship
is there ? As a shopkeeper’s lad plays, so also would I play tip-cat.’
‘ Hear, 0 Prince Bijai, (260) in our play there will be abuse and quarrel-
ing.** * * §§ If the Lady Sonmati hear, she will (kill us, and) fill our skins
with chaff.’ Up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ Boys, trouble not yourself
about this, (265) I will answer for that.’ ‘ Then bring your cat, and
we will play with you.’ Away went Prince Bijai, (270) to the Lot
Darwajd-ff ‘ Hear, 0 sister-in-law Sonmati, I want a cat and stick.
‘ Hear, 0 Prince Bijai, what play is there in a cat for you ? (275) Play
you at gambling, or on the chawpar.’^^ When the Prince heard these words?
he went inside the Ldl Harwdjd and stretches a sheet over himself from
head to foot. He forswears food and water, (280) ‘ as long as, 0 sister
in-law, a cat is not ready for^me.’ On hearing these words, she says,
* She was wife of Randhir who had been imprisoned with his father and the
rest of the procession in Jirhul.
f is instr. of which is long form of ‘ rage.’
X Lit. Sister-in-law.
§ I. e., since hearing this story twelve years elapsed, or else time passed, and
the prince became twelve years of age. The first interpretation is borne out by
verse 385, and the second by verso 504.
11 %^T = is long form of young.’
is a game closely resembling the English ‘ tip-cat,’ except that the
opponent attempts to catch the ‘ cat ’ while it is in the air.
-s'*
is long form of 3131 ‘ quarrelling.’
ft The name of a part of his palace which had red doors.
H is long form of ^IW, ‘ a yearning.”
§§ Chaupar is the board or cloth divided into four portions on which the game
called pachisi is played.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
137
‘ Hear, 0 damsel Hemiya, go to Knsaliar (the blacksmith’s) shop, and
quickly call him here.’ (285) Away went the damsel Hemiya to the
blacksmith’s shop. ‘ Hear, O Knsahar the blacksmith. Queen Sonmati
calls you.’ On hearing these words (290) Knsahar went to the principal
chamber in the female apartments, and his eyes fell (on Sonmati) before
him. ‘ 0 Lady, what fault have I committed, for never yet have I been
called by you. To-day why have you called me ? (295) 0 Lady, quickly
give your order.’ ‘ Hear, 0 Knsahar the blacksmith, the Prince is the
support of my life. For his sake have I been patient, for he is the one
grasshopper remaining in the family. (300) He it is who refuses food
and water. Quickly make him ready a cat.’ Away went Knsahar the
blacksmith, to where Prince Bijai was. Reverently he makes saluta¬
tion, (305) ‘ What kind of cat does your Highness want ?’ ‘0 gods ! I
want a cat of eighty maunds, and a staff of eighty-four, and in eight
days must you make it ready.’ On hearing these words, (310) Knsahar
the blacksmith went home, and began to send for all his acquaintances
and family. He invites all his friends and relations, and the casting of
the cat began. They all set to work casting the cat and club, (315)
but the cat could not be made ready by them. All the friends and
relations ran away. Away ran Knsahar the blacksmith, for the cat was
not made ready. Knsahar left his house and goes along. (320) On
the way he meets Bihramajit."^ ‘ Hear, 0 Knsahar the blacksmith, into
what difficulty have you fallen, that you are running away from here.’
‘ The chief man of the town is the Prince, (325) and he it is that
asks for a cat to be made ready, a cat of eighty maunds, and a staff of
eighty-four. He wants the cat made ready in eight days, and it is not
so. If Prince Bijai hear of it, (330) on this account he will (kill me
and) fill my skin with chaff. On this account I ran away.’ Up rose
Bikramajit and said. ‘ Come along to your shop, and haste and blow
up the furnace.’ (335) Bikramajit preceded him home, and Kusahar
returned. Bikramajit touched the cat and staff, and behold they were
made ready. Away went Kusahar the blacksmith (340) to where Prince
Bijai was. ‘ Hear, 0 Prince Bijai, the cat is now ready.’ On hearing
these words the prince went to Kusahar’s shop, (345) and inspected the
cat and the staff. He returned to the Ldl Darwdjd, to the altar- platform
of the goddess Durga. ‘ Hear, thou goddess Durga. 0 mother, thou
hast been the guardian deity of my childhood. (350) O mother, trusting
in thee have I laid this taskf upon myself. Mother, I am going to play
tipcat. Mother, give thou strength to my arm.’ Prince Bijai went off
* Vikramaditya survives in popular memory as a great enchanter still living
in retirement.
t Lit. covered my head with this net.
138
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
to where the young boys were playing, (355) and hid* * * § his cat and
staff. When they saw him they held consnltationf and said, ‘ Yon
first play against ns.’ On hearing these words the Prinee leaped into
the field (360) and began to play against the yonng boys. He canght all
their cats on the hop, and then came his turn to play. All the boys
went into the field. He called the goddess Dnrga to his memory (365)
^ 0 Dnrga, be my help,’ and now the prince strikes his cat with the clnb.
All the boys who happened to be in front of it, stood senseless (with
the wind caused by it). The cat fell to the ground eighty kos distant.
(370) The boys began to consult together, and ran away. Up rose
Prince Bijai and said, ‘ Hear, you base-born boys, I played against you.
(375) Why do you not play against me ?’ On hearing these words, up
rose one little boy and said, ‘ Hear, 0 Prince Bijai, He who has such
strength in his arms, (380) hisj father is at this very time in prison, and
so is his brother. Had you been born in a shopkeeper’s house, yon
would now be supporting yourself weighing § goods. But yon were born
from a Chhattri’s womb. (385) You are now twelve years old.|| Shame
on your life. It was at your marriage that they were imprisoned.’^
When the Prince heard these words, he threw away his staff across the
river Yamuna, (390) went home, and draws a sheet over himself from
head to foot.
Up rose the lady Sonmati and said, ‘ Hear, 0 Damsel Hemiya. His
Highness went to play tip-cat ; (395) half an hour more than a watch of
the day has passed. He will get ill** if he does not get something to
eat.’ Hemiya went to where the prince lay with his sheet drawn over
him from head to foot. Up rose the Damsel Hemiya and said (400)
‘ Your Highness, it is time to wash your teeth, ff to bathe in the Ganges,
to worship the goddess, and to eat food.’ Up rose prince Bijai and said,
‘ (405) Hemiya, then will I brush my teeth, when you tell me the name
of my father and of my brother.’ Up rose the Damsel Hemiya and said
‘ Prince, this thing your Highness’s sister-in-law knows.’ (410) Away
went the damsel Hemiya to where w^as the Lady Sonmati, and saiv her
* ‘ hidden’.
is long form of
X for is an nnnsnal form in Bhojpuri. It is more common in
Magalii. In Bhojpuri it has only been noted south of the Ganges.
§ is long form of ‘ the bar of a scale’.
II Cf. note to verse 245.
'S'
is potential passive.
** is the disease resulting from not eating at the proper time,
ft is a tooth-brush, is the ceremony of brushing the teeth.
139
1884.] G. A, Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
in front of her. Up rose tlie Lady Sonmati and said, ‘ Hemiya. How
is liis Highness ?’ (415) Up rose the Damsel Hemiya and said, ‘ O
Lady, how can I say how his Highness is ? The prince is speaking evil
words. He is asking the name of his father and of his brother.’
(420) Sonmati went taking with her a vessel of water, and a tooth¬
brush. She took with her cow’s milk and a bundle* of Magahi betel,
(425) and went to the Ldl Barwdjd, where prince Bijai was sleeping,
and stood by his head. ‘ Arise, prince, brush thy teeth, and bathe
in the Ganges. (430) Drink a vessel of cow’s milk and chewf a bundle
of Magahi betel. Give up the anger in your heart. (435) You are
the support of my life ; for you my whole day passes. Bor your sake
have I been patient.’ Up rose prince Bijai and said, ‘ Sister, I will
eat food and drink water, J when you tell me my father’s name. What
happened to my brother ? ’ (440) ‘ When you were yet in your mother’s
womb,§ your father died. The day that you were born, was the day
on which my husband (your brother) took me to his house [j and on the
same day your brother (my husband) died.’ (445) When he heard this
he said, ‘ If you were not my sister-in-law, I would strike even you on
the head and kill you. Sister-in-law, my father went to my wedding,
and now he is suffering in prison. (450) Sister-in-law, my brother
went to my wedding, and now he is suffering in prison. My wife’s
father’s name is Bawan Siiba, and it is he who has put them in prison.’
When Sonmati heard these words (455) she began to weep bitterly,
and went into the female apartments, where her friends and companions
were. ‘ Hear my friends and companions, the prince went to play
tip-cat. (460) Who has wakened up the wasp Friends, the prince
remembers his father and his brother. He is going into his enemy’s
country. Tell me what I am to do to prevent it. How shall I cause
the prince to forget ?** (465) Up rose her friends and companions and
said, ‘ Friend, put anklets on your legs, and on every hair plait a pearl.
Take unto yourself the sixteen charms of a woman ; make and spread a
bed, (470) and go and catch the prince’s arm.’ She took unto herself
all the charms, and went into the Ldl Larwdjd, where prince Bijaiya was
sleeping. She caught the prince by the arm, (475) * Prince, come with
is a bundle of 200 leaves of betel for chewing.
t The lit. ‘ champ’, from the noise (^^ ^’^) made by the teeth.
The same root is also used for cutting grass with a sickle for a like reason.
J Lit. I will eat from food to water.
§ is long form of ‘ womb’.
11 The ceremony of Ganna referred to in verse 179.
^ i. e. his fiery nature.
** -v/ VTT = Hindi >/
140
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. Ko.
me to tlie female apartments. Of what is written in onr fate there is
no eraser. For yon and me it is written that we shall sleep pleasantly
together.’ Prince Bijai went as she told him, and Sonmati (laid herself
down beside him) and slept. (480) Bnt, behold, between them the
prince lays a sword. Up rose the lady Sonmati and said, ‘ the red of
dawn has begun, and morn is breaking. Prince, turn and look upon
my face.’ When the prince heard these words, (485) he got up and
stood, ‘ Up to to-day you have been my sister-in-law,* but from to-day
you are to me as my mother.’
Sonmati went out followed by the prince, (490) who said, ‘ Sister-
in-law, where is the colt Hichchhal ?’ Up rose the Lady Sonmati and
said, ‘ the horse was in its stable.’ (495) Against the door of this stable
she had placed a millstone. There the prince called to mind the goddess
Durga. ‘ 0 Durga be a help to my arm.’ He went and upset the mill¬
stone, and his eyes fell upon the horse. (500) The colt Hichchhal
began to weep, and up he spake, full of anger, and mad. ‘ Prince, why
have you shown me your face ? Twelve yearsf have passed by, (505)
and you have put me also into the stable.’ Again he said, ‘ Prince thus
hast thou done in thine own castle.’ Up rose Prince Bijai and said,
‘ Hichchhal, I did not know your condition. (510) To-day have I heard
it for the first time, and I came to search for you.’ Then the prince took
him out of the stable to his father’s tank, and th,ere he rubbed him
down and made him ready. (515) He then went to his own doorway,
tied up the horse under a mm tree, and gave him clarified butter and
sweet cakes. He increased its allowance of grain, and then the horse
became ready. (520) The prince went to the female apartments, where
was his sister-in-law Sonmati. ‘ Sister, give me a horse’s saddle.’
She gave him a saddle, and he brought it to the horse (525) and girthed
it on. He leaped upon its back and rode upon it. Up rose his sister-
in-law Sonmati and said, ‘ My prince, you are going to the enemy’s land,
go thou first to the platform of the goddess’s altar, (530) and kneelj!
before her.’ He went to the platform, and prayed, saying, ‘ Goddess, I am
going to the enemy’s land, remain a help over me.’ (535) Up rose
the sister-in-law Sonmati and said, ‘ My prince, keep the goddess Durga
in your heart. She further said, ‘You are going into the enemy’s land,
how shall I know your welfare ?’ (540) Up rose prince Bijai and said
‘ Get a green sandal tree cut, and have it planted in your courtyard.
* According to native custom, it is allowable for a woman to joke with her
husband’s younger brother. This sometimes leads to intrigues, which, when between
these, are looked upon as almost venial, especially when the woman is a widow.
f See note to verse 245.
J Eegarding \/ see note to verse 215.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
141
As long as that sandal tree remains fresli, so long know that the prince
is living, (545) when the sandal tree withers know that the prince has
been killed in battle.’* * * § Up rose sister-in-law Sonmati and said as she
wept, ‘My prince, from to-day yon have begun to forget me.’
(550) Away went Prince Bijai, and Hichchhal flew away into the
sky. He went and went till he arrived at the fortress in the mountains.
The prince halted at Bawan’s tank. (555) Up rose the goddess Uurga
and said, ‘ My Prince, thou art come into the enemy’s land. Here must
you show subtilty. I am going to Bawan’s castle, and will show a
dream to Chalhki.’f (560) Away went the goddess to Bawan’s castle,
to where Ohalhki, the barber’s wife was sleeping. The goddess took
the form of a cat, ‘ Hear, 0 Chalhki, the barber’s wife, Tilki’sJ father
has had a tank dug, (565) and her brother has built the steps to it.
Great skill § has been shown in building it. 0 Ohalhki, Tilki has never
seen it, 0 Chalhki, shame upon her life’. When Debi had shown this
dream, (570) she returned to prince Bijai.
0 my gentlemen, now hear what happened to Chalhki. She went
to where was the princess Tilki, and said, (575) ‘Hear, 0 Princess, I was
asleep in my room, || and at night I saw a wondrous dream. O Princess,
your father has dug a tank, and your brother the four flights of steps
to it, (580) and you have never seen it. Come and bathe in it.’ When
Tilki heard these words, she went to her mother, and her gaze fell upon
her. (585) ‘ 0 daughter, have you abused or quarrelled with any
one, that to-day you are come to me ?’ ‘ O mother, I have neither
abused nor quarrelled with any one, but my father has dug a tank, a
tank of great symmetry. (590) Mother, I would go and bathe in it.
Mother, grant me permission to go. For this reason am I come.’ Up rose
Queen Maina and said, ‘ 0 daughter, hear my words. (595) In the
courtyard will I have a tank dug. In the courtyard will I have four
flights of steps built. In the courtyard bathe thou, and go back to thy
apartments. Daughter, to the tank (you mention) come merchants,
and you will become enamoured of them. (600) You will get your
father’s name laughed at. If your father or brother hear of it, they will
kill me, and fill my skin with chaff.’ On hearing this Tilki (understood
that) the queen had not given her leave, (605) and went away to her
* n/ ‘ fie killed in fiattle’.
f The maidservant of queen Maina.
J Bijai’s wife, the daughter of Bawan Sufia.
§ is long form of
11 is long form of which is said to be the same as
a little painted room,’ but the meaning of the word is very doubtful.
142
[Sp. No.
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
own palace, where she lay down, and tightly fastened the doors. Morning
and evening passed away, (610) and thither came Chalhld the barber’s
wife, and sees the state in which Tilki is. She went to the queen, ‘ Hear,
queen Maina, Tilki has passed a morning and an evening (shut up in
her room), (615) now, give her leave to go.’ The queen gave leave for
two half-hours. Up rose queen Maina and said, ‘ Chalhki, go and bathe
and return by night.’ Away went Chalhki the barber’s wife (620)
‘ Hear, princess, open your tightly shut doors. I have got you leave for
two half-hours.’ The princess instantly opened the tightly shut doors,
and collected five or ten of her friends and companions. (625) On her
legs she placed anklets, and on her arms, armlets. On every hair she
plaited a pearl, and adorned herself with the sixteen graces. A garment
of the south she wore on her body, (630) and a velvet bodice. The very
strings of her bodice were priceless. On her forehead she stuck a
silver spot, and in her eyes she placed collyrium. (She was as beautiful
as) the moon of the second day of the lunar fortnight, when it rises.
(635) She looked at herself in a mirror, and struck her breast a heavy
blow. ‘ 0 God, why did you give me so much beauty, when my husband
is so pitiless. Shame upon my life !’ (640) All her friends and com¬
panions were ready and she stepped out of the first door. On her left
side a crow cawed, and she drew back the foot which she had put for¬
ward saying, ‘ Hear, 0 crow with lucky marks, (645) I will give you
a dish of rice and milk,f if you will show me the path of my husband.'
As she stepped out of the second door, the silver st^r upon her forehead
fell to the ground. Up rose the princess Tilki and said, (650) ‘ Hear,
O my friends and companions, twelve years have passed (since my
marriage) and never has my silver star sprung up (and fallen to the
ground). Consider now all about this.’ ‘ O Princess, what can we con¬
sider about this ?’ (655) She passed the third door, and the strings of
her bodice burst. ‘ O friends, why burst the strings of my bodice ?
Consider now all about this.’ ‘ 0 Princess, your husband is come to the
tank, (660) and for this reason do the strings of your bodice burst.’
She stepped through the fourth door, and lo the end of her sheet which
was gathered and tied up in front slipped open. ‘ 0 friends, consider
now all about this.’ ‘ Princess, you are thinking of him to whom you
are married, (665) hence has the end of your sheet slipped open.’ Up
^ is long form of ‘ front’.
t These lines are constantly appearing in various songs. A crow is supposed
to be able to tell the whereabouts of any person, because it is a great traveller, and
because its caw is said to be * place, place,’ and hence it knows every
place.
1884.]
143
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
rose Princess Tilki, and said, ‘ Hear, O friends and companions. Yon
are bantering me. A falcon lias carried oif my husband. (670) He
has probably married somebody else. If he were here now, he would
have come to take me olf to his own house.’* * * § She stepped over the
fifth doorway, and passed through the sixth (675) and the seventh.
Behold, a flag is visiblef at the tank. Up rose Chalhki the barber’s
wife and spoke to the Princess. (Now Chalhki was a great favourite with
her.) And the friends and relations went on.
(680) In the meantime the crow flew to where the Prince was, and
cawed over his head. Up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ Hear you base-
born crow. Why, base-born one, did you caw ? (685) Up rose the goddess
Durga and said, ‘ Prince, the love of your life has joined you. And on
that account the crow cawed.’ Up came the friends and relations and
ascended the high bank of the tank. (690) Up rose the goddess Durga
and said, ‘ Hear, Prince Bijai, the love of your life has come. Now
go and block up the zandni glidt.^% Up rose the Prince, and sat down
and blocked the ghat. (695) Then said the friends and companions, and
Tilki, ‘ O Chalhki ask him who he is ; and say that these young ladies
want to bathe.’ Said Chalhki the barber’s wife. (700) ‘ 0 Princess, ask
him yourself.’ Then up rose Tilki and said, ‘ Hear, 0 merchant by the
tank, where is your house and home ? For what place have you
started ?§ (705) ^ My house is in Ghunghun, and I am come to the
fortress in the mountains.’ Said the friends and companions, ‘ Sir, be
good enough to leave the zandni ghdt, for the young ladies want to
bathe.’ (710) Up rose prince Bijai and said, ‘ Young ladies, one watch
will I consume in washing my teeth, the second watch in bathing, the
third in worshipping the goddess Durga, the fourth in eating, (715) the
fifth in making myself ready, and at the sixth watch will I leave the
ghat.’ Up rose the Princess Tilki and said, ‘ if Bawan Siiba hears this,
he will fill your skin with chaff.’ (720) When the prince heard this he
said, ‘ How is the proud Bawan Siiba ? I would like to see the bravery
of the father-in-law.’ II Then said Tilki, ‘ Hear, 0 merchant by the tank,
what is the mother, (725) of one who hath such beauty as you, like ?
What is your wife like, who could for the sake of gain send thee forth
* The ceremony of gaund, see note to verse 179.
f v 0 1^1^5 ‘be visible’.
it The zandni ghdt is the flight of steps at a tank reserved for Pardd-nishin
women. Loose or impudent fellows can easily and most effectually block it by
simply sitting near it, as no respectable woman will then approach it.
§ A is a dress or cloak worn by a man, which, when he is going on a
journoy, ho sends out on the way before him at an auspicious time.
II is here used, like ‘ brother-in-law,’ as an abusive term.
144
G. A. Grierson — The Sonfj of Bijai Mai.
[Sp. No.
into the world ? Shame upon their lives.’ (730) Up rose Prince Bijai
and said, ‘ What is ^Jour mother like, and what your husband like,
that you whose body is lovely as a flower, (735) are allowed to wander
alone in the forest. Shame upon their lives.’ ‘ What is your Honour’s
father’s name, and what your mother’s ? What is the name of your
brother (740) and of his wife ?’ Up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ What
is your Honour’s father’s name, and what your mother’s ?’ Saith Tilki,
(745) ‘ My father’s name is Bawan Sdba, my brother’s Manik Chand^
and my mother’s Maina.’ Saith Prince Bijai, ‘ My father’s name is
Gorakh Singh, (750) and my mother’s Ghaghelwa. My brother’s name is
Bandhir Chhattri, and his wife’s name is Sonmati.’ Up rose Princess
Tilki, and said, ‘ What is the name of your wife’s father, (755) and what
of her brother, and mother ? and what is your wife’s' name ?’ Up rose
Prince Bijai and said, ‘ What is the name of your husband’s father, (760)
and what of your husband’s elder brother ? What is the name of that
elder brother’s wife, and what is the name of your husband ?’ Saith
Tilki, ‘My husband’s father’s name is Gorakh Singh, (765) and my
husband’s elder brother’s name is Bandhir Chhattri. My husband’s
mother’s name is Gaghelwa, and that of my husband’s brother’s wife is
Sonmati, but I never came to know my husband’s name.’ Saith Prince
Bijai, (770) ‘ My wife’s father’s name is Bawan Siiba, and her mother’s
name is Maina, but my wife’s name I never came to know.’ When
Tilki heard these words she turned back her face which had been facing
him,^ (775) and Chalhki rose and said, ‘ Hear, my , brother-in- la w,f you
have been talking to your wife before you have taken her to your house. J
0 Prince, you must pay the customary forfeit.’ The Prince gave her
a gold mohar, (780) and then she continued, ‘ 0 Prince, in excellent
manner will I prepare the marriage platform for you, and will send for a
well-read pandit. In excellent manner will I send you home with your
wife.’ Up rose Prince Bijai and said, (785) ‘ I have taken the thirty-six
gods upon my head (in a vow) that till I shall have cut my father’s chains
(I will not do this).’ Then said the goddess Diirga to him, ‘ Leap upon
A woman cannot talk to her husband in public.
t A is the husband of a husband’s sister (^*J^). A woman is
billowed to banter with her Chalhki, of course, was not really married to
Tilki’s brother, but amongst women of the same village who are friends, it is cus¬
tomary to call each other sister or other blood-relations and when not of the same
village, sister-in-law or other relationship by marriage. In verse 678 we have seen
that Chalhki and the princess were great friends, and from this it evidently appears
that they did not belong to the same village. Hence they called each other sister-
in-law. And as Chalhki called Tilki her husband’s sister, she exercised the privilege
of bantering Tilki’s husband.
X See note about gaund to verse 179.
1884.]
145
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
tliy horse and ride away. These friends and companions (790) will
make yon forget your vow. Prince, look not behind or before.’ When
the Prince heard this (he leaped upon his horse), and when Tilki heard
it, she seized the horse’s bridle, saying, (795) ‘My Lord, hear my little
word. Twelve years have passed, and I have thought of the vermilion
of my forehead as but a dream.* To-day it has come back to me.
O husband stay here but one night. (800) In my body a fire is rising, O
husband, to-day put that fire out.’ Up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ Hear
me, 0 slender wife. How can I put that fire out ? (805) I have placed
the goddess Durga round my neck, and, if I do as you desire, all the gods
will be displeased with me. I would be killed in the open battle-field.’
When Tilki heard these words, she began to weep bitterly. (810) ‘ Hus¬
band, from to-day thou hast deserted me.’ Said the Prince, ‘Wife,
be patient in your heart. This very day will I conquer in the fight,
and come to your house.’ When she heard this she said (815) ‘ Hus¬
band, I will let go the horse’s bridle if to-day you will show me some of
your skill,’ but the prince touched the horse’s flanks with his heel, and
Hichchhal flew into the air.
The friends and companions returned (820) to the female apart¬
ments, to where was queen Maina, and her eye fell upon them. ‘ Ye
gods,’ said the queen ‘ Hear me. Princess Tilki. (825) I gave you
leave for two half hours, where have you passed the whole night, and
why is your face sad ?’ ‘0 mother, the tank was very exquisite, and I
went round and round it to look at it. (830) ’Twas there that I passed
the whole night. The west wind blew hard, and that is why my face
is sad.’ When the mother had heard this, they all went away to their
own apartments.
(835) In the meanwhile, the goddess Durga said, ‘ Prince, hear my
words. How is your lucky time. Your first fight will be with Manik
Chand, and your second with Bawan Suba’. (840) So he went to the
fortress of Jirhul, where flows the river Jhirjhir. He made his horse
to leap into it, and behold his sword fell into the river. Prince Bijai
began to lament, (845), ‘ Alas, I listened to no advice, but came to the
prison of my own accord. My sword has fallen into the Jhirjhir, how
now will I be able to show my bravery ?’ Lo, up rose the colt Hich¬
chhal and said (850) ‘ Prince, you were born from a Chhattri’s womb.
If you are distressed at so little as this, when the time for fighting with
weapons comes, how will you bear it ? Seven rivers of blood will
issue forth. (855) Prince, harden now your heart.’ Then said the colt
‘ Prince, hold the bridle tightly, and I will dive into the river Jhirjhir,
and bring out the sword in my teeth,’ (860) and, behold, Hichchhal
* Vermiliou is worn only by married women.
146 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai. [Sp. No.
brought out the sword, and went along to the fortress of Jirhul. Above
the fortress was planted a hedge of solid bamboos,* * * § and below was a
clump of (thorny) bdburs,f (865) and encircled by these was the fortress
of Jirhul. He cut down the bdburs,^ and with his sword the bamboos ;
and then he entered within the ramparts. The prince went round it in
all directions (870), but nowhere could he find an entrance to the inner
fort. At last on one side he found a doorway, but the doors were
tightly shut. Hichchhal gave them a violent kick,§ and the tightly shut
doors burst open. (875) There there were two watchmen, and saith the
goddess Durga, ‘ Hear, Prince Bijai, now is your time, make a beginning ||
here.’ (880) The prince killed both of these watchmen, (and cut ofi^)
their heads, and he gave his sword blood to taste. The Prince cut
through the second door, and the third door was cut through and the
fourth, (885) fifth and sixth. At the last were found all the shopkeepers,
and Bawan Suba’s prime -minister was seated there, casting up the
account of the food given to the prisoners. (890) Up rose the goddess
Durga and said, ‘ Kill all the shopkeepers, and the prime-minister.’ So
the prince hacked till he had made a clear space and then he cut through
the seventh door, (895) so that the edge of the sword became blunt. The
prisoners were all still in prison, and when they saw him they began to
weep. ‘ Is this Prince Manik Chand, (900) or King Bawan Siiba ?’
And they said, ‘ How will the King treat us ?’ But up rose Prince Bijai
and said, ‘ It is not my father-in-law Bawan Suba. (905) My name, O
prisoners, is Prince Bijai. Be patient in your hearts, and I will bring
back the vermilion to your (wives’) foreheads.’^ He began to cut the
bonds of the prisoners. He cut and cut and made a clear space. (910)
Then up he rose and said, ‘ Hear, 0 prisoners, plunder Bawan’s market,’
which they did, and then went to Bawan’s tank. Then up rose Prince Bijai
and said, (915) as he began to search for his father and his brother,
‘ What has become of my father Gorakh Singh, and what of my brother
Bandhir Chhattri ? Has Bawan Suba had them hung ? ’ Then up rose his
father Gorakh Singh** (920) (saying) ‘ Is this a goblin or a demon ?’ Up
rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ It is neither a goblin nor a demon. I came here
* ^ kind of thin, stronp^, male bamboo nsed for fences,
t is long form of or a hdhur clump.
X 'EIT^, see verse 215.
§ is long form of ‘ foot.’
II = a beginning.
^ See note to verse 798.
Evidently Gorakh Singh and Randhir had been imprisoned separately frojii
the rest of the marriage procession, and had not yet been released.
147
1884.] Q. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
to tlie prison of mine own accord, my name is Prince Bijai.’ (925) Then
said his father Gomkh Singh ‘ Have yon come of your own accord to
the prison ? You who are the last grasshopper of your family. You
have extinguished your family by doing so. How did you escape from
Sonmati ? (930) You are the support of her life.’ Then the Prince called
the goddess Durga to mind, and upset the millstone (which was laid
against the door of their dungeon), and stood face to face with them.
Prince Bijai began to weep, (935) ‘ 0 father has the Suba given you all
these tortures ?’ Up rose his father Gorakh Singh and said, and he and
Randhir began to weep, — up he rose and said, ‘ In a former life I got
written in my fate, (940) the (troubles) which I suffered in Bawan’s
fortress.’ He said, moreover, ‘ Go back. Prince, to your own country.’
‘ 0 father, up to now I have been but a single life, now we have become
three princes, (945) and in whatever direction I can look, I will take"*^
possession of the fortress,’ so saying he set fire to Bawan’s prison and
departed. He came to Bawan’s tank, (950) — to the tank called Bhawara.
Just then a procession of barbers was passing by, and the Prince had
them stopped and brought to him, and told them to shave all the pri¬
soners. He then bought them clothes, (955) and prepared food for them.
They all bathed, and according to the rank of each he gave them suit¬
able apparel. Up rose Prince Bijai and said, (960) * All you go home to
your houses together, my life (i. e. I) will remain here alone. Do you all
unite in blessing me. I myself will conquer in the fight and come home
today.’ Up rose the prisoners and said, (965) ‘ We will make a crowd
behind your honour,’ but the Prince said, ‘ Ho, all go to your own
country.’ So they all went away, only his father and his brother remained
behind. (970) So up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ Hear, my colt Hich-
chhal, take home my father and my brother.’ Away flew Hichchhal
towards the sky, and arrived at the country of Ghunghun. (975)
Sonmati’s gaze falls upon him, and she burns herself to ashes with
anger. ‘ 0 Hichchhal, what kind of corpse have you hung to yourself ?
Where have you left him who is my life. Hichchhal, haste and go to the
prince, (980) and be victorious in the fight and come back at once. Then
will I cover your hoofs with gold ’. Away went the colt Hichchhal to
where the tiger {i. e. Bijai) is crouching and told him all that Sonmati
had said. (985) Up rose the goddess Durga and said, ‘ Prince, now is
your time, come to the well of Bhawaranan.’ So he (destroyed) the
tank and mixed it up with dust, and took up his station by the well. (990)
Thither came some of Bawan’s damsels to draw water, and he began to
banter with them. ‘ Good sir, from what country are you a traveller ?
If king Bawan Suba hear of this, (995) he will kill you and fill your skin
see verse 215.
148
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mol.
[Sp. No.
with cha:ff.’ When the Prince heard these words, he smashed all
their water-jars, and tore from them their ornaments, and the damsels
went away from him with their clothes torn, (1000) and came to Bawan’s
andience-chamber. Said they, ‘ Hear, proud Bawan Suba, some king
has come, and cut all the fetters of your prisoners. (1005) He has
plundered Bawan’s market. He has fired the fortress of Jirhul. He
has mixed up your tank with dust, and he has brought us to this evil
plight. Has the woodworm attacked your arm, 0 Suba ? ’ (1010) When
Bawan heard these words he burnt himself to ashes with anger. ‘ Hear
me, son Manik Chand : make ready your army. Fasten the pad on Bba-
waranan the elephant, (1015) and seize the base-born one and bring him
here. I will see what sort of man he is. I will make the base-born
one cut grass.’ So the Prince makes ready his army, the dust whereof
reaches to heaven ; (1020) and the trumpets sound the call to battle.
Up rose the goddess Durga and said, ‘ Prince, here is Manik Chand’s
army. ’ So he made his horse to prance in the field, and stood up before
(the army) in answer to the challenge. (1025) He stopped all the army,
and the battle with weapons began. As the Prince attacked them,
Durga overshadowed (and protected him). He hacked and hewed
till he had cleared the battlefield,"^ (1030), and only Prince Manik
Chand survived. His nose he cut off, and then his ears and arms, and
then he tied him up with his horse’s heel-ropes. (1035) Manik Chand
went off to Bawan’s audience-chamber, and appeared before his eyes.
Bawan became filled with rage and drunk with it. Up rose the proud
Bawan Siiba and said, (1040) ‘ It would have been better if you had been
killed in the open battle-field than that you should come home with your
ears cut off. You were born from a Chhattri’s womb.’ When Bawan
had heard all this, he made ready his own army, (1045) and started, and
arrived at the open field, and then again began the battle with weapons.
The Prince hacked and hewed till he had cleared the battle-field, and
only King Bawan Siiba survived. (1050) With hands humbly clasped
Bawan says, ‘ Sir, hear my little word. I am your father-in-law. Spare
my life.’ But the Prince leaped and cut off his head. (1055) So he
hacked and hewed, till he had cleared the battle-field and went off to
Bawan’s castle.
Now the Prince begins to feel boastful. ‘If there had not been
strength in my thighs, if there had not been valour in my arms, then
(1060) what could the goddess Durga have done.’ At this the goddess
Durga became displeased, and the horse and Prince falls into a well.
Behold, Tilki had mounted a high upper room and, her gaze falling
* Lit. ‘ made a clear field ’.
1884.]
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bijai Mai.
149
upon the Prince, (1065) she cast magic arrows* * * § to him. Then she and
Chalkhi the barber’s wife came, and pulled out the prince by the arms.
They took him to the wheel of Bnddhii the potter. f (1070) Up rose
Princess Tilki and said, 0 Biiddhu, if yon will bring back the vermilion
to my forehead, I will give yon half my kingdom.
(Here the potter is supposed to bring the prince to life.) Then
Chalhki sent for a well-read pandit, and in excellent manner did the
prince take her off]: to his honse. (1075) Half her kingdom he gave
to the potter, and the other half did he now give to the Brahman.
The prince went ontside before the door of the palace, and there
was a yonnger brother of Tilki’s known as Snrnj Mall, who said, ‘ It is a
good thing he has come ont of the honse. (1080) Ho there, attack him
with fiery missiles.’ So (the servants) fired fiery missiles at him, and
Prince Bijai began to bnrn. Then (Tilki) began to call to memory all
the virtnons actions which she had performed in any of the three worlds.
‘ O my virtnons actions, nnite together and be my assistance.’ (1085)
So she throws ont magic arrows, and saved the prince. Then she took
a sword in her hand, and cnt off all (the enemies’) heads.
She had one little brother, still at the breast, remaining. (1090)
‘ Him,’ she said, ‘ I will take with me, and will thereby keep in existence
the relationship of brother, for, O my hnsband, I will sow B a wan’s castle
with charcoal. ’§ The prince made her ascend her litter, and started,
and they halted half way on the road. (1095) (Saith the little brother)
‘ I will sleep in the bosom of the prince.’ The prince became sleepy,
and the base-born little brother had with him fifty- six knives, which he
thrust into the prince’s throat, and then hid himself inside the litter.
(1100) The dawn came, and the morning broke, and saith the
princess, ‘ O Chalhki, wake my husband.’ Chalhki went to awake him,
but when she saw him, she fell fainting, and the princess Tilki began to
weep. (1105) ‘ On neither side have I any one now, for I deserted my
father’s house.’
In the meantime the sandal tree in Sonmati’s court-yard withered,
and her gaze fell upon it, and she fell upon the earth. (1110) Then she
ran, she ran to the goddess Hurga’s altar-platform. ‘ O Hurga, if the
lad 1 1 has committed a fault (spare him). I would never cutoff my
right hand.^ O Hurga, if the Prince is victorious this time, (1115)
* Lit. Indra’s arrow. A kind of magic weapon.
f The prince was evidently drowned. When a man is drowned, natives lay
him on a horizontal potter’s wheel, which they revolve rapidly to make him vomit.
The ceremony of gaund see verse 179.
§ I. e. bnrn it to ashes.
II is strong form of ‘ a boy.’
^ I. e. he is your devoted helper, and like a right hand to yon.
T T
150
G. A. Grierson — The Song of Bajai Mai.
[Sp. No.
I will thatch your temple with gold’. Then Sonmati hastened away to
the Prince, and there she called to mind her former virtuous actions.
She split open her finger-nail,* (1120) broughtf the prince into life,
and took him home. Then songs of rejoicings began to be played. So
up rose the Princess Sonmati, ‘ O Hemiya, now is the lucky time for the
prince,’ (1125) and up rose Prince Bijai and said, ‘ 0 Hemiya, tell my
sister-in-law to bring to me the boys who gave me good advice.’ So his
sister-in-law did so, (1130) and the Prince ordered them to be clothed in
apparel of honour, and had them all feasted on sweetmeats, and laughing
and sporting the boys went away.
Then the prince began to live as a householder, (1135) and called
upon the name of Pam. He held a great function in honour of the
goddess Durga, who was thus made very happy, (and said) ‘ O prince,
may you live for years from age to age.’
* Many persons are supposed to carry ambrosia in their finger, which is capable
of bringing dead persons to life. Cf. song of Gopi Chand, last paragraph.
t see verse 215.
1
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